"(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記"의 두 판 사이의 차이

2017년 7월 13일 (목) 14:19 판

Introduction

Original Script

Translation

Student 1 : (Write your name)

• Discussion Questions:

1. 10

Are there cases in the Korean tradition of adopting daughters?

What is the practice of adopting children in modern Korea? When a couple can not have children, do they adopt a relative's child as it was in the past?

Student 2 : (Kim Young 김영)

• Discussion Questions:

Document #9 (Kim Myeongyeol, 1669)

1. What is Kim Myeongyeol's reasoning for prohibiting married daughters' household from organizing sacrificial rites for her ancestors? How compelling is the reasoning? (For example, how compelling is the rhetoric of hair in the food, given that even in the first son's household it was actually the wife who prepared all the food?) How did such family prohibitions against daughters organizing sacrificial rites affect the socio-economic status of women in 17th-century Joseon Korea?

2. In Kim Myeongyeol's document of property distribution, we can find a direct connection between the responsibility of organizing sacrificial rites and the right to claim greater share of inheritance. Does the neo-Confucian classics state that family property should be divided in proportion to each family's contribution to continuing the lineage, or was it a Korean invention during the Joseon dynasty?

3. Kim Myeongyeol emphasizes many times that his way of dividing the property is different from what other elite families commonly did at the time. What is he implying by saying this? By interpreting and following the neo-Confucian regulations and doctrines more strictly, was he trying to make a statement that his family was more cultivated than other elite families?

Document #10 (Kim Beon, 1688)

1. Kim Beon did not bear a son until his first wife died, but instead of taking a concubine he adopted his nephew as the son to carry on the lineage. What could have motivated him to make such a choice? Between taking a concubine and adopting a nephew, which do you think is the better way?

Document #11 (Jeong Misu Myeongmun, 1493)

1. In this document, the concubine Geunbi is described as a demoralized, licentious person. Can we take such words at face-value? If not, why?

Document #12 (Jeong Misu Yuseo, 1509)

1. Jeong Misu atones for his taking of concubine by asserting that she was only to play with, and he never brought her home to live with him and his wife. In the standards of the early Joseon dynasty, was there a significant (legal and moral) difference between affairs happening away from the household and inside household? Do you think there is any fundamental difference between the two?

Student 3 : (Masha)

• Discussion Questions:
  

1. Documents 11 and 12. It seems like that concubines, despite their low status, possessed certain power and threat to yangban families in cases of property division and lineage of their children. At the same time, the content of the document did not reflect the concubine's position and reflected negatively on her so it might or might not be true. Is it possible to say what would have happened if documents such as 11 and 12 were not composed? How strong was the voice of concubine, especially vs the representatives of the noble families?
2. Document 9. The idea for unequal property distribution between man and woman was a new predilection that started to appear at that time. The author goes into many details and explanations to support the idea which means it was not a common sense at the time. At the same time it might have been the case that the idea was in the air yet there was no strong justification for it until Zhu Xi's ideas. Are there are any other sources or documents that support the idea of unequal property distribution yet with alternative justification?

Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)

• Discussion Questions:

Read Document no. 9. How does a male yangban from a prominent local family rationalize the unequal inheritance? Given his descriptions of other families whose custom is different from his, why do you think that he needs to rationalize his plan for the unequal inheritance?

Read Document no. 10. Why do you think that the institution of adoption is crucial in the maintenance and development of the yangban society of Chosǒn?

Read Document no. 11 and 12. What might be the intention behind this document? Why do you think the author, Mr. Chǒng, wrote these documents? What kind of benefits can his legitimate wife obtain from these documents? How does the legitimate wife think about her husbands concubinage?

Student 5 : (Write your name)

• Discussion Questions:

Student 6 : (Hu Jing)

• Discussion Questions:

Q-11: As we know, a contract is sort of an agreetment between two individuals. But when Jeong Misu wrote the contract to his wife, we cannot find his wife's name at the end of the document. Was it still valid?

Q-11&12: In the Joseon dynasty, was it a convention to invite witnesses when making the document? What kind of people could be the witness? It seems the witnesses conventionally consist of the person writing the documents himself, close relatives, and local literati with high reputation.

Student 7 : King Kwong Wong

• Discussion Questions:

1. In general, what is the relationship between the lineage heir (the one who continue the main lineage) and his brothers? How did the responsible of sacrificial rite matter in this regard? What benefits did it bring to the lineage heir?

1. For no.9, what were the reasons for the Choson society to change the inheritance practice in line with that of the Confucian ideal promoted bu Zhu Xi?

1. In the case of no.10, where the lineage heir was an adoptive son, while the biological son became the successor of the deceased younger brother, would it cause confusion and conflict to future generations as to who or which branch should continue the main lineage? Or in other words, did biological relations matter? How effective was the legal document to ensure the maintenance of lineage?

Student 8 : (임치균Zhijun Ren)

• Discussion Questions:

1. During Choson period, what type of social institutions enforced the distribution of properties described in these compacts?

2. In the case of dispute, what were the higher authority people could appeal to?

3. how does the use of idu in these private compacts minimize misunderstanding of the texts?

Student 9 : 마틴

• Discussion Questions:

Document 8:

1. Is the author of this document gaining something from monopolizing the sacrificial rites in the primary line of family succession? Consider economic, social and cultural capital

Document 9:

1. What can you tell about Choson customs and attitudes toward the role of sons, considering the author division of wealth between his adopted son and his own sons (with secondary wife)?

2. The names of the slaves are transcribed with hanja chosen by their masters, however could the slaves choose their own names(sounds) in the first place?

Document 10&11:

1. Slave women/Kisaeng at the court were aware of the wealth enjoyed by their patrons, what strategies of elevation their children’s status can you discern from this document? And what strategies were employed to deny rights?

2. The author employs “hearsay” in a legal document, can this be legally binding?

Student 10 : (YoungSuk)

• Discussion Questions:

Document 9:

1. Kim Myŏng-yŏl claims that daughters are not as thickly attached to their parents as sons are, and therefore they are less important, or their value is one third of that of sons. This sounds foreign probably even early Chosŏn Korean families, let alone the tradition of the former dynasties. What is the basis of his thinking in such a discriminative way? If this is the new trend of thinking at that time, what did they (those Neo-Confucian scholar-officials) expect to gain?

2. One of the reasons that women were treated as undeserved for participating in the ancestral worship is described as that they could drop hair in the sacrificial food. This sounds only an excuse to lower their status, as in fact women cared for cleaning, cooking, and preparing good food for their families and ancestors. So, is this one of the convenient excuses to establish gender inequality by the male gender of human race?

Document 11.

1. This document of early Chosŏn likewise reflects the former dynasty tradition of women's status. These periods seem nearly as advanced as the contemporary time in terms of equality. How can we evaluate the women's status and its influence in nation's ups and downs in Korean history?

Student 11 : (Write your name)

• Discussion Questions:

Student 12 : (Do-hee Jeong)

• Discussion Questions:

all about documents is related women's social status. in the middle of joeseon dynasty, when was big changes, for example, invasions of Korea by Japan’s Hideyoshi, literati purge, etc. the changed cause to transfer of political power. the women's social status is influenced by the ruling forces then?

Student 13 : (Write your name)

• Discussion Questions:

Student 14 : (Jaeyoon Song)

• Discussion Questions:

Document #9: 1.How do you think the principle of primogeniture served the interests of the Kim family? 2. Why do you think the Kims accepted Zhu Xi's family rituals? 3. According to the document, how were the sacrificial rites generally practiced in late 17th century Joseon? 4. How are we to understand the grave social changes that took place in 17th century Korea? Was it merely the Confucianization of Korea? Or do we have another term to identify such changes?

Document # 10: 1. Why did Kim Beon adopt the son of his diseased brother in the first place? 2. Given the ways in which the family properties were distributed among the three children of his (one adopted, the other two biological), what do you think was the most important principle of property division at this time of Joseon? 3. What can we make of the sacrificial rites they practiced? What were social, economic, and religious roles of the sacrificial rites at the time?

Document #11 and #12: 1. Why do you think Jeong Misu created this document? 2. How does this document serve Jeong's legitimate wife?

Further Readings