(Translation) 陳時務箚

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  • 陳時務箚 진시무차(Jin simucha) 1594(2)
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  • 陳時務箚 진시무차(Jin simucha) 1594(3)
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  • 陳時務箚 진시무차(Jin simucha) 1594(4)
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  • 陳時務箚 진시무차(Jin simucha) 1594(5)

Original Script

Classical Chinese

English

1. [豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。 2. 今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。 3. 臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。 4. 且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。 5. 凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。有司卽日施行。以應古人賞不踰時之義。又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。官不得推。人不得奪。愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。 6. 竊聞方伯之臣。或有捕賊所得者。如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。若不滿元報之數。則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。故傳相戒勑。不復捕賊云。臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。 7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。 8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。 9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。 10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。 11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。 12.而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。 13. 騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期。 2-1. 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。 2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞"其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。" 2-3. 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。 2-4. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。 2-5. 不能因勢利導。每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。約日徐趨。而瞭望不審。斥候不遠。賊之間諜甚多。耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。故我軍每戰每敗。 臣之愚意。當精抄銳軍。混其服色。自相誌別。散布遠近。潛相約束。或晝或夜。出沒無定。隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。又不定處所。 2-6. 使賊莫測多少。如京城四面數十里之內。無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。 2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。 2-8. 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。 2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。 2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。 2-11.且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。 2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。 2-13. 臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)

(translation)

Translation

Student 1 : Martin

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[豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

[The Great Lord of P'ungwŏn, your minister humbly considers] Todays state of affairs has already reached extreme danger and urgency. There is nothing we can do anymore. Daily we look towards the Ming Army,#1 but they retreat and do not come. The end of the year is already pressing closer. Our country has shown allegiance towards China#2 to the farthest degree. If today we are befallen by disaster; this is also due to China.#3 However China does not rush towards our rescue, letting the world come to chaos. If there are [talented] people in China dealing with the affairs it would surely not be like this.

1. lit. Tang-Soldiers, ...

2. lit. China...

3.

• Discussion Questions:

1. As a civil official Ryu Sŏng-ryong is providing detailed knowledge of military and organizational matters, from where does his insight originate?

Student 2 : YoungSuk

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今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

Now from Sunan to Yongch'ŏn the accumulated grains of both the official and private collections amount to several tens of thousand sŏk. I am afraid that one morning suddenly the Japanese soldiers will come down and our food collection will end up in their stomach. Not to mention our own troops just sitting and eating, daily consumption of food will be enormous. Men carrying things on their backs and women on their heads, the roads are filled with lines of people carrying all the resources to be utilized for the military provision to the point that there is not even a single thread left in the province. In this situation how could it [the Chinese aid] be delayed any further?

• Discussion Questions:

1. It sounds the Chosŏn people that time are so extremely demoralized. What are the causes which led their attitudes to such a way? Or is this the author's personal expression of despair? 2. The author mentions that there is not a single soul who would die to save the country from such the dire situation. However, historical records contain a number of patriots including Confucian scholars and Buddhist monks who were willing to sacrifice their lives to save the country. So, what does the author's statement regarding this issue mean to be more precise?

Student 3 : (Jinsook)

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Therefore, I wish I could explain this situation clearly to the Ming General and obtain his decisive remark so that he could direct the multiple of his high-ranking military generals to centralize the control of military; to remove any intention of delay/retreat; and to carry out a strategy to save lives from the threat of death.

• Discussion Questions:

What roles did Neo-Confucian scholars play in mobilizing the righteous army in Imjin war?

Student 4 : (Soyun Lee)

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Also, your minister has this to say: The state of affairs is so risky and urgent like this. What can be relied on, if any, is that we can hope for the minds of people. If people's minds are divided, then there is nothing to be done further.

• Discussion Questions:

What effect did he expect his memorials to have in practical terms? As a prime minister, what capacity did he have to handle the state affairs in the war time? How were the conditions of the war when he wrote this memorials? What did the Ming troops do in response to the Japanese campaign to the Korean peninsula in 1572? How do you think his suggestion of measures? Do you think it is a great strategy?

Student 5 : (Write your name)

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• Discussion Questions:

Student 6 : (Irina)

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Question on Ryu Seong-ryong

Ryu Seong-ryong was the founder of the Ryu lineage of Hahoe village, Andong. Once the village was a center of Confucian culture and elite, and nowadays it became a symbol of the folk culture. Try to explain this transformation considering Korean policy of popularizing Korean "traditional" culture.

竊聞方伯之臣。

I have heard that local magistrates

或有捕賊所得者。

sometimes catch bandits.

如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。

And every time when it happens, taken goods are sent to the capital.

若不滿元報之數。

And If the booty is not big enough

則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。

they know that after catch the bandit, people will have to pay the rest.

故傳相戒勑。 ???

不復捕賊云。

And they no longer will catch bandits.

臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

Your humble minister would like to ask you as quickly as possible to descent an official decree and spread it across the country.

Student 7 : (Kim Young)

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7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

Gangwon Province links Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong Provinces. The mountains and forests there are rough and steep. Although there are not many soldiers in the province, but within the mountains and caves, those who live by hunting and make name for themselves as mountain men, are not small in number. If we rewarded them handsomely to summon them, gave good treatment to their wives and family, and dispatched them as ambush for day or night to come out and catch the bandits off-guard, then the bandits' northern route will be severed from its head to tail, and our eastern and southern forces could be connected.

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

This was eventually an army that hid from danger, it was not a strategy for restoration. Moreover, in Choi Won's army, the soldiers carried stacks of straw on their bodies [to feed the horse?][1]. Their faces turned pale with fright, and for several months they suffered hunger and cold. Like zombies they looked at each other. Since Choi Won was useless and untalented, so the soldiers could not hope for him to make things work. But the court also did not take measures, causing the innocent soldiers to wear out and yet no one took pity on them. Everywhere people have heard about this. So how could people all the more have the heart to diligently serve the king?

[1] Choi Won (崔遠, active 1580-1600) was a military officer of the mid-Joseon period. In 1592, he led a troop of 1,000 to fight against the Japanese invaders in Yeosan (modern day Iksan in Jeollabuk-do).

• Discussion Questions:

1. Throughout Ryu Seongryong's memorial, the question of administering the righteous / private army seems to be a matter of critical concern. What are Ryu Seongryong's suggestions for using the righteous army to the maximum effect? How are we to fully understand the rise and role of the righteous army during the Imjin War?

2. Ryu Seongryong gives different roles to people of each provinces to help with the war effort. What does his instructions tell us about the nature of this war and the role of common people in it?

3. Ryu Seongryong's memorial is deeply concerned about food supply for the troops. What does it tell us about the nature of pre-modern warfare?

Student 8 : (Masha)

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8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。

Your Subject thinks that the military forces for retrieval of the capital should be separated into three lines. The troops of Yangju, Pocheon, Jeokseon, Yongpyeong, Gapyeong and other counties would belong to one Commanding General. Like what [General] Ko Ŏnbaek did they will block the eastern frontier.

• Discussion Questions:
  

1. How does the memorial reflect the state of Korean military preparation and organization at the time from geographical and tactical perspectives? How can this document (what particular details) be helpful in learning about the first year of Imjin war and its causes?
2. By what means does Ryu Seong-ryong obtain detailed information about each region, the people who lived there and the current situation? How did information channels work?

Student 9 : (Jong Woo Park)

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9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

The military garrisons in Kyŏdong, Kanghwa, Koyang, Kyoha, and others[1] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can surround and guard [the capital] from four different directions. The military garrisons in the south of the Han River such as Kwangju, Kwach’ŏn, Suwŏn and others[2] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can block [the road] from the south.

[1] These towns were located in the west of the capital. Currently, they belong to Kanghwa County and Koyang City. [2] Kwangju was located in the southeast of the capital. Kwach’ŏn and Suwŏn were located in the south of the capital.

• Discussion Questions:

1. Scholars often attribute Chosŏn's failure of preventing/defending itself from the Japanese invasions to its long-lasting factional stripe. Is there any part in this document that reflects the influence of factionalism?

2. Some argue that nationalism (or proto-nationalism) in Korea was shaped during the Hideyoshi Invasion in its collective process of fending off Japanese. Is there any part in this document that evidences the existence of (proto-)nationalism in Korea?

Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)

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In this passage, Ryu Song-ryong attempts to mobilize a group of bandits from various regions into Choson's regular military system. This represents that the Choson dynasty army was extremely weak and debilitating at the time. Then, what was the most serious problem inherent in Choson's military system in the 16th century? Further, why was the Choson government so unprepared for the Japanese invasion as such?

Student 11 : (Hu Jing)

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11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

Thereafter, merge the Gangwon troops with the eastern troops, join the forces of the Ganghwa troops with the western troops, and unite the Chungcheong troops with the southern troops. In this way, （the troops can) look for (good) opportunity (to launch offensive attack), by luring the bandits to the front or pushing them back. (Like this,) every troop unifies the mind and gathers in crowds from several directions, and eventually the bandits (will be put to rout as easy as capturing) a rabbit trapped in a net.

• Discussion Questions:

1. There were two military forces during the war, namely private amies (義兵) and official troops (官軍). How was the relationship between these two forces and how did they associate with each other?

2. From the perspective of geography, how should we evaluate the importance of Honam area during the Japanese invasion?

Student 12 : King Kwong Wong

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12. 而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

And inside the capital, there must also have people who respond from within and butcher [the Japanese]. Now, I heard the voluntary soldiers of various places, each loves their hometown, and each gathered in separate garrison. But on each day they only capture several scattered bandits.

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

• Discussion Questions:

1. What were the weaknesses of the Chosŏn government in dealing with this national crisis? Considering what Yu Sŏng-nyong writes in his memorial, why did the Chosŏn army fail to defend its country?

Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren)

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騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期

They galloped to report their victory. But they have never confronted the bandits in large numbers.in addition, the government army and righteous/private army are distinguished from each other. The marching (of the two armies) are not coordinated. (If one side was defeated), they would not come to the other’s rescue. For this reason, the militaristic momentum is isolated and inept. Every day (the army is) dissolving and deserting. There will never be a day that the bandits could be eradicated.

discussion question:

Being a prominent Confucian literato, how practical are Ryu Seong-ryong’s proposed strategies to defend Korea against the Japanese? In an ultimate national crisis like the Imjin Waeran, how the conventional distinctions between 문and 무 changed in Chosŏn society? Scholars like JaHyun Kim Haboush have argued that the spontaneous resistance organized by the righteous army marked the beginning of a prototype Korean nationalism. How is Ryu Seong-ryong’s assessment of the righteous army compare to this view?

Student 14 : (Write your name)

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• Discussion Questions: