http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/api.php?action=feedcontributions&user=%EB%A7%88%ED%8B%B4&feedformat=atom장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]2024-03-28T10:36:42Z사용자 기여MediaWiki 1.27.1http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E5%BE%A1%E8%A3%BD%E5%BB%A3%E8%95%A9&diff=5460(Translation) 御製廣蕩2017-07-21T02:42:28Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩<br />
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')<br />
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]<br />
|Year = 1774<br />
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo], <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774<br />
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742<br />
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773<br />
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774<br />
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
The discrimination against secondary sons 庶孼 (Sŏŏl) had been a longstanding issue in Chosŏn up to the reign of King Yŏngjo that had been discussed quite vehemently among nearly every generation of officials and literati. With foundation of the Chosŏn-Dynasty in 1392 Neo-Confucian thought, or Zhu Xis re-interpretation of the Confucian canon that was already circulating for some time among Korean literati, became the foundation for the belief system of the elites. A transformation of the social structure oriented on Zhu Xis Family Rituals (朱子家禮) set in, which has to be viewed as long term process, only completely penetrating the Korean society at the end of the 17th century. In order to follow the stipulation of the Family Rituals for the oldest son to take over family succession in the polygamous relations a main wife (妻) had to be distinguished from other, secondary wives (妾). Main wives came exclusively from yangban families while secondary wives had commoner or slave background, which was conferred to their sons. This was instated in law after 1413.<br />
<br />
Therefore secondary sons were heavily discriminated against in joining the government and especially in taking over family succession in legal as well as ritual aspects. This often presented family succession, including the transfer of wealth and reputation, with a dilemma if the main marriage bore no male heir or no children at all. Instead of instating secondary sons however, as their status was considered low, sons of cousins or adopted children were preferred to be put into succession.<br />
<br />
Many secondary sons of yangban were well educated in their fathers houses, but had only a few ways to gain access to power or to receive recognition for their talents. Moreover as their status was further inherited to their own offspring they had could have no sense building a future. However as they received an education secondary sons were no voiceless group like slaves, but actually formed a visible group often criticizing or being in opposition to state policy. Famous scholars like Yi I also broke with the existing law and set up secondary sons as successors and questioned the laws or norms on discriminating secondary sons won high levels. Yŏngjos decision to abolish these discriminations is probably fueled by his own background as the son of a secondary wife. King Sukchong already before him had tried to lift the restrictions against the Sŏŏl against heavy backlash from the elites that feared harm of their own status. <br />
<br />
This document refers to a decree promulgated by Yŏngjo the day before, in which he actually lifted a lot of discriminations put on secondary sources. However the practical effects of this decree need to be further evaluated as the situation of secondary sons surely improved but was not fully alleviated as later documents and regulations on the issue suggest. <br />
<br />
<br />
===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====<br />
<br />
*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]<br />
<br />
上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。 文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 <br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日<br />
<br />
||<br />
Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774). <br />
<br />
1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001<br />
<br />
2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings. <br />
|-<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===<br />
----<br />
Translation:<br />
<br />
御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).<br />
<br />
1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001<br />
<br />
2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===<br />
----<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession <br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached? <br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然<br />
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have. <br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 <br />
Endless greed is the human nature.<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
With the decree, they will all know my intention. <br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 <br />
April 18, 1774 <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
御製廣蕩 <br />
Royal Writing on Great Harmony<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 <br />
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典) <br />
이 부족하다 결전) <br />
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking. <br />
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟 <br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers. <br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 <br />
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed. <br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 <br />
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
<br />
=='''Secondary Sources'''==<br />
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents<br />
<br />
Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents <br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E5%BE%A1%E8%A3%BD%E5%BB%A3%E8%95%A9&diff=5458(Translation) 御製廣蕩2017-07-21T02:41:12Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩<br />
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')<br />
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]<br />
|Year = 1774<br />
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo], <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774<br />
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742<br />
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773<br />
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774<br />
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
The discrimination against secondary sons 庶孼 (Sŏŏl) had been a longstanding issue in Chosŏn up to the reign of King Yeongjo that had been discussed quite vehemently among nearly every generation of officials and literati. With foundation of the Chosŏn-Dynasty in 1392 Neo-Confucian thought, or Zhu Xis re-interpretation of the Confucian canon that was already circulating for some time among Korean literati, became the foundation for the belief system of the elites. A transformation of the social structure oriented on Zhu Xis Family Rituals (朱子家禮) set in, which has to be viewed as long term process, only completely penetrating the Korean society at the end of the 17th century. In order to follow the stipulation of the Family Rituals for the oldest son to take over family succession in the polygamous relations a main wife (妻) had to be distinguished from other, secondary wives (妾). Main wives came exclusively from yangban families while secondary wives had commoner or slave background, which was conferred to their sons. This was instated in law after 1413.<br />
<br />
Therefore secondary sons were heavily discriminated against in joining the government and especially in taking over family succession in legal as well as ritual aspects. This often presented family succession, including the transfer of wealth and reputation, with a dilemma if the main marriage bore no male heir or no children at all. Instead of instating secondary sons however, as their status was considered low, sons of cousins or adopted children were preferred to be put into succession.<br />
<br />
Many secondary sons of yangban were well educated in their fathers houses, but had only a few ways to gain access to power or to receive recognition for their talents. Moreover as their status was further inherited to their own offspring they had could have no sense building a future. However as they received an education secondary sons were no voiceless group like slaves, but actually formed a visible group often criticizing or being in opposition to state policy. Famous scholars like Yi I also broke with the existing law and set up secondary sons as successors and questioned the laws or norms on discriminating secondary sons won high levels. Yŏngjos decision to abolish these discriminations is probably fueled by his own background as the son of a secondary wife. King Sukchong already before him had tried to lift the restrictions against the Sŏŏl against heavy backlash from the elites that feared harm of their own status. <br />
<br />
This document refers to a decree promulgated by Yŏngjo the day before, in which he actually lifted a lot of discriminations put on secondary sources. However the practical effects of this decree need to be further evaluated as the situation of secondary sons surely improved but was not fully alleviated as later documents and regulations on the issue suggest. <br />
<br />
<br />
===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====<br />
<br />
*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]<br />
<br />
上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。 文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 <br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日<br />
<br />
||<br />
Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774). <br />
<br />
1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001<br />
<br />
2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings. <br />
|-<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===<br />
----<br />
Translation:<br />
<br />
御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).<br />
<br />
1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001<br />
<br />
2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===<br />
----<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession <br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached? <br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然<br />
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have. <br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 <br />
Endless greed is the human nature.<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
With the decree, they will all know my intention. <br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 <br />
April 18, 1774 <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
御製廣蕩 <br />
Royal Writing on Great Harmony<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 <br />
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典) <br />
이 부족하다 결전) <br />
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking. <br />
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟 <br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers. <br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 <br />
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed. <br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 <br />
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
<br />
=='''Secondary Sources'''==<br />
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents<br />
<br />
Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents <br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E5%BE%A1%E8%A3%BD%E5%BB%A3%E8%95%A9&diff=5457(Translation) 御製廣蕩2017-07-21T02:39:35Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩<br />
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')<br />
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]<br />
|Year = 1774<br />
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo], <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774<br />
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742<br />
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773<br />
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774<br />
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
The discrimination against secondary sons 庶孼 (Sŏŏl) had been a longstanding issue in Chosŏn up to the reign of King Yeongjo that had been discussed quite vehemently among nearly every generation of officials and literati. With foundation of the Chosŏn-Dynasty in 1392 Neo-Confucian thought, or Zhu Xis re-interpretation of the Confucian canon that was already circulating for some time among Korean literati, became the foundation for the belief system of the elites. A transformation of the social structure oriented on Zhu Xis Family Rituals (朱子家禮) set in, which has to be viewed as long term process, only completely penetrating the Korean society at the end of the 17th century. In order to follow the stipulation of the Family Rituals for the oldest son to take over family succession in the polygamous relations a main wife (妻) had to be distinguished from other, secondary wives (妾). Main wives came exclusively from yangban families while secondary wives had commoner or slave background, which was conferred to their sons. This was instated in law after 1413.<br />
<br />
Therefore secondary sons were heavily discriminated against in joining the government and especially in taking over family succession in legal as well as ritual aspects. This often presented family succession, including the transfer of wealth and reputation, with a dilemma if the main marriage bore no male heir or no children at all. Instead of instating secondary sons however, as their status was considered low, sons of cousins or adopted children were preferred to be put into succession.<br />
<br />
Many secondary sons of yangban were well educated in their fathers houses, but had only a few ways to gain access to power or to receive recognition for their talents. Moreover as their status was further inherited to their own offspring they had could have no sense building a future. However as they received an education secondary sons were no voiceless group like slaves, but actually formed a visible group often criticizing or being in opposition to state policy. Famous scholars like Yi I also broke with the existing law and set up secondary sons as successors and questioned the laws or norms on discriminating secondary sons won high levels. Yŏngjos decision to abolish these discriminations is probably fueled by his own background as the son of a secondary wife. King Sukchong already before him had tried to lift the restrictions against the Sŏŏl against heavy backlash from the elites that feared harm of their own status. <br />
<br />
This document refers to a decree promulgated by Yŏngjo the day before, in which he actually lifted a lot of discriminations put on secondary sources. However the practical effects of this decree need to be further evaluated as the situation of secondary sons surely improved but was not fully alleviated as later documents and regulations on the issue suggest. <br />
<br />
<br />
===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====<br />
<br />
*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]<br />
<br />
上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。 文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 <br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日<br />
<br />
||<br />
Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774). <br />
|-<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===<br />
----<br />
Translation:<br />
<br />
御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).<br />
<br />
1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001<br />
<br />
2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===<br />
----<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession <br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached? <br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然<br />
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have. <br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 <br />
Endless greed is the human nature.<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
With the decree, they will all know my intention. <br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 <br />
April 18, 1774 <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
御製廣蕩 <br />
Royal Writing on Great Harmony<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 <br />
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典) <br />
이 부족하다 결전) <br />
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking. <br />
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟 <br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers. <br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 <br />
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed. <br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 <br />
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
<br />
=='''Secondary Sources'''==<br />
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents<br />
<br />
Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents <br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E5%BE%A1%E8%A3%BD%E5%BB%A3%E8%95%A9&diff=5455(Translation) 御製廣蕩2017-07-21T02:35:35Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩<br />
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')<br />
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]<br />
|Year = 1774<br />
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo], <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774<br />
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742<br />
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773<br />
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774<br />
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
The discrimination against secondary sons 庶孼 (Sŏŏl) had been a longstanding issue in Chosŏn up to the reign of King Yeongjo that had been discussed quite vehemently among nearly every generation of officials and literati. With foundation of the Chosŏn-Dynasty in 1392 Neo-Confucian thought, or Zhu Xis re-interpretation of the Confucian canon that was already circulating for some time among Korean literati, became the foundation for the belief system of the elites. A transformation of the social structure oriented on Zhu Xis Family Rituals (朱子家禮) set in, which has to be viewed as long term process, only completely penetrating the Korean society at the end of the 17th century. In order to follow the stipulation of the Family Rituals for the oldest son to take over family succession in the polygamous relations a main wife (妻) had to be distinguished from other, secondary wives (妾). Main wives came exclusively from yangban families while secondary wives had commoner or slave background, which was conferred to their sons. This was instated in law after 1413.<br />
<br />
Therefore secondary sons were heavily discriminated against in joining the government and especially in taking over family succession in legal as well as ritual aspects. This often presented family succession, including the transfer of wealth and reputation, with a dilemma if the main marriage bore no male heir or no children at all. Instead of instating secondary sons however, as their status was considered low, sons of cousins or adopted children were preferred to be put into succession.<br />
<br />
Many secondary sons of yangban were well educated in their fathers houses, but had only a few ways to gain access to power or to receive recognition for their talents. Moreover as their status was further inherited to their own offspring they had could have no sense building a future. However as they received an education secondary sons were no voiceless group like slaves, but actually formed a visible group often criticizing or being in opposition to state policy. Famous scholars like Yi I also broke with the existing law and set up secondary sons as successors and questioned the laws or norms on discriminating secondary sons won high levels. Yŏngjos decision to abolish these discriminations is probably fueled by his own background as the son of a secondary wife. King Sukchong already before him had tried to lift the restrictions against the Sŏŏl against heavy backlash from the elites that feared harm of their own status. <br />
<br />
This document refers to a decree promulgated by Yŏngjo the day before, in which he actually lifted a lot of discriminations put on secondary sources. However the practical effects of this decree need to be further evaluated as the situation of secondary sons surely improved but was not fully alleviated as later documents and regulations on the issue suggest. <br />
<br />
<br />
===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====<br />
<br />
*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]<br />
<br />
上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。 文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
|-<br />
|}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===<br />
----<br />
Translation:<br />
<br />
御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).<br />
<br />
1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001<br />
<br />
2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===<br />
----<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession <br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached? <br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然<br />
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have. <br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 <br />
Endless greed is the human nature.<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
With the decree, they will all know my intention. <br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 <br />
April 18, 1774 <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
御製廣蕩 <br />
Royal Writing on Great Harmony<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 <br />
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典) <br />
이 부족하다 결전) <br />
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking. <br />
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟 <br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers. <br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 <br />
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed. <br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 <br />
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
<br />
=='''Secondary Sources'''==<br />
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents<br />
<br />
Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents <br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E5%BE%A1%E8%A3%BD%E5%BB%A3%E8%95%A9&diff=5451(Translation) 御製廣蕩2017-07-21T02:27:33Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩<br />
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')<br />
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]<br />
|Year = 1774<br />
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo], <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774<br />
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742<br />
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773<br />
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774<br />
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
The discrimination against secondary sons 庶孼 (Sŏŏl) had been a longstanding issue in Chosŏn up to the reign of King Yeongjo that had been discussed quite vehemently among nearly every generation of officials and literati. With foundation of the Chosŏn-Dynasty in 1392 Neo-Confucian thought, or Zhu Xis re-interpretations of the Confucian Canon that was already circulating for some time among Korean literati, became the dominant belief system among the elites of the state. A transformation of the social structure oriented on Zhu Xis Family Rituals (朱子家禮) set in, which as to be viewed as long term process, only completely penetrating the Korean society at the end of the 17th century. In order to follow the stipulation of the Family Rituals for the oldest son to take over family succession in the polygamous a main wife (妻) had to be distinguished from other, secondary wives (妾). Main wives came exclusively from yangban families while secondary wives had commoner or slave background, which was conferred to their sons. This was instated in law after 1413.<br />
<br />
Therefore secondary sons were heavily discriminated against in joining the government and especially in taking over family succession in legal as well as ritual aspects. This often presented family succession, including the transfer of wealth and reputation, with a dilemma if the main marriage bore no male heir or no children at all. Instead of instating secondary sons however, as their status was considered low, sons of cousins or adopted children were preferred to be put into succession.<br />
<br />
As many secondary sons of yangban were well educated in their fathers houses, but had only a few ways to gain access to power or to receive recognition for their talents. Moreover as their status was further inherited to their own offspring they had could have no sense building a future. However as they received an education secondary sons were no voiceless group like slaves, but actually formed a visible group often criticizing or being in opposition to state policy. Famous scholars like Yi I also often broke with the existing law and set up secondary sons as successors and the laws or norms on discriminating secondary sons were often questions on high levels. Yŏngjos decision to abolish these discriminations is probably fueled by his own background as the son of a secondary wife. King Sukchong already before him had tried to lift the restrictions against the Sŏŏl against heavy backlash from the elites that fear loss of their own status. <br />
<br />
This document refers to a decree promulgated by Yŏngjo the day before in which he actually lifts a lot of discriminations put on secondary sources. However the practical effects of this decree need to be further evaluated as the situation of secondary sons surely improved but was not fully alleviated as later documents and regulations on the issue suggest. <br />
<br />
<br />
===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====<br />
<br />
*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]<br />
<br />
上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。 文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
|-<br />
|}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===<br />
----<br />
Translation:<br />
<br />
御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony<br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity<br />
<br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking<br />
<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1<br />
<br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers<br />
<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded<br />
<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?<br />
<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this<br />
<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent<br />
<br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).<br />
<br />
1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001<br />
<br />
2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===<br />
----<br />
御製廣蕩<br />
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession <br />
<br />
幾百年後 能及古道<br />
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached? <br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然<br />
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典<br />
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have. <br />
嗟哉此理 爲子爲弟<br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.<br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣<br />
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.<br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾<br />
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.<br />
得隴尋蜀 人心皆然 <br />
Endless greed is the human nature.<br />
其令此輩 咸知予意<br />
With the decree, they will all know my intention. <br />
甲午年孟夏庚子日 <br />
April 18, 1774 <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
御製廣蕩 <br />
Royal Writing on Great Harmony<br />
幾百年後 能及古道 <br />
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.<br />
昨日以後 其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)<br />
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state. <br />
其於本事 猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典) <br />
이 부족하다 결전) <br />
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking. <br />
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟 <br />
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers. <br />
嗚呼暮年 吾事畢矣 <br />
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed. <br />
昔一名者 今何餘憾 <br />
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
<br />
=='''Secondary Sources'''==<br />
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents<br />
<br />
Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents <br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_Text9&diff=5382(Translation) Text92017-07-21T00:05:32Z<p>마틴: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG<br />
|Image = 죽계지.jpg<br />
|English = Records of the Bamboo Stream, Academy Regulations<br />
|Chinese = 竹溪志, 院規<br />
|Korean = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=GO#dir/node?grpId=&itemId=GO&gubun=book&depth=2&cate1=I&cate2=&dataGubun=%EC%84%9C%EC%A7%80&dataId=ITKC_GO_1440A 죽계지]<br />
|Genre = Literati Writings<br />
|Type = 學規<br />
|Author = 周世鵬<br />
|Year = 1543<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
<br />
【院規】 周世鵬<br />
<br />
一曰謹祀。二曰禮賢。三曰修宇。四曰備廩。五曰點書。<br />
夫不謹則祀不享。不禮則賢不至。宇不修則必壞。廩不備則必匱。書不點則必散。五者。不可以廢一也。<br />
<br />
斯文統檢。有司監掌。<br />
學田所出。每年十一月。院長成冊三件。一件申于官。一件報于斯文。一件留置院中。寶米所納。每年正月。成冊三件。其申報如前。必存本取息而用之。若不待存本而先用其息。則在民腹中而未納者。有本之名。無存之實。須以先納者充存其本。然後。用其所息。可也。今夫列邑司馬所。亦多置田立寶。然而送迎婚喪之需。或資於此。故其久保也。鮮矣。若書院則必以養賢爲主。無他耗費。然後。庶可支久。無大闕欠。<br />
<br />
別擇業文信愼者一人。爲院長。又擇一人。爲貳。共主院事。<br />
主院者若遠居。則雖有至誠。不得常常顧之。必致荒廢。須以大平 內外竹內外東 五里人爲之。可也。某初於舊興。得一士金仲文。俾掌文成公祠事。其所居至近。其用意甚專。刊荊榛開廟院。實賴其力。至於典祀禮賢。亦終始一心。使之久主廟院。必不中廢。某少時讀書諸山。間見有僧之創寺者。名曰化主。護其寺甚於護身。觀其志。雖所謂削足矐眼而不顧也。夫僧猶然。況於士人乎。余由是益信金生之愼護也。苟無大故。雖終身仍掌。可也。然若怠於禮賢。使訑訑之色拒人於千里之外。則亦不可一日爲是任也。誠在諸斯文審察何如耳。<br />
<br />
春秋大享。例卜季月上丁。上丁有故。改卜中丁。有故者。如國諱私諱之類。<br />
凡舍菜先聖。必於春秋仲月。而此則卜季月者。公旣配享仲月。而上巳之淸明重陽之佳節。卽公平生所浴禊遊賞於此者。追而祭之。公必樂而降歆。祭之日。盡會一鄕父老斯文秀士於溪上。而爲飮禧禮。相與風詠而歸。則所謂神人以和者。必於此而得之矣。<br />
<br />
備三獻官六執事。<br />
有司前期七日告斯文。豫定獻官及諸執事。<br />
<br />
致齋日。獻官點曬藏書。省視牆宇虧漏。會計米穀什物。受禧日。衆斯文共察之。<br />
若司馬有司則每節必檢。院中有司則每月必檢。<br />
<br />
邑宰子弟不得留滯貽弊。<br />
留滯則不但所率之丘侵弊守直之家。漁食隣閭。橫生憤怨。其漸不可勝言者。甚者。不敬廟庭。不謹書院。視淨室思淫。視華壁思穢。其毁瓦畫墁。未必不自子弟始。嗚呼。世有父兄仁而子弟未仁者。亦有子弟仁而父兄未仁者。聞吾言。豈不爲之回動乎。然固有父兄子弟俱仁者矣。而亦有父兄子弟俱爲未仁者。如吾望何。<br />
<br />
邑宰子弟。不得擅便書冊。<br />
擅便則必有因緣偸竊之弊。子弟之心。父兄豈盡知之。若携出院門。或致遺失。則人必曰偸竊也。其貽愧。當與竹溪同其流也。爲父兄者可不警哉。爲子弟者可不懼哉。某故不令子弟寓于此。欲防其源也。然有大志而無書冊。積誠來學之君子。則亦不可一切拘於此例也。<br />
<br />
禁射侯遊宴。<br />
鄕飮酒及斯文雅飮。則此固其地也。至於浮浪之輩。不解文字而醉紅裙拍肩執袂。歌呼嗚呼。必事淫泆而爲快者。則不但爲溪壑之所羞。將必有損於廟院。亦須從容忠告。勿使相近。可也。若暴禁則反遭不逞之怒。不如不禁之爲愈也。然聞吾言。彼必自避。亦不待禁也。<br />
<br />
復守直四家。人不得役。官不得奪。<br />
今之列邑爲私伴者。亦多矣。不奪彼而取此。則是武人高世之罪人也。<br />
<br />
凡入院之士。司馬則如入大學。其次初試入格者。雖非入格。其一心向學有操行而願入者。有司稟于斯文而迎之。<br />
夫開院固欲迎賢。若濫入則不肖者間之。非徒耗廩。將有損於書冊什物。愚者至而賢者必不肯來。亦荒廢廟院之一漸也。其擇尤不可不謹也。<br />
<br />
別置入院錄。凡入院之士。必自錄姓名。且記其來寓年月。<br />
夫題名者。豈偶然哉。後來者必披案歷指曰。某也學而爲己。某也學而爲人。某也生而有愧。某也沒而無怍。其窮達雖殊。而賢愚亦遠。嗚呼。可不懼乎。可不勉乎。<br />
<br />
<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
http://yn.ugyo.net/dir/list?uci=KSAC%2BY09%2BKSM-XE.1665.0000-20170630.Y1750107039<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1494%E5%B9%B4_%E6%9D%8E%E7%92%A6_%E7%94%B7%E5%A6%B9_%E5%92%8C%E6%9C%83%E6%96%87%E8%A8%98&diff=5336(Translation) 1494年 李璦 男妹 和會文記2017-07-20T17:09:20Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1494년이애남매화회문기1.jpg|<br />
|English = A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae<br />
|Chinese = 1494年 李璦 男妹和會文記<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1494년 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'')]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 李瑺, 李瑋, 李氏, 李琜, 李(玉+束), 李瑽, 李氏, 李璦, 李玖<br />
|Year = 1494<br />
|Key Concepts= Neo-Confucianism, Gender, Property, Inheritance<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기2.jpg|* 李璦 男妹 和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(2)<br />
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기3.jpg|* 李璦 男妹 和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(3)<br />
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기.jpg|* 李璦 男妹 和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
{{원문텍스트<br />
| = <br />
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣… <br />
<br />
幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆 <br />
<br />
咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如) <br />
<br />
使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在<br />
<br />
長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿 <br />
<br />
咸安婢道里莊六所生婢內隱今年八十一同婢三所生奴姜萬年五十三所生婢小斤德年四十五同婢二所生婢吉德年二十二三所生奴 <br />
<br />
丁山年十八四所生婢燕非年十五婢吉德一所生婢同德年三▣▣▣▣▣▣(奴火伊良妻所)生婢彔中年三十二同婢一所生奴家都致年▣▣▣▣▣▣▣(九婢仇叱德二所生) <br />
<br />
婢貴今年四十九同婢三所生奴米伊年四婢閏德一所生奴▣…▣▣▣▣▣(年十四婢)▣…▣所生奴加音伊年八婢月今二所生婢順▣▣▣▣▣▣(德年六京中婢) <br />
<br />
古邑之五所生婢古非年五十七奴莫三良妻二所生奴今▣…▣十三同婢一所生奴貴孫年四十婢▣… <br />
<br />
奴亇頓年四十婢命吉二所生婢石乙非年四十五▣…▣回年四三所生奴 年二奴龍金良妻▣▣▣(一所生) <br />
<br />
奴銀同年二十三婢者斤一所生奴走叱同年四婢卵今二所生婢▣▣年二十二婢▣▣▣一所生奴石崇年▣十婢內隱伊二所生奴▣▣▣▣(石伊年二) <br />
<br />
十六婢夫成二所生婢同今年三十三三所生奴仇等伊年二十七婢同今一所生奴孫同年七二所生奴孫山年四婢小斤阿只二所生放役婢 <br />
<br />
守今年三十九婢亏叱今三所生婢永老年十三婢終今二所生奴種從年十奴加外四所生婢終今年四十八金浦婢孝道二所生婢强非年二十三 <br />
<br />
同婢一所生婢安非年五任實婢孝德一所生奴欣孫年四十三所生婢今之年三十五四所生婢粉之年二十七同婢一所生婢延之年七婢今之一所生 <br />
<br />
婢洪非年六二所生奴 年四奴李存良妻二所生婢龍今年十八婢龍德一所生奴 年四婢訥斤三所生奴金伊同年十七四所生婢件里今▣(年) <br />
<br />
六婢粉加一所生婢 年二臨津婢銀德二所生奴佛金年三十三婢白隱莊一所生婢白隱之年三十五婢玉非三所生奴玉屯年二十五伊川婢 <br />
<br />
長命二所生婢玉梅年六十五同婢三所生奴勿金年二十六婢毛老非一所▣(生)奴金山改名末乙金年二十七婢仲德一所生婢松阿之年十二朔寧婢▣(玉) <br />
<br />
非一所生婢玉今年四十二靈光婢古音未一所生奴莫金年七十三婢小非二所生奴龍萬年三十海美婢莫莊三所生奴遠伊年五十五奴長命二 <br />
<br />
所生婢卜非年三十九康津婢孝道三所生奴莫金年五十七同奴良妻四所生奴姜守年九咸興婢順非四所生婢守非年六奴謁同三所生婢連 <br />
<br />
今年十七定平婢仍邑隱五所生奴仇叱金年二十一六所生奴仇叱同年十九奴訖斤五所生婢莫德年四十婢三月一所生奴金山年十三二所生婢▣ <br />
<br />
德年九虎溪婢李德三所生奴崔山年三十九三陟婢小斤召史二所生奴朴大年四十七奴仇里大良妻四所生婢古春年三江陵羽溪婢德 <br />
<br />
之三所生婢內隱加年四十七婢內隱今二所生婢 年三延安婢▣▣(長壽)五所生婢於里加年六十九白川奴莫松良妻一所生婢延臺年十鳳山婢欣 <br />
<br />
生三所生婢都叱加年三十同婢二所生婢 年六八莒奴崔山良妻一所生奴終山年十三所生奴 年一密陽婢內隱伊一所生婢眞珠年 <br />
<br />
四十一河陽婢玉來二所生奴玉萬年四十九珍島婢內隱月一所生奴三龍年三十七星州婢傾國二所生奴銀山年十四永川婢千德一所生奴千同年 <br />
<br />
十九二所生婢貴德年十四草溪奴命存良妻二所生婢談德年十五奴李生二所生奴銀同年十六開城婢今伊四所生奴末乙孫年十三振威婢玉今▣ <br />
<br />
所生婢姜德年十七咸從婢小全一所生婢義非年二十慶源奴哲山良妻四所生奴玉只年一鏡城奴巨乙金良妻三所生奴石乙山年六明川婢龍 <br />
<br />
今二所生婢收養非年一光陽奴終守良妻五所生婢石非年二十三順川奴禿同良妻一所生奴石乙伊年十七咸興婢叔今一所生婢乃斤乃年▣ <br />
<br />
十四同婢二所生婢內隱台年十三印 <br />
<br />
二男從仕郞李瑋衿 <br />
<br />
京中婢仇德一所生婢貴非年四十二同婢二所生奴山守年十六三所生婢同叱德年十二四所生奴敬孫年七婢小斤阿只三所生奴守山年三十六 <br />
<br />
婢孫莊一所生婢訥斤年五十九婢小斤知二所生婢石乙非年三十同婢一所生奴巨叱金年七二所生婢哲今年一婢獻德三所生婢卜非年二十九同 <br />
<br />
婢一所生婢卜代年五二所生婢孝道年二婢仇未一所生奴芿叱同年三十一同奴良妻一所生婢芿叱德年四二所生奴虛叱文伊年二婢竹非一所生 <br />
<br />
婢於乙非年二十二婢孝今三所生婢貴今年十八婢終今一所生婢長今年二十三婢仍邑德一所生奴權孫年四婢亏叱今六所生婢於邑知年三婢 <br />
<br />
性非一所生奴加叱同年三十九奴介同良妻一所生婢丹之年五十八婢性非一所生奴卜中年三十八金浦婢注之一所生婢孝道年四十九同婢一所生 <br />
<br />
奴禿同年二十六楊州婢良衣德五所生婢莫今年五臨津婢其每二所生奴今音同年四十二三所生婢萬德年四十婢善今二所生婢芿叱非年 <br />
<br />
九三所生婢芿叱加年六婢銀德三所生奴佛衆年三十奴勿金二所生婢銀非年七積城婢白莊二所生奴番其年二十六若木婢小斤德二所生▣ <br />
<br />
今音夫伊改名檢佛年二十二五所生奴者古未年十四婢莫非一所生婢夫貴年四十三奴難金良妻一所生奴玉山年二十星州婢傾國三所生奴 <br />
<br />
年六婢老里加所生放役奴牛未致年七十八莒婢宝全一所生婢龍今年五十三婢召史三所生奴加介年二十六山陽奴尙伊良妻二所生婢賓 <br />
<br />
今年九高靈婢者斤召史三所生婢莫德年三十二永川婢黃珍伊一所生婢金德年五十二虎溪婢双非改名三德一所生婢三非年十六光陽<br />
<br />
奴終守良妻七所生奴莫金年十七咸安婢四月二所生奴火伊年六十一婢德非一所生婢則今年三十六婢月娟二所生奴石乙金年十三婢犬伊一 <br />
<br />
所生婢 年一南海奴金萬良妻一所生婢晋非年二十六奴哲同良妻三所生奴允孫年十八四所生婢黃玉年十六黃澗婢內隱月二所生奴 <br />
<br />
開金年三十四康津婢孝道一所生奴姜元年六十七二所生奴姜金改名士義年六十二奴孝生良妻三所生奴仇里年十四全州婢佛德二所生奴月 <br />
<br />
千年三十一同奴二所生婢今終年四珍島奴萬山良妻一所生奴萬同年十九尼山婢多勿沙里一所生婢入沙里年五海美奴長命良妻三所生婢 <br />
<br />
卜珍伊年三十六咸興婢貴今二所生婢斤非年十二奴龍吉良妻二所生奴貴山年三十四奴每邑吐里良妻三所生婢金今年二十六同婢一所生婢 <br />
<br />
同非年六奴末應仇知良妻二所生婢小斤德年四十婢琴瑟一所生婢勿金年十婢順非六所生奴 年一甲山奴長孫良妻二所生奴玉同年四安邊<br />
<br />
奴莫只良妻四所生奴順伊年三十奴銀丁良妻一所生奴貴石年七三陟婢夫田一所生奴松山年四十八婢仍邑德一所生奴於應同年十二順川婢卜德一 <br />
<br />
所生奴春山年四十五婢莫德一所生奴先山年四寧邊奴莫同良妻一所生婢古音德年十三婢宝背三所生婢亡德年十四印 <br />
<br />
長女前行副司猛尹化溟妻李氏衿 <br />
<br />
京中婢阿乙吾之四所生婢性今年五十三同婢一所生婢貴非年二十七二所生婢同伊年十六三所生婢本都只年十一婢貴非一所生婢阿望年四婢 <br />
<br />
甫乙松二所生奴彭公年二十七婢無心一所生奴犬伊年十六婢亏叱今二所生婢豆田年十五婢德今一所生婢西德年二十五婢春德二所生奴柴孔<br />
<br />
年十四婢莫德一所生奴崔連年五十五婢卵乙知二所生放役婢無作今年二十六婢小斤阿只二所生奴千同年二十九舒川婢德伊一所生婢卵 <br />
<br />
今年四十二同婢一所生婢仇叱德年二十六四所生婢莫西非年十二奴佛排良妻一所生奴京山年十九海美婢卜加三所生奴 年二楊州婢 <br />
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內隱伊一所生婢良衣德年四十五同婢四所生奴碩同年六奴長命 所生奴莫同年二十三臨津婢四月一所生奴遠金年六十八婢善今一所生婢 <br />
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芿叱德年十三婢萬德四所生婢莫非年三積城奴吾莊二所生婢 年 臨江奴於乙非大良妻六所生奴守命年二十七振威婢於里德一所生 <br />
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婢無心年十五婢四桂二所生奴碩石乙伊年十九虎溪奴於乙非大二所生婢水淸年三十八婢守德三所生婢三德年三十五若木奴林福良 <br />
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妻二所生奴佛生年二十九婢小莊一所生婢小斤德年五十四婢冬非二所生奴銀同年十八莒婢召史一所生奴崔山年三十四草溪婢亏同三所 <br />
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生奴無里同年二十五婢卜只二所生奴欣山年四十七奴命存四所生奴李先年七安康婢今音德一所生婢豆於里年二十二所生婢小非年十四 <br />
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咸安婢八月三所生婢小斤召史年六十婢貴今一所生婢犬伊年二十一婢月非一所生婢佛非年一任實婢佛德三所生婢月今年二十七同婢 <br />
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一所生 婢孝德二所生奴金孫年三十七康津婢欣加二所生奴乙夫年五十四奴莫金良妻一所生婢永德年二十一同婢一所生婢 年六 <br />
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二所生 羅州奴鐵山良妻所生奴牛叱同年三十一益山奴同叱三四所生婢每邑加年六十二安邊奴莫只良妻一所生奴銀丁年三十九同奴 <br />
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良妻二所生奴貴珍年五奴莫只五所生婢新今年二十二婢莫德二所生奴今音豆伊年六咸興奴龍吉良妻三所生奴貴生年三十二奴謁同<br />
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良妻五所生奴連孫年十一奴松介良妻一所生婢松非年五婢玉德二所生婢年一奴豆乙彦良妻六所生婢老里加年五十六婢閑今一所生 <br />
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奴李山年二十六文川任內龍津婢丹陽一所生婢貴今年六十五定平婢莫加一所生奴貴同年四十婢仍邑隱一所生婢三月年三十四三所生奴 <br />
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石柱年二十五同奴良妻一所生奴 年一慶源奴哲山良妻三所生奴都也之年七鏡城婢莫只十一所生婢莫德年五十七甲山奴長孫<br />
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良妻三所生婢玉德年二婢銀珠二所生婢銀今年十四江陵婢內隱加一所生婢內隱莊改名內隱今年二十三同婢一所生婢內隱非▣▣(年七)三 <br />
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陟奴仇里大良妻三所生婢叱同三年六咸從奴川龍良妻一所生婢小全年四十七江西婢宝文一所生奴者斤同年四十六朔寧奴末乙 <br />
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巾良妻二所生婢檢德年十一印 <br />
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三男將仕郞李琜衿 <br />
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京中婢心方二所生婢春德年三十八同婢一所生婢烏梅年十五婢宝代四所生婢莫之年二十八同婢一所生奴石孫年六婢仲非二所生奴孫山<br />
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年二十六婢夫成一所生放役奴同伊年三十六婢三月一所生放役奴都致年五十二婢加也之二所生婢閏德年二十六婢小斤阿只五所生奴守同年 <br />
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二十三婢從伊七所生婢莫只年十二婢彔德三所生婢終今年五十三臨津婢銀德一所生奴勿金年三十七楊州婢良衣德三所生婢碩今<br />
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年十四振威婢玉今五所生奴莫山年十二六所生婢安今年三婢於里德二所生婢無加里年 安城婢七月四所生婢中秋年三十七尼山奴▣ <br />
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里金良妻所生婢永伊年五十二同婢三所生婢多勿沙里年二十五舒川婢松伊一所生奴金大年七十婢卵乙今二所生奴眞山年二十二伊川<br />
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婢玉梅二所生婢仲德年三十一婢長命三所生奴玉山年六十四延安婢順加一所生婢甫中加伊年三十五奴金禾良妻一所生奴甘音山年十三四所 <br />
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生婢春德年三任實婢孝德五所生婢粉加年二十五六所生奴元孫年二十三婢內隱加五所生奴亡龍年五十八康津婢則只六所生婢莫德年 <br />
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三十四全州奴月千良妻一所生奴月同年十珍島奴三龍三所生婢而非年六咸安奴鄭夫良妻二所生奴鄭善年二十三婢四月三所生婢德非年 <br />
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五十八婢貴今二所生奴家同年十八山陽奴道者三所生奴尙伊年三十八密陽奴李元良妻▣(一)所生婢內隱伊年六十四虎溪奴李萬良妻一所生 <br />
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李文年十六婢水淸一所生婢双今年六婢卜守二所生婢莫德年十五永川婢千德三所生奴貴山年十草溪婢永守三所生奴牛未致年三十▣(八) <br />
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若木奴林福良妻一所生婢林德年四十三星州奴石乙山良妻一所生婢李德年二十七婢小斤召史所生婢末乙今年二十七奴金卜只二所生 <br />
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婢 年一婢傾國一所生奴玉山年十七婢古勿伊一所生 年二興陽婢者斤二所生奴光金年三十安邊婢守明一所生婢玉今年 <br />
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十一二所生奴重石年九奴莫只良妻二所生奴金同年三十六六所生婢莫今年十九奴銀丁良妻三所生奴貴知年二咸興奴龍吉四所生 <br />
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奴貴忠年三十一婢泉今五所生婢斤非年十六奴謁同六所生奴莫孫年十婢古音德六所生奴泉龍年五十八婢金今二所生 年 <br />
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四婢老里加三所生婢內隱非年十八婢閑今二所生婢龍今年十四奴龍吉良妻五所生奴松介年二十六富寧婢春花八所生奴孟▣(同)<br />
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年十五定平婢莫德三所生婢件里德年八慶源奴哲山良妻二所生婢玉今年十二明川婢龍今一所生婢走伊今年六鏡城奴巨乙金<br />
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良妻四所生奴 年一寧遠奴豆乙彦良妻一所生婢朴莊年十六江西奴者斤同良妻四所生奴義存年八順川奴春山良妻二所生婢順今年▣▣(五印) <br />
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四男李{玉+束}衿 <br />
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京中婢內隱伊一所生婢佛今年四十二同婢二所生奴佛山年九三所生奴季同年五四所生奴莫山年一婢宝全三所生婢四德年二十九婢終 <br />
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今四所生婢臺加年八婢月非四所生婢從伊年五十一同婢一所生奴春同年三十三五所生奴順斤年十九婢亏叱今四所生婢貴欣年▣ <br />
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婢春花一所生奴貴孫年三十八婢亏同二所生婢仍邑德年三十六婢古非一所生放役婢猪非年十八婢都致四所生放役婢無心年五十八 <br />
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婢守如今二所生奴末乙柱年一咸興婢獻德四所生婢四月年十八七所生婢今之年十二奴今音松五所生婢萬德年五十三奴龍吉良妻一所 <br />
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生婢貴今年四十四奴泉龍良妻五所生婢玉之年十六婢小斤德三所生奴貴{宀+失}年十三四所生奴無豆里年二婢貴今三所生奴今同年八婢琴 <br />
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瑟二所生婢豆應今年六奴松介良妻二所生婢 年 婢泉今四所生婢今知年二十定平婢三月二所生奴徽孫改名叔孫年十六端 <br />
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川婢金莊二所生婢卜非三十六寧遠奴龍已良妻一所生婢宝背年五十五安邊婢莫德一所生奴石乙金年十三鏡城婢延非四所生奴末 <br />
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應金年二十四婢卜只一所生奴石同年四十九文川婢內隱伊二所生婢莫德年三十三慶源奴哲山良妻一所生婢粉今年十三永興奴亏▣ <br />
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亇良妻四所生奴哲京年十九江西奴者斤同良妻二所生婢大德年二十二郭山奴長守良妻一所生婢若非年三十一順川奴元奉良妻二所生 <br />
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奴加叱同年五十二同奴一所生婢莫德年二十七靈光婢小非三所生婢內隱今年二十一任實婢性非二所生奴欣山年五十六同奴良妻一所生▣ <br />
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金孫年五婢亏同一所生奴李存年四十五同奴良妻三所生奴李忠年十四四所生婢存非年九五所生婢吾音之年六益山婢甘莊四所生 <br />
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奴吉生年五十康津奴莫金良妻二所生奴自明年十七星州婢其每三所生奴億守年二十六奴石乙山良妻二所生奴石柱年十七婢小非四所生 <br />
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奴金卜只年二十九虎溪婢守德二所生婢卜守年四十一婢李德一所生奴內隱同年四十八婢水淸二所生婢正月年三若木婢小斤德一所生 <br />
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婢冬非年三十四同婢四所生婢金今年五婢林德二所生奴件里同年十咸安奴卵山良妻一所生婢月娟年三十九奴今音金良妻一所生 <br />
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奴北間年四八莒奴崔山良妻二所生婢夫今年五延安婢月非一所生奴禿同年四十二婢內隱伊二所生婢內隱文伊年十三奴金禾良妻▣(三) <br />
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所生婢貴德年六白川奴莫松二所生婢永今年七尼山婢永伊四所生奴金伊同年二十舒川婢德伊二所生奴佛排年三十八海美奴長▣(命)<br />
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良妻四所生奴每邑同年三十臨津婢其每一所生奴檢佛年五十四婢石乙今三所生奴哲同年十六楊州婢加叱加一所生奴下通年三十八利川<br />
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婢冬白一所生婢命吉年六十六三陟奴仇里大良妻二所生奴同叱金年十四海美奴每邑同一所生奴 年二印 <br />
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五男李瑽衿 <br />
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京中婢夫成五所生奴無作只年二十二婢訥斤一所生婢栢伊年三十一婢內隱伊四所生婢加德年六婢亏叱今一所生婢舍非年二十四同婢一所 <br />
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生婢末乙石年三婢甫乙松四所生奴今孫年十七婢玉梅一所生奴吳山年二十八婢性非四所生奴目隱同年二十四婢石乙非一所生奴牛叱同年▣▣ <br />
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三利川婢冬白六所生奴麻老年四十九婢七月二所生婢孝養年四十六同婢三所生奴馬叱同年十四四所生奴 年六臨津婢者斤一所生 <br />
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婢善今年三十三婢萬德三所生婢守今年七奴勿金良妻三所生婢銀莊年五婢三月一所生奴北間年六楊州婢良衣德一所生婢每邑之年 <br />
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十九安城奴金千良妻三所生奴者斤吾乙未年二十八咸安婢仇叱德四所生婢貴德年四十二同婢三所生婢加音勿加伊年九五所生奴佛乙加年 <br />
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三婢月今一所生婢順非年十二南海奴哲同良妻五所生奴玉壽年十四八莒奴衆伊良妻二所生奴行眞年六十三婢龍今一所生奴能孫年 <br />
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二十五二所生婢春代年十八草溪奴命存良妻一所生婢吾今年十七婢性仇之一所生婢性今年四十二奴豆里大良妻三所生婢莫非年三十▣(九) <br />
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虎溪婢卜守三所生婢莫今年十四所生奴間都未年五奴李萬良妻二所生婢文非年九婢三德三所生奴 年一若木婢小斤德三所生奴於里 <br />
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同年十九婢若德一所生放役奴命山年四十一婢梅花一所生婢衆生年六十六同婢一所生婢石今年四十四婢亏斤五所生婢吉非年十六婢夫叱實<br />
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一所生奴末乙同年六十奴難金二所生奴玉石年十五山陰婢亏巨之二所生奴銀同年三十二婢粉伊三所生奴今音石年 星州婢李德一所生 <br />
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婢 年二密陽婢眞珠二所生奴玉連年十六任實婢孝德九所生婢彔今年十六婢莫只二所生奴象伊年二十一婢訥斤二所生婢加知<br />
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年十八康津奴訥山良妻二所生奴訥達年十七婢莫德二所生奴義同年十珍島婢小斤一所生婢玉生年六十二婢虫介所生奴萬山年四十三奴 <br />
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三龍四所生 年二靈光婢小非一所生奴於吐里年三十六海美奴長命一所生婢卜加年三十八伊川婢仲德三所生婢莫非年七明川奴金彔良 <br />
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妻七所生婢終伊年二十七咸興奴每邑吐里良妻一所生奴謁同年四十五二所生奴謁金年三十六奴今音松九所生婢順非年三十八同婢五所生奴叔▣<br />
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年四婢今知一所生婢銀臺年一婢老里加伊一所生奴金叱同改名孫同年三十一定平婢仍邑德八所生婢莫非年十一婢三月三所生婢▣… <br />
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年四婢三月五所生奴處同年二文川婢莫德一所生奴 年十四鏡城婢莫德四所生奴今孫年二十江界奴双龍良妻六所生婢加也之年 <br />
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四十九江西奴者斤同五所生 年一印 <br />
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二女從仕郞李熙妻李氏衿 <br />
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京中婢哲今一所生婢波獨年四十二同婢一所生婢宝背年二十六二所生奴億同年二十三所生奴億山年十八婢宝背一所生婢淡之年三二所生 <br />
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婢二非年一奴卵山良妻三所生婢今音知年三十婢今伊二所生婢栗伊年二十四五所生奴五十同年七婢孝生三所生婢地莊年二十婢今 <br />
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月二所生奴貴民年二十八奴於乙非大良妻七所生奴雪山年二十二婢召史一所生婢今伊年十七婢其每二所生奴石乙仇知年三十八三所生放役奴▣(卜) <br />
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大年三十五婢小斤阿只一所生放役婢亏叱今年四十一同婢五所生婢於如年五婢宝代一所生婢卵今年五十四同婢三所生奴銀孫年十 <br />
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九婢甫乙松三所生婢於▣…▣今年二十四金浦婢注之二所生婢甘勿年四十二珍島婢都里加二所生奴亡吐里年五十九積城奴吾莊良妻 <br />
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一所生奴閏同年四草溪婢小莊一所生奴興守年六十七婢今音珍四所生奴命存年四十三江西奴於火金一所生婢遠時年四十全州奴 <br />
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月千良妻三所生婢 年二定平婢莫德一所生婢李德年二十婢三月一所生奴竹山年十八海美婢卜加一所生婢衆生年十婢卜非一所 <br />
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生奴貴孫年十六鳳山婢都叱加一所生婢羅火大年八任實婢禿德二所生奴莫同年四十三奴金孫良妻一所生奴難孫年八三所生▣… <br />
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…▣年二咸興奴泉龍良妻四所生婢玉德年二十五同婢一所生奴末乙孫年四奴末應仇知良妻一所生奴獻德年五十一婢順非三所生 <br />
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奴叔同年十三奴貴山良妻一所生婢今伊年十一婢泉今六所生奴哲孫年十五永川婢小莊二所生婢千德年五十一婢每邑德一所生奴亡吾 <br />
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之年三十五安邊奴毛知里良妻三所生奴守達年三十七五所生婢春月年三十四鏡城奴巨乙金良妻二所生婢卜今年十一婢玉今二所生婢 <br />
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白德年四十六臨津婢卜加一所生婢銀德年七十婢萬德一所生婢萬今年十六婢石乙今二所生奴閏同年十九奴勿金良妻四所生婢 年一 <br />
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延安婢於里加五所生婢內隱伊年三十七同婢一所生奴上佐年十六振威婢亏音加二所生奴李山年二十九星州婢老里加三所生婢古物伊年 <br />
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四十婢今音都致三所生婢小斤召史年六十七長興婢則只五所生奴長未年四十六伊川婢長命六所生奴吾乙亇同年四十八婢仲德四所生奴莫 <br />
<br />
松年二明川奴金彔三所生婢龍今年三十九婢龍德一所生奴吾伊同年十光陽奴終守良妻二所生奴石從年三十三三所生婢石今年 <br />
<br />
三十若木婢冬非三所生婢今德年八舒川婢卵今三所生婢石伊年十九八莒婢龍今三所生奴連孫年八康津婢莫德三所生奴義山年 <br />
<br />
六寧遠奴末乙金良妻三所生奴莫同年二十四奴莫同良妻二所生婢古音之年八咸安婢貴德四所生婢黃犬伊年六印 <br />
<br />
六男李璦衿 <br />
<br />
京中婢金德一所生婢內隱伊年五十四婢仲非一所生婢孫非年二十九同婢一所生奴難同年七二所生奴閏同年二婢元萬三所生放役婢 <br />
<br />
自才年六十婢小斤阿只四所生婢守如今年二十五同婢一所生奴巨叱金年二婢從伊六所生奴順伊年十五婢栢伊三所生婢石乙德年五婢守 <br />
<br />
命一所生奴甘吐里年六十三婢春德三所生婢錦春年十婢四德一所生奴金孫年三臨津婢者斤召史二所生婢石乙今年五十四婢 所生婢 <br />
<br />
三月年三十五奴勿金良妻一所生婢內隱非年十二朔寧婢長命五所生奴末乙巾年五十七同奴良妻一所生奴檢山年十三積城婢今音加六所生婢 <br />
<br />
白莊年五十一同婢一所生奴吾莊年二十九振威婢玉今二所生婢仲今年二十一婢於里德三所生奴貴山 年 舒川婢卵今五所生婢仇之年五 <br />
<br />
奴金大良妻一所生婢玉只年二十四虎溪婢卜守一所生婢卜德年二十一婢延伊三所生奴豆乙彦年六十六婢李德五所生奴竝同年三十三若木婢 <br />
<br />
小斤德四所生婢順今年十六婢冬非一所生奴金孫年十五婢林德一所生奴明山年十五星州婢其每二所生婢傾城年三十二同婢一所生婢傾 <br />
<br />
今年二婢末乙今一所生奴千連年三奴金卜只良妻一所生婢今德年三草溪奴命存良妻三所生奴李孫年十五所生 年一永川婢牧丹三 <br />
<br />
所生婢延非年六十七山陽奴尙伊良妻一所生奴賓伊年十一晋州婢金德一所生奴裵京年六十咸安奴鄭夫一所生婢碧桃年二十九奴金龍<br />
<br />
二所生奴千金年十八蔚山婢介莊三所生婢者斤召史年四十六珍島奴三龍良妻二所生婢四非年九南原奴李存良妻一所生婢龍德年二十五 <br />
<br />
任實婢孝德七所生奴元金年二十婢訥斤一所生放役奴玉同年三十一康津奴莫金良妻三所生奴豆含年十四白川婢莫加三所生奴莫松<br />
<br />
年三十同奴良妻三所生奴山伊年三延安奴金禾良妻二所生婢甘音德年九婢內隱伊四所生婢檢崇年八婢於里加四所生奴目隱大年四十一 <br />
<br />
定平婢仍邑隱七所生奴興山年十五婢莫德二所生婢李台年十二四所生奴李孫年四婢三月三所生奴叔珍年十二四所生奴處山年五慶 <br />
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源婢佛台三所生奴哲山年四十三咸興奴今音松良妻八所生奴順右年四十四婢萬德二所生婢斤非年十五奴泉龍良妻三所生奴玉同<br />
<br />
年二十七奴謁同良妻二所生奴連山年二十二奴松介良妻三所生婢 年二婢老里加二所生奴金伊同年二十九安邊奴莫只良妻 <br />
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三所生婢守明年三十三同婢三所生婢重德年六婢粉德五所生婢莫德年四十三明川婢龍德二所生婢古音之年二三陟婢小斤召 <br />
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史三所生奴仇里大年四十伊川婢長命四所生婢毛老非年五十八婢玉今一所生婢玉德年十六咸從奴川龍良妻二所生奴檢知年四 <br />
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十五順川奴末應達良妻二所生奴李存年四十舒川婢玉只一所生 年二定平奴末乙金二所生婢三月年三十一印 <br />
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七男李玖衿 <br />
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京中婢宝背三所生奴檢佛年四十八婢大非一所生奴孝孫年十九婢今音都致四所生婢加隱非年六十五婢從伊八所生奴莫同年九婢 <br />
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於里加三所生奴亡吾之年四十五六所生婢莫今年三十婢仍邑隱二所生婢銀非年三十三婢卵乙今四所生婢加知今年十六婢今音知一所生 <br />
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婢卜非年十一婢白隱德四所生婢欣非年三十八婢內隱伊三所生婢件里年十一婢栢伊一所生奴黃孫年十一四所生婢奏巨伊年三婢 <br />
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春德四所生奴李石年四咸安奴卵山良妻二所生婢月今年三十四四所生奴今音金年二十八同奴良妻二所生奴古間年二婢月 <br />
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娟一所生婢月非年二十二婢彔中二所生婢都德年五三所生奴都山年一任實婢孝德八所生婢金伊今年十八長興婢金德一所生 <br />
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奴貴生年二十五虎溪婢守德四所生奴莫乃年二十五婢雙非二所生婢石乙非年十二咸興婢貴今一所生婢卜非年二十四同婢一所生奴金伊 <br />
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萬年四婢獻德五所生奴仇叱同年十五婢甘同二所生奴每邑山改名孟山年三十四婢小斤德二所生婢虫介年十六延安婢於里加一所生奴金 <br />
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禾年五十一婢內隱伊三所生婢六月年十五所生奴李孫年二婢月非二所生奴勿金年二十八臨津奴同三良妻一所生奴仲萬年五十八婢白 <br />
<br />
隱之一所生奴銀從年三臨江奴守命良妻一所生婢鄭非年三奴於乙非大良妻八所生奴終山年十三定平奴訖斤二所生婢仍邑隱年 <br />
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五十四同婢九所生婢莫今年六八莒奴衆伊二所生婢召史年五十八安邊婢春月二所生婢春非年十五婢莫德三所生奴都致年三伊 <br />
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川婢仲德二所生婢於能▣(牛)年十明川奴金彔良妻二所生奴金龍年四十一四所生婢龍德年三十九三陟奴松山良妻一所生婢仍邑 <br />
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德年二十四奴仇里大良妻五所生婢 年一海美婢卜加二所生婢本都只年七星州奴石乙山良妻三所生婢卜非年十三婢性非<br />
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所生婢其每年五十二原州婢莫今一所生奴昌孫年十八丹城婢牧丹一所生奴斤重年四十七永川婢德莊一所生婢古春四十四草 <br />
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溪婢者斤一所生婢今音德年六十振威婢亏音加一所生放役婢於里德年四十三婢其每一所生婢玉今年四十三同婢四所生奴莫同<br />
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年十四開城奴仇石所生婢今伊年五十五甲山婢銀珠一所生奴長孫年十八寧遠奴朴哲二所生奴莫同年四十五鏡城婢莫德一所生奴 <br />
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巨乙金年三十一若木婢冬非五所生奴金哲年一江西奴者斤同良妻一所生奴大同年二十四尼山婢永伊五所生奴仁卜年十五光陽奴從守<br />
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良妻六所生婢莫德年二十山陽奴尙伊良妻三所生奴屯伊年七珍島奴三龍良妻一所生奴四同年十三楊州婢良衣德二所生奴每 <br />
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邑山年十六南海婢金德三所生奴裵中山年五十五康津婢白隱莊二所生奴白隱金年二十印 <br />
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此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆 <br />
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父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
幼學李 [着名][署押] <br />
<br />
從仕郞李 [着名][署押] <br />
<br />
李 [着名][署押] <br />
<br />
幼學李 [着名][署押] <br />
<br />
將仕郞李 [着名][署押] <br />
<br />
筆執承義副尉前行副司猛尹 [着名][署押] <br />
<br />
從仕郞李 [着名][署押] <br />
<br />
宣務郞前工曺佐郞李 [着名][署押]<br />
<br />
}}<br />
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{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣… <br />
<br />
幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆 <br />
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咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如) <br />
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使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在<br />
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長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿 <br />
||<br />
(Introduction)<br /><br />
The seventh year of Hongzhi (1494), sixth month, twenty-seventh day. The unanimous (agreement) [on property distribution] among siblings born of the same mother. ([Property] endowed by parents) as well as specially-acquired endowment <ref>Separately-acquired property by children from their parents for particular achievements, such as passing examinations, etc. </ref> (to be calculated and equally distributed for each share) in accordance with law. <ref>經國大典, basic constitutional code of Chosŏn.</ref><br /><br />
All-comprehensive record for each share is for our children and grandchildren to pass down and carry out for a long time and use in cases of employing slaves. Slaves in charge of tomb management, male slave Kŭmsan, male slave Mangŏji, male slave Ch’ŏndong and the rest were exempt from tribute. Like other slaves who are exempt from tribute have them each rely on their own share.<br /><br />
I will designate a male slave Chŏngbu from Haman and a male slave younger Olmi from Ansŏng and the rest as superintendents of the tombs. Descendants according to each share will employ slaves as outlined in the contents of this document.<br /><br />
For any reason if there is a dispute among each other report to the government office to resolve and straighten out the matters.<br /><br />
<br />
(Part 2)<br />
<br />Sixth Son Yi Ae’s Inheritance<br />
<br />At the capital, female slave’s first born female slave Naeŭni, aged 54. <br />
<br />Female slave Chungbi’s first born female slave Sonbi, aged 29;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Nandong, aged 7;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Yundong, aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Wŏnman’s third born female slave (exempted from tribute) Chajae, aged 60.<br />
<br />Female slave Sogŭnaji’s fourth born female slave Suyŏgŭm, aged 25;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Kŏjilgŭm, aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Chongi’s sixth born male slave Suni, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Paegi’s third born female slave Sŏgŭldŏk, aged 5.<br />
<br />Female slave Sumyŏng’s first born male slave Kamt'oi, aged 63.<br />
<br />Female slave Ch'undŏk’s third born female slave Kŭmch'un, aged 10.<br />
<br />Female slave Sadŏk’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 3.<br />
<br />At Imjin, female slave Chagŭnsosa’s second born female slave Sŏgŭlgŭm, aged 54.<br />
<br />Female slave [?]’s [?] born female slave Samwŏl, aged 35.<br />
<br />Male slave Mulgŭm’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Naeŭnbi, aged 12.<br />
<br />At Sangnyŏng<ref>the old name for Ryŏnch'ŏn 漣川 in Kyŏnggi Province and Ch'ŏrwŏn 鐵原 in Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fifth born male slave Marŭlgŏn, aged 57; <br />
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Kŏmsan, aged 13.<br />
<br />At Chŏksŏng<ref>the old name for P'aju 坡州 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmga’s sixth born female slave Paekchang, aged 51;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Ojang, aged 29.<br />
<br />At Chinwi<ref>the old name for P'yŏngt'aek 平澤 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Okkŭm’s second born female slave Chunggŭm, aged 21.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒidŏk’s third born male slave Kwisan, aged [?].<br />
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Ch'ungch'ŏng Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Ran'gŭm’s fifth born female slave Kuji, aged 5.<br />
<br />Male slave Kŭmdae’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Okchi, aged 24.<br />
<br />At Hogye<ref>the old name for Mun'gyŏng 聞慶 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poksu’s first born female slave Poktŏk, aged 21.<br />
<br />Female slave Yŏni’s third born male slave Tuŭrŏn, aged 66.<br />
<br />Female slave Idŏk’s fifth born male slave Pyŏngdong, aged 33.<br />
<br />At Yangmok<ref>the old name for Ch'ilgok 漆谷 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭndŏk’s fourth born female slave Sun'gŭm, aged 16.<br />
<br />Female slave Tongbi’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Rimdŏk’s first born male slave Myŏngsan, aged 15.<br />
<br />At Sŏngju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kimae’s second born female slave Kyŏngsŏng, aged 32;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born female slave Kyŏnggŭm, aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Marŭlgŭm’s first born male slave Ch'ŏllyŏn, aged 3.<br />
<br />Male slave Kŭmbokchi’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Kŭmdŏk, aged 3.<br />
<br />At Ch'ogye<ref>the old name for Hapch'ŏn 陜川 in South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Myŏngjon’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Ison, aged 10;<br />
<br />Fifth born [?] slave [?], aged 1.<br />
<br />At Yŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Moktan’s third born female slave Yŏnbi, aged 67.<br />
<br />At Sanyang<ref>also an old name for Mun'gyŏng</ref>, male slave Sangi’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Pini, aged 11.<br />
<br />At Chinju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmdŏk’s first born male slave Paegyŏng, aged 60.<br />
<br />At Haman<ref>in nowadays central part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea </ref>, male slave Chŏngbu’s first born female slave Pyŏkto, aged 29.<br />
<br />Male slave Kŭmnyong’s second born male slave Ch'ŏn'gŭm, aged 18.<br />
<br />At Ulsan, female slave Kaejang’s third born female slave Chagŭnsosa, aged 46.<br />
<br />At Chindo<ref>an island off the coast of nowadays South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Samnyong’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Sabi, aged 9.<br />
<br />At Namwŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Ijon’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Ryongdŏk, aged 25.<br />
<br />At Imsil<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Hyodŏk’s seventh born male slave Wŏn'gŭm, aged 20.<br />
<br />Female slave Nulgŭn’s first born male slave (exempted from tribute) Oktong, aged 31.<br />
<br />At Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Makkŭm’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Tuham, aged 14.<br />
<br />At Paekch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Makka’s third born male slave Maksong, aged 30;<br />
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Sani, aged 3.<br />
<br />At Yŏnan<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Kŭmhwa’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Kamŭmdŏk, aged 9.<br />
<br />Female slave Naeŭni’s forth born female slave Kŏmsung, aged 8.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒiga’s forth born male slave Mogŭndae, aged 41.<br />
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ingŭbŭn’s seventh born male slave Hŭngsan, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Maktŏk’s second born female slave It'ae, aged 12;<br />
<br />Forth born male slave Ison, aged 4.<br />
<br />Female slave Samwŏl’s third born male slave Sukchin, aged 12;<br />
<br />Fourth born male slave Ch'ŏsan, aged 5.<br />
<br />At Kyŏngwŏn<ref>in North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Pult'ae’s third born male slave Ch'ŏlssan, aged 43.<br />
<br />At Hamhŭng, male slave Kŭmŭmsong’s commoner wife’s eighth born male slave Sunu, aged 44.<br />
<br />Female slave Mandŏk’s second born female slave Kŭnbi, aged 15.<br />
<br />Male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Oktong, aged 27.<br />
<br />Male slave Tongnyang’s commoner wife second born Ryŏnsan, aged 22.<br />
<br />Male slave Songgae’s commoner wife third born female slave [?], aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Noiga’s second born male slave Kŭmidong, aged 29.<br />
<br />At Anbyŏn<ref>in nowadays northern part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Makchi’s commoner wife’s third female slave Sumyŏng, aged 33;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s third born female slave Chungdŏk, aged 6.<br />
<br />Female slave Pundŏk’s fifth born female slave Maktŏk, aged 43.<br />
<br />At Myŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ryongdŏk’s second born female slave Koŭmji, aged 2.<br />
<br />At Samch'ŏk<ref> in nowadays southeastern part of Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭnsosa’s third born male slave Kuidae, aged 40.<br />
<br />At Ich'ŏn<ref>in nowadays western part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fourth born female slave Monobi, aged 58.<br />
<br />Female slave Okkŭm’s first born female slave Oktŏk, aged 16.<br />
<br />At Hamjong<ref>in nowadays western part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Kŏmji, aged 45.<br />
<br />At Sunch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays central part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭngdal’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Ijon, aged 40.<br />
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn, female slave Okchi’s first born [?], aged 2.<br />
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭlgŭm’s second born female slave Samwŏl, aged 31.<br />
<br />The list ends<br />
<br />
'''(Ending Part, Martin)'''<br />
'''此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事 <br />
<br />
In this, because Yi Ku is still young and at the time of drafting this document for the tallied division of shares cannot sign, the secondary younger sister Maengbi one female slave bought back its freedom, the slaves from the paternal site are not enough to cover the share due to this and cannot be inherited.''' <br />
<br />
Scholar-in-training Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Gentleman for escort service Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Scholar-in-training Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Gentleman for ceremonial service Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Scribe, Vice commandant for upholding righteousness Vanguard (Front Echelon); junior eight rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Yun [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Gentleman for escort service Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
<br />
Gentleman for proclaiming responsibilities, former assistant section chief of the Ministry of Works Yi [signature] [personal sign] <br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1494%E5%B9%B4_%E6%9D%8E%E7%92%A6_%E7%94%B7%E5%A6%B9_%E5%92%8C%E6%9C%83%E6%96%87%E8%A8%98&diff=5335(Translation) 1494年 李璦 男妹 和會文記2017-07-20T17:07:58Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
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<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1494년이애남매화회문기1.jpg|<br />
|English = A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae<br />
|Chinese = 1494年 李璦 男妹和會文記<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1494년 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'')]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 李瑺, 李瑋, 李氏, 李琜, 李(玉+束), 李瑽, 李氏, 李璦, 李玖<br />
|Year = 1494<br />
|Key Concepts= Neo-Confucianism, Gender, Property, Inheritance<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
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<gallery><br />
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기2.jpg|* 李璦 男妹 和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(2)<br />
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기3.jpg|* 李璦 男妹 和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(3)<br />
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기.jpg|* 李璦 男妹 和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
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=='''Introduction'''==<br />
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=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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{{원문텍스트<br />
| = <br />
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣… <br />
<br />
幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆 <br />
<br />
咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如) <br />
<br />
使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在<br />
<br />
長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿 <br />
<br />
咸安婢道里莊六所生婢內隱今年八十一同婢三所生奴姜萬年五十三所生婢小斤德年四十五同婢二所生婢吉德年二十二三所生奴 <br />
<br />
丁山年十八四所生婢燕非年十五婢吉德一所生婢同德年三▣▣▣▣▣▣(奴火伊良妻所)生婢彔中年三十二同婢一所生奴家都致年▣▣▣▣▣▣▣(九婢仇叱德二所生) <br />
<br />
婢貴今年四十九同婢三所生奴米伊年四婢閏德一所生奴▣…▣▣▣▣▣(年十四婢)▣…▣所生奴加音伊年八婢月今二所生婢順▣▣▣▣▣▣(德年六京中婢) <br />
<br />
古邑之五所生婢古非年五十七奴莫三良妻二所生奴今▣…▣十三同婢一所生奴貴孫年四十婢▣… <br />
<br />
奴亇頓年四十婢命吉二所生婢石乙非年四十五▣…▣回年四三所生奴 年二奴龍金良妻▣▣▣(一所生) <br />
<br />
奴銀同年二十三婢者斤一所生奴走叱同年四婢卵今二所生婢▣▣年二十二婢▣▣▣一所生奴石崇年▣十婢內隱伊二所生奴▣▣▣▣(石伊年二) <br />
<br />
十六婢夫成二所生婢同今年三十三三所生奴仇等伊年二十七婢同今一所生奴孫同年七二所生奴孫山年四婢小斤阿只二所生放役婢 <br />
<br />
守今年三十九婢亏叱今三所生婢永老年十三婢終今二所生奴種從年十奴加外四所生婢終今年四十八金浦婢孝道二所生婢强非年二十三 <br />
<br />
同婢一所生婢安非年五任實婢孝德一所生奴欣孫年四十三所生婢今之年三十五四所生婢粉之年二十七同婢一所生婢延之年七婢今之一所生 <br />
<br />
婢洪非年六二所生奴 年四奴李存良妻二所生婢龍今年十八婢龍德一所生奴 年四婢訥斤三所生奴金伊同年十七四所生婢件里今▣(年) <br />
<br />
六婢粉加一所生婢 年二臨津婢銀德二所生奴佛金年三十三婢白隱莊一所生婢白隱之年三十五婢玉非三所生奴玉屯年二十五伊川婢 <br />
<br />
長命二所生婢玉梅年六十五同婢三所生奴勿金年二十六婢毛老非一所▣(生)奴金山改名末乙金年二十七婢仲德一所生婢松阿之年十二朔寧婢▣(玉) <br />
<br />
非一所生婢玉今年四十二靈光婢古音未一所生奴莫金年七十三婢小非二所生奴龍萬年三十海美婢莫莊三所生奴遠伊年五十五奴長命二 <br />
<br />
所生婢卜非年三十九康津婢孝道三所生奴莫金年五十七同奴良妻四所生奴姜守年九咸興婢順非四所生婢守非年六奴謁同三所生婢連 <br />
<br />
今年十七定平婢仍邑隱五所生奴仇叱金年二十一六所生奴仇叱同年十九奴訖斤五所生婢莫德年四十婢三月一所生奴金山年十三二所生婢▣ <br />
<br />
德年九虎溪婢李德三所生奴崔山年三十九三陟婢小斤召史二所生奴朴大年四十七奴仇里大良妻四所生婢古春年三江陵羽溪婢德 <br />
<br />
之三所生婢內隱加年四十七婢內隱今二所生婢 年三延安婢▣▣(長壽)五所生婢於里加年六十九白川奴莫松良妻一所生婢延臺年十鳳山婢欣 <br />
<br />
生三所生婢都叱加年三十同婢二所生婢 年六八莒奴崔山良妻一所生奴終山年十三所生奴 年一密陽婢內隱伊一所生婢眞珠年 <br />
<br />
四十一河陽婢玉來二所生奴玉萬年四十九珍島婢內隱月一所生奴三龍年三十七星州婢傾國二所生奴銀山年十四永川婢千德一所生奴千同年 <br />
<br />
十九二所生婢貴德年十四草溪奴命存良妻二所生婢談德年十五奴李生二所生奴銀同年十六開城婢今伊四所生奴末乙孫年十三振威婢玉今▣ <br />
<br />
所生婢姜德年十七咸從婢小全一所生婢義非年二十慶源奴哲山良妻四所生奴玉只年一鏡城奴巨乙金良妻三所生奴石乙山年六明川婢龍 <br />
<br />
今二所生婢收養非年一光陽奴終守良妻五所生婢石非年二十三順川奴禿同良妻一所生奴石乙伊年十七咸興婢叔今一所生婢乃斤乃年▣ <br />
<br />
十四同婢二所生婢內隱台年十三印 <br />
<br />
二男從仕郞李瑋衿 <br />
<br />
京中婢仇德一所生婢貴非年四十二同婢二所生奴山守年十六三所生婢同叱德年十二四所生奴敬孫年七婢小斤阿只三所生奴守山年三十六 <br />
<br />
婢孫莊一所生婢訥斤年五十九婢小斤知二所生婢石乙非年三十同婢一所生奴巨叱金年七二所生婢哲今年一婢獻德三所生婢卜非年二十九同 <br />
<br />
婢一所生婢卜代年五二所生婢孝道年二婢仇未一所生奴芿叱同年三十一同奴良妻一所生婢芿叱德年四二所生奴虛叱文伊年二婢竹非一所生 <br />
<br />
婢於乙非年二十二婢孝今三所生婢貴今年十八婢終今一所生婢長今年二十三婢仍邑德一所生奴權孫年四婢亏叱今六所生婢於邑知年三婢 <br />
<br />
性非一所生奴加叱同年三十九奴介同良妻一所生婢丹之年五十八婢性非一所生奴卜中年三十八金浦婢注之一所生婢孝道年四十九同婢一所生 <br />
<br />
奴禿同年二十六楊州婢良衣德五所生婢莫今年五臨津婢其每二所生奴今音同年四十二三所生婢萬德年四十婢善今二所生婢芿叱非年 <br />
<br />
九三所生婢芿叱加年六婢銀德三所生奴佛衆年三十奴勿金二所生婢銀非年七積城婢白莊二所生奴番其年二十六若木婢小斤德二所生▣ <br />
<br />
今音夫伊改名檢佛年二十二五所生奴者古未年十四婢莫非一所生婢夫貴年四十三奴難金良妻一所生奴玉山年二十星州婢傾國三所生奴 <br />
<br />
年六婢老里加所生放役奴牛未致年七十八莒婢宝全一所生婢龍今年五十三婢召史三所生奴加介年二十六山陽奴尙伊良妻二所生婢賓 <br />
<br />
今年九高靈婢者斤召史三所生婢莫德年三十二永川婢黃珍伊一所生婢金德年五十二虎溪婢双非改名三德一所生婢三非年十六光陽<br />
<br />
奴終守良妻七所生奴莫金年十七咸安婢四月二所生奴火伊年六十一婢德非一所生婢則今年三十六婢月娟二所生奴石乙金年十三婢犬伊一 <br />
<br />
所生婢 年一南海奴金萬良妻一所生婢晋非年二十六奴哲同良妻三所生奴允孫年十八四所生婢黃玉年十六黃澗婢內隱月二所生奴 <br />
<br />
開金年三十四康津婢孝道一所生奴姜元年六十七二所生奴姜金改名士義年六十二奴孝生良妻三所生奴仇里年十四全州婢佛德二所生奴月 <br />
<br />
千年三十一同奴二所生婢今終年四珍島奴萬山良妻一所生奴萬同年十九尼山婢多勿沙里一所生婢入沙里年五海美奴長命良妻三所生婢 <br />
<br />
卜珍伊年三十六咸興婢貴今二所生婢斤非年十二奴龍吉良妻二所生奴貴山年三十四奴每邑吐里良妻三所生婢金今年二十六同婢一所生婢 <br />
<br />
同非年六奴末應仇知良妻二所生婢小斤德年四十婢琴瑟一所生婢勿金年十婢順非六所生奴 年一甲山奴長孫良妻二所生奴玉同年四安邊<br />
<br />
奴莫只良妻四所生奴順伊年三十奴銀丁良妻一所生奴貴石年七三陟婢夫田一所生奴松山年四十八婢仍邑德一所生奴於應同年十二順川婢卜德一 <br />
<br />
所生奴春山年四十五婢莫德一所生奴先山年四寧邊奴莫同良妻一所生婢古音德年十三婢宝背三所生婢亡德年十四印 <br />
<br />
長女前行副司猛尹化溟妻李氏衿 <br />
<br />
京中婢阿乙吾之四所生婢性今年五十三同婢一所生婢貴非年二十七二所生婢同伊年十六三所生婢本都只年十一婢貴非一所生婢阿望年四婢 <br />
<br />
甫乙松二所生奴彭公年二十七婢無心一所生奴犬伊年十六婢亏叱今二所生婢豆田年十五婢德今一所生婢西德年二十五婢春德二所生奴柴孔<br />
<br />
年十四婢莫德一所生奴崔連年五十五婢卵乙知二所生放役婢無作今年二十六婢小斤阿只二所生奴千同年二十九舒川婢德伊一所生婢卵 <br />
<br />
今年四十二同婢一所生婢仇叱德年二十六四所生婢莫西非年十二奴佛排良妻一所生奴京山年十九海美婢卜加三所生奴 年二楊州婢 <br />
<br />
內隱伊一所生婢良衣德年四十五同婢四所生奴碩同年六奴長命 所生奴莫同年二十三臨津婢四月一所生奴遠金年六十八婢善今一所生婢 <br />
<br />
芿叱德年十三婢萬德四所生婢莫非年三積城奴吾莊二所生婢 年 臨江奴於乙非大良妻六所生奴守命年二十七振威婢於里德一所生 <br />
<br />
婢無心年十五婢四桂二所生奴碩石乙伊年十九虎溪奴於乙非大二所生婢水淸年三十八婢守德三所生婢三德年三十五若木奴林福良 <br />
<br />
妻二所生奴佛生年二十九婢小莊一所生婢小斤德年五十四婢冬非二所生奴銀同年十八莒婢召史一所生奴崔山年三十四草溪婢亏同三所 <br />
<br />
生奴無里同年二十五婢卜只二所生奴欣山年四十七奴命存四所生奴李先年七安康婢今音德一所生婢豆於里年二十二所生婢小非年十四 <br />
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咸安婢八月三所生婢小斤召史年六十婢貴今一所生婢犬伊年二十一婢月非一所生婢佛非年一任實婢佛德三所生婢月今年二十七同婢 <br />
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一所生 婢孝德二所生奴金孫年三十七康津婢欣加二所生奴乙夫年五十四奴莫金良妻一所生婢永德年二十一同婢一所生婢 年六 <br />
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二所生 羅州奴鐵山良妻所生奴牛叱同年三十一益山奴同叱三四所生婢每邑加年六十二安邊奴莫只良妻一所生奴銀丁年三十九同奴 <br />
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良妻二所生奴貴珍年五奴莫只五所生婢新今年二十二婢莫德二所生奴今音豆伊年六咸興奴龍吉良妻三所生奴貴生年三十二奴謁同<br />
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良妻五所生奴連孫年十一奴松介良妻一所生婢松非年五婢玉德二所生婢年一奴豆乙彦良妻六所生婢老里加年五十六婢閑今一所生 <br />
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奴李山年二十六文川任內龍津婢丹陽一所生婢貴今年六十五定平婢莫加一所生奴貴同年四十婢仍邑隱一所生婢三月年三十四三所生奴 <br />
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石柱年二十五同奴良妻一所生奴 年一慶源奴哲山良妻三所生奴都也之年七鏡城婢莫只十一所生婢莫德年五十七甲山奴長孫<br />
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良妻三所生婢玉德年二婢銀珠二所生婢銀今年十四江陵婢內隱加一所生婢內隱莊改名內隱今年二十三同婢一所生婢內隱非▣▣(年七)三 <br />
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陟奴仇里大良妻三所生婢叱同三年六咸從奴川龍良妻一所生婢小全年四十七江西婢宝文一所生奴者斤同年四十六朔寧奴末乙 <br />
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巾良妻二所生婢檢德年十一印 <br />
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三男將仕郞李琜衿 <br />
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京中婢心方二所生婢春德年三十八同婢一所生婢烏梅年十五婢宝代四所生婢莫之年二十八同婢一所生奴石孫年六婢仲非二所生奴孫山<br />
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年二十六婢夫成一所生放役奴同伊年三十六婢三月一所生放役奴都致年五十二婢加也之二所生婢閏德年二十六婢小斤阿只五所生奴守同年 <br />
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二十三婢從伊七所生婢莫只年十二婢彔德三所生婢終今年五十三臨津婢銀德一所生奴勿金年三十七楊州婢良衣德三所生婢碩今<br />
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年十四振威婢玉今五所生奴莫山年十二六所生婢安今年三婢於里德二所生婢無加里年 安城婢七月四所生婢中秋年三十七尼山奴▣ <br />
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里金良妻所生婢永伊年五十二同婢三所生婢多勿沙里年二十五舒川婢松伊一所生奴金大年七十婢卵乙今二所生奴眞山年二十二伊川<br />
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婢玉梅二所生婢仲德年三十一婢長命三所生奴玉山年六十四延安婢順加一所生婢甫中加伊年三十五奴金禾良妻一所生奴甘音山年十三四所 <br />
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生婢春德年三任實婢孝德五所生婢粉加年二十五六所生奴元孫年二十三婢內隱加五所生奴亡龍年五十八康津婢則只六所生婢莫德年 <br />
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三十四全州奴月千良妻一所生奴月同年十珍島奴三龍三所生婢而非年六咸安奴鄭夫良妻二所生奴鄭善年二十三婢四月三所生婢德非年 <br />
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五十八婢貴今二所生奴家同年十八山陽奴道者三所生奴尙伊年三十八密陽奴李元良妻▣(一)所生婢內隱伊年六十四虎溪奴李萬良妻一所生 <br />
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李文年十六婢水淸一所生婢双今年六婢卜守二所生婢莫德年十五永川婢千德三所生奴貴山年十草溪婢永守三所生奴牛未致年三十▣(八) <br />
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若木奴林福良妻一所生婢林德年四十三星州奴石乙山良妻一所生婢李德年二十七婢小斤召史所生婢末乙今年二十七奴金卜只二所生 <br />
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婢 年一婢傾國一所生奴玉山年十七婢古勿伊一所生 年二興陽婢者斤二所生奴光金年三十安邊婢守明一所生婢玉今年 <br />
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十一二所生奴重石年九奴莫只良妻二所生奴金同年三十六六所生婢莫今年十九奴銀丁良妻三所生奴貴知年二咸興奴龍吉四所生 <br />
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奴貴忠年三十一婢泉今五所生婢斤非年十六奴謁同六所生奴莫孫年十婢古音德六所生奴泉龍年五十八婢金今二所生 年 <br />
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四婢老里加三所生婢內隱非年十八婢閑今二所生婢龍今年十四奴龍吉良妻五所生奴松介年二十六富寧婢春花八所生奴孟▣(同)<br />
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年十五定平婢莫德三所生婢件里德年八慶源奴哲山良妻二所生婢玉今年十二明川婢龍今一所生婢走伊今年六鏡城奴巨乙金<br />
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良妻四所生奴 年一寧遠奴豆乙彦良妻一所生婢朴莊年十六江西奴者斤同良妻四所生奴義存年八順川奴春山良妻二所生婢順今年▣▣(五印) <br />
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四男李{玉+束}衿 <br />
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京中婢內隱伊一所生婢佛今年四十二同婢二所生奴佛山年九三所生奴季同年五四所生奴莫山年一婢宝全三所生婢四德年二十九婢終 <br />
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今四所生婢臺加年八婢月非四所生婢從伊年五十一同婢一所生奴春同年三十三五所生奴順斤年十九婢亏叱今四所生婢貴欣年▣ <br />
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婢春花一所生奴貴孫年三十八婢亏同二所生婢仍邑德年三十六婢古非一所生放役婢猪非年十八婢都致四所生放役婢無心年五十八 <br />
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婢守如今二所生奴末乙柱年一咸興婢獻德四所生婢四月年十八七所生婢今之年十二奴今音松五所生婢萬德年五十三奴龍吉良妻一所 <br />
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生婢貴今年四十四奴泉龍良妻五所生婢玉之年十六婢小斤德三所生奴貴{宀+失}年十三四所生奴無豆里年二婢貴今三所生奴今同年八婢琴 <br />
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瑟二所生婢豆應今年六奴松介良妻二所生婢 年 婢泉今四所生婢今知年二十定平婢三月二所生奴徽孫改名叔孫年十六端 <br />
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川婢金莊二所生婢卜非三十六寧遠奴龍已良妻一所生婢宝背年五十五安邊婢莫德一所生奴石乙金年十三鏡城婢延非四所生奴末 <br />
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應金年二十四婢卜只一所生奴石同年四十九文川婢內隱伊二所生婢莫德年三十三慶源奴哲山良妻一所生婢粉今年十三永興奴亏▣ <br />
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亇良妻四所生奴哲京年十九江西奴者斤同良妻二所生婢大德年二十二郭山奴長守良妻一所生婢若非年三十一順川奴元奉良妻二所生 <br />
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奴加叱同年五十二同奴一所生婢莫德年二十七靈光婢小非三所生婢內隱今年二十一任實婢性非二所生奴欣山年五十六同奴良妻一所生▣ <br />
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金孫年五婢亏同一所生奴李存年四十五同奴良妻三所生奴李忠年十四四所生婢存非年九五所生婢吾音之年六益山婢甘莊四所生 <br />
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奴吉生年五十康津奴莫金良妻二所生奴自明年十七星州婢其每三所生奴億守年二十六奴石乙山良妻二所生奴石柱年十七婢小非四所生 <br />
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奴金卜只年二十九虎溪婢守德二所生婢卜守年四十一婢李德一所生奴內隱同年四十八婢水淸二所生婢正月年三若木婢小斤德一所生 <br />
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婢冬非年三十四同婢四所生婢金今年五婢林德二所生奴件里同年十咸安奴卵山良妻一所生婢月娟年三十九奴今音金良妻一所生 <br />
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奴北間年四八莒奴崔山良妻二所生婢夫今年五延安婢月非一所生奴禿同年四十二婢內隱伊二所生婢內隱文伊年十三奴金禾良妻▣(三) <br />
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所生婢貴德年六白川奴莫松二所生婢永今年七尼山婢永伊四所生奴金伊同年二十舒川婢德伊二所生奴佛排年三十八海美奴長▣(命)<br />
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良妻四所生奴每邑同年三十臨津婢其每一所生奴檢佛年五十四婢石乙今三所生奴哲同年十六楊州婢加叱加一所生奴下通年三十八利川<br />
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婢冬白一所生婢命吉年六十六三陟奴仇里大良妻二所生奴同叱金年十四海美奴每邑同一所生奴 年二印 <br />
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五男李瑽衿 <br />
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京中婢夫成五所生奴無作只年二十二婢訥斤一所生婢栢伊年三十一婢內隱伊四所生婢加德年六婢亏叱今一所生婢舍非年二十四同婢一所 <br />
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生婢末乙石年三婢甫乙松四所生奴今孫年十七婢玉梅一所生奴吳山年二十八婢性非四所生奴目隱同年二十四婢石乙非一所生奴牛叱同年▣▣ <br />
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三利川婢冬白六所生奴麻老年四十九婢七月二所生婢孝養年四十六同婢三所生奴馬叱同年十四四所生奴 年六臨津婢者斤一所生 <br />
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婢善今年三十三婢萬德三所生婢守今年七奴勿金良妻三所生婢銀莊年五婢三月一所生奴北間年六楊州婢良衣德一所生婢每邑之年 <br />
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十九安城奴金千良妻三所生奴者斤吾乙未年二十八咸安婢仇叱德四所生婢貴德年四十二同婢三所生婢加音勿加伊年九五所生奴佛乙加年 <br />
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三婢月今一所生婢順非年十二南海奴哲同良妻五所生奴玉壽年十四八莒奴衆伊良妻二所生奴行眞年六十三婢龍今一所生奴能孫年 <br />
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二十五二所生婢春代年十八草溪奴命存良妻一所生婢吾今年十七婢性仇之一所生婢性今年四十二奴豆里大良妻三所生婢莫非年三十▣(九) <br />
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虎溪婢卜守三所生婢莫今年十四所生奴間都未年五奴李萬良妻二所生婢文非年九婢三德三所生奴 年一若木婢小斤德三所生奴於里 <br />
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同年十九婢若德一所生放役奴命山年四十一婢梅花一所生婢衆生年六十六同婢一所生婢石今年四十四婢亏斤五所生婢吉非年十六婢夫叱實<br />
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一所生奴末乙同年六十奴難金二所生奴玉石年十五山陰婢亏巨之二所生奴銀同年三十二婢粉伊三所生奴今音石年 星州婢李德一所生 <br />
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婢 年二密陽婢眞珠二所生奴玉連年十六任實婢孝德九所生婢彔今年十六婢莫只二所生奴象伊年二十一婢訥斤二所生婢加知<br />
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年十八康津奴訥山良妻二所生奴訥達年十七婢莫德二所生奴義同年十珍島婢小斤一所生婢玉生年六十二婢虫介所生奴萬山年四十三奴 <br />
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三龍四所生 年二靈光婢小非一所生奴於吐里年三十六海美奴長命一所生婢卜加年三十八伊川婢仲德三所生婢莫非年七明川奴金彔良 <br />
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妻七所生婢終伊年二十七咸興奴每邑吐里良妻一所生奴謁同年四十五二所生奴謁金年三十六奴今音松九所生婢順非年三十八同婢五所生奴叔▣<br />
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年四婢今知一所生婢銀臺年一婢老里加伊一所生奴金叱同改名孫同年三十一定平婢仍邑德八所生婢莫非年十一婢三月三所生婢▣… <br />
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年四婢三月五所生奴處同年二文川婢莫德一所生奴 年十四鏡城婢莫德四所生奴今孫年二十江界奴双龍良妻六所生婢加也之年 <br />
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四十九江西奴者斤同五所生 年一印 <br />
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二女從仕郞李熙妻李氏衿 <br />
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京中婢哲今一所生婢波獨年四十二同婢一所生婢宝背年二十六二所生奴億同年二十三所生奴億山年十八婢宝背一所生婢淡之年三二所生 <br />
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婢二非年一奴卵山良妻三所生婢今音知年三十婢今伊二所生婢栗伊年二十四五所生奴五十同年七婢孝生三所生婢地莊年二十婢今 <br />
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月二所生奴貴民年二十八奴於乙非大良妻七所生奴雪山年二十二婢召史一所生婢今伊年十七婢其每二所生奴石乙仇知年三十八三所生放役奴▣(卜) <br />
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大年三十五婢小斤阿只一所生放役婢亏叱今年四十一同婢五所生婢於如年五婢宝代一所生婢卵今年五十四同婢三所生奴銀孫年十 <br />
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九婢甫乙松三所生婢於▣…▣今年二十四金浦婢注之二所生婢甘勿年四十二珍島婢都里加二所生奴亡吐里年五十九積城奴吾莊良妻 <br />
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一所生奴閏同年四草溪婢小莊一所生奴興守年六十七婢今音珍四所生奴命存年四十三江西奴於火金一所生婢遠時年四十全州奴 <br />
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月千良妻三所生婢 年二定平婢莫德一所生婢李德年二十婢三月一所生奴竹山年十八海美婢卜加一所生婢衆生年十婢卜非一所 <br />
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生奴貴孫年十六鳳山婢都叱加一所生婢羅火大年八任實婢禿德二所生奴莫同年四十三奴金孫良妻一所生奴難孫年八三所生▣… <br />
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…▣年二咸興奴泉龍良妻四所生婢玉德年二十五同婢一所生奴末乙孫年四奴末應仇知良妻一所生奴獻德年五十一婢順非三所生 <br />
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奴叔同年十三奴貴山良妻一所生婢今伊年十一婢泉今六所生奴哲孫年十五永川婢小莊二所生婢千德年五十一婢每邑德一所生奴亡吾 <br />
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之年三十五安邊奴毛知里良妻三所生奴守達年三十七五所生婢春月年三十四鏡城奴巨乙金良妻二所生婢卜今年十一婢玉今二所生婢 <br />
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白德年四十六臨津婢卜加一所生婢銀德年七十婢萬德一所生婢萬今年十六婢石乙今二所生奴閏同年十九奴勿金良妻四所生婢 年一 <br />
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延安婢於里加五所生婢內隱伊年三十七同婢一所生奴上佐年十六振威婢亏音加二所生奴李山年二十九星州婢老里加三所生婢古物伊年 <br />
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四十婢今音都致三所生婢小斤召史年六十七長興婢則只五所生奴長未年四十六伊川婢長命六所生奴吾乙亇同年四十八婢仲德四所生奴莫 <br />
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松年二明川奴金彔三所生婢龍今年三十九婢龍德一所生奴吾伊同年十光陽奴終守良妻二所生奴石從年三十三三所生婢石今年 <br />
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三十若木婢冬非三所生婢今德年八舒川婢卵今三所生婢石伊年十九八莒婢龍今三所生奴連孫年八康津婢莫德三所生奴義山年 <br />
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六寧遠奴末乙金良妻三所生奴莫同年二十四奴莫同良妻二所生婢古音之年八咸安婢貴德四所生婢黃犬伊年六印 <br />
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六男李璦衿 <br />
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京中婢金德一所生婢內隱伊年五十四婢仲非一所生婢孫非年二十九同婢一所生奴難同年七二所生奴閏同年二婢元萬三所生放役婢 <br />
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自才年六十婢小斤阿只四所生婢守如今年二十五同婢一所生奴巨叱金年二婢從伊六所生奴順伊年十五婢栢伊三所生婢石乙德年五婢守 <br />
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命一所生奴甘吐里年六十三婢春德三所生婢錦春年十婢四德一所生奴金孫年三臨津婢者斤召史二所生婢石乙今年五十四婢 所生婢 <br />
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三月年三十五奴勿金良妻一所生婢內隱非年十二朔寧婢長命五所生奴末乙巾年五十七同奴良妻一所生奴檢山年十三積城婢今音加六所生婢 <br />
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白莊年五十一同婢一所生奴吾莊年二十九振威婢玉今二所生婢仲今年二十一婢於里德三所生奴貴山 年 舒川婢卵今五所生婢仇之年五 <br />
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奴金大良妻一所生婢玉只年二十四虎溪婢卜守一所生婢卜德年二十一婢延伊三所生奴豆乙彦年六十六婢李德五所生奴竝同年三十三若木婢 <br />
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小斤德四所生婢順今年十六婢冬非一所生奴金孫年十五婢林德一所生奴明山年十五星州婢其每二所生婢傾城年三十二同婢一所生婢傾 <br />
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今年二婢末乙今一所生奴千連年三奴金卜只良妻一所生婢今德年三草溪奴命存良妻三所生奴李孫年十五所生 年一永川婢牧丹三 <br />
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所生婢延非年六十七山陽奴尙伊良妻一所生奴賓伊年十一晋州婢金德一所生奴裵京年六十咸安奴鄭夫一所生婢碧桃年二十九奴金龍<br />
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二所生奴千金年十八蔚山婢介莊三所生婢者斤召史年四十六珍島奴三龍良妻二所生婢四非年九南原奴李存良妻一所生婢龍德年二十五 <br />
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任實婢孝德七所生奴元金年二十婢訥斤一所生放役奴玉同年三十一康津奴莫金良妻三所生奴豆含年十四白川婢莫加三所生奴莫松<br />
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年三十同奴良妻三所生奴山伊年三延安奴金禾良妻二所生婢甘音德年九婢內隱伊四所生婢檢崇年八婢於里加四所生奴目隱大年四十一 <br />
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定平婢仍邑隱七所生奴興山年十五婢莫德二所生婢李台年十二四所生奴李孫年四婢三月三所生奴叔珍年十二四所生奴處山年五慶 <br />
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源婢佛台三所生奴哲山年四十三咸興奴今音松良妻八所生奴順右年四十四婢萬德二所生婢斤非年十五奴泉龍良妻三所生奴玉同<br />
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年二十七奴謁同良妻二所生奴連山年二十二奴松介良妻三所生婢 年二婢老里加二所生奴金伊同年二十九安邊奴莫只良妻 <br />
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三所生婢守明年三十三同婢三所生婢重德年六婢粉德五所生婢莫德年四十三明川婢龍德二所生婢古音之年二三陟婢小斤召 <br />
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史三所生奴仇里大年四十伊川婢長命四所生婢毛老非年五十八婢玉今一所生婢玉德年十六咸從奴川龍良妻二所生奴檢知年四 <br />
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十五順川奴末應達良妻二所生奴李存年四十舒川婢玉只一所生 年二定平奴末乙金二所生婢三月年三十一印 <br />
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七男李玖衿 <br />
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京中婢宝背三所生奴檢佛年四十八婢大非一所生奴孝孫年十九婢今音都致四所生婢加隱非年六十五婢從伊八所生奴莫同年九婢 <br />
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於里加三所生奴亡吾之年四十五六所生婢莫今年三十婢仍邑隱二所生婢銀非年三十三婢卵乙今四所生婢加知今年十六婢今音知一所生 <br />
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婢卜非年十一婢白隱德四所生婢欣非年三十八婢內隱伊三所生婢件里年十一婢栢伊一所生奴黃孫年十一四所生婢奏巨伊年三婢 <br />
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春德四所生奴李石年四咸安奴卵山良妻二所生婢月今年三十四四所生奴今音金年二十八同奴良妻二所生奴古間年二婢月 <br />
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娟一所生婢月非年二十二婢彔中二所生婢都德年五三所生奴都山年一任實婢孝德八所生婢金伊今年十八長興婢金德一所生 <br />
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奴貴生年二十五虎溪婢守德四所生奴莫乃年二十五婢雙非二所生婢石乙非年十二咸興婢貴今一所生婢卜非年二十四同婢一所生奴金伊 <br />
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萬年四婢獻德五所生奴仇叱同年十五婢甘同二所生奴每邑山改名孟山年三十四婢小斤德二所生婢虫介年十六延安婢於里加一所生奴金 <br />
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禾年五十一婢內隱伊三所生婢六月年十五所生奴李孫年二婢月非二所生奴勿金年二十八臨津奴同三良妻一所生奴仲萬年五十八婢白 <br />
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隱之一所生奴銀從年三臨江奴守命良妻一所生婢鄭非年三奴於乙非大良妻八所生奴終山年十三定平奴訖斤二所生婢仍邑隱年 <br />
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五十四同婢九所生婢莫今年六八莒奴衆伊二所生婢召史年五十八安邊婢春月二所生婢春非年十五婢莫德三所生奴都致年三伊 <br />
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川婢仲德二所生婢於能▣(牛)年十明川奴金彔良妻二所生奴金龍年四十一四所生婢龍德年三十九三陟奴松山良妻一所生婢仍邑 <br />
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德年二十四奴仇里大良妻五所生婢 年一海美婢卜加二所生婢本都只年七星州奴石乙山良妻三所生婢卜非年十三婢性非<br />
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所生婢其每年五十二原州婢莫今一所生奴昌孫年十八丹城婢牧丹一所生奴斤重年四十七永川婢德莊一所生婢古春四十四草 <br />
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溪婢者斤一所生婢今音德年六十振威婢亏音加一所生放役婢於里德年四十三婢其每一所生婢玉今年四十三同婢四所生奴莫同<br />
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年十四開城奴仇石所生婢今伊年五十五甲山婢銀珠一所生奴長孫年十八寧遠奴朴哲二所生奴莫同年四十五鏡城婢莫德一所生奴 <br />
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巨乙金年三十一若木婢冬非五所生奴金哲年一江西奴者斤同良妻一所生奴大同年二十四尼山婢永伊五所生奴仁卜年十五光陽奴從守<br />
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良妻六所生婢莫德年二十山陽奴尙伊良妻三所生奴屯伊年七珍島奴三龍良妻一所生奴四同年十三楊州婢良衣德二所生奴每 <br />
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邑山年十六南海婢金德三所生奴裵中山年五十五康津婢白隱莊二所生奴白隱金年二十印 <br />
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此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆 <br />
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父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事<br />
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幼學李 [着名][署押] <br />
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從仕郞李 [着名][署押] <br />
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李 [着名][署押] <br />
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幼學李 [着名][署押] <br />
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將仕郞李 [着名][署押] <br />
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筆執承義副尉前行副司猛尹 [着名][署押] <br />
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從仕郞李 [着名][署押] <br />
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宣務郞前工曺佐郞李 [着名][署押]<br />
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}}<br />
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{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣… <br />
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幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆 <br />
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咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如) <br />
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使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在<br />
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長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿 <br />
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(Introduction)<br /><br />
The seventh year of Hongzhi (1494), sixth month, twenty-seventh day. The unanimous (agreement) [on property distribution] among siblings born of the same mother. ([Property] endowed by parents) as well as specially-acquired endowment <ref>Separately-acquired property by children from their parents for particular achievements, such as passing examinations, etc. </ref> (to be calculated and equally distributed for each share) in accordance with law. <ref>經國大典, basic constitutional code of Chosŏn.</ref><br /><br />
All-comprehensive record for each share is for our children and grandchildren to pass down and carry out for a long time and use in cases of employing slaves. Slaves in charge of tomb management, male slave Kŭmsan, male slave Mangŏji, male slave Ch’ŏndong and the rest were exempt from tribute. Like other slaves who are exempt from tribute have them each rely on their own share.<br /><br />
I will designate a male slave Chŏngbu from Haman and a male slave younger Olmi from Ansŏng and the rest as superintendents of the tombs. Descendants according to each share will employ slaves as outlined in the contents of this document.<br /><br />
For any reason if there is a dispute among each other report to the government office to resolve and straighten out the matters.<br /><br />
<br />
(Part 2)<br />
<br />Sixth Son Yi Ae’s Inheritance<br />
<br />At the capital, female slave’s first born female slave Naeŭni, aged 54. <br />
<br />Female slave Chungbi’s first born female slave Sonbi, aged 29;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Nandong, aged 7;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Yundong, aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Wŏnman’s third born female slave (exempted from tribute) Chajae, aged 60.<br />
<br />Female slave Sogŭnaji’s fourth born female slave Suyŏgŭm, aged 25;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Kŏjilgŭm, aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Chongi’s sixth born male slave Suni, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Paegi’s third born female slave Sŏgŭldŏk, aged 5.<br />
<br />Female slave Sumyŏng’s first born male slave Kamt'oi, aged 63.<br />
<br />Female slave Ch'undŏk’s third born female slave Kŭmch'un, aged 10.<br />
<br />Female slave Sadŏk’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 3.<br />
<br />At Imjin, female slave Chagŭnsosa’s second born female slave Sŏgŭlgŭm, aged 54.<br />
<br />Female slave [?]’s [?] born female slave Samwŏl, aged 35.<br />
<br />Male slave Mulgŭm’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Naeŭnbi, aged 12.<br />
<br />At Sangnyŏng<ref>the old name for Ryŏnch'ŏn 漣川 in Kyŏnggi Province and Ch'ŏrwŏn 鐵原 in Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fifth born male slave Marŭlgŏn, aged 57; <br />
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Kŏmsan, aged 13.<br />
<br />At Chŏksŏng<ref>the old name for P'aju 坡州 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmga’s sixth born female slave Paekchang, aged 51;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Ojang, aged 29.<br />
<br />At Chinwi<ref>the old name for P'yŏngt'aek 平澤 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Okkŭm’s second born female slave Chunggŭm, aged 21.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒidŏk’s third born male slave Kwisan, aged [?].<br />
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Ch'ungch'ŏng Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Ran'gŭm’s fifth born female slave Kuji, aged 5.<br />
<br />Male slave Kŭmdae’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Okchi, aged 24.<br />
<br />At Hogye<ref>the old name for Mun'gyŏng 聞慶 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poksu’s first born female slave Poktŏk, aged 21.<br />
<br />Female slave Yŏni’s third born male slave Tuŭrŏn, aged 66.<br />
<br />Female slave Idŏk’s fifth born male slave Pyŏngdong, aged 33.<br />
<br />At Yangmok<ref>the old name for Ch'ilgok 漆谷 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭndŏk’s fourth born female slave Sun'gŭm, aged 16.<br />
<br />Female slave Tongbi’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Rimdŏk’s first born male slave Myŏngsan, aged 15.<br />
<br />At Sŏngju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kimae’s second born female slave Kyŏngsŏng, aged 32;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s first born female slave Kyŏnggŭm, aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Marŭlgŭm’s first born male slave Ch'ŏllyŏn, aged 3.<br />
<br />Male slave Kŭmbokchi’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Kŭmdŏk, aged 3.<br />
<br />At Ch'ogye<ref>the old name for Hapch'ŏn 陜川 in South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Myŏngjon’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Ison, aged 10;<br />
<br />Fifth born [?] slave [?], aged 1.<br />
<br />At Yŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Moktan’s third born female slave Yŏnbi, aged 67.<br />
<br />At Sanyang<ref>also an old name for Mun'gyŏng</ref>, male slave Sangi’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Pini, aged 11.<br />
<br />At Chinju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmdŏk’s first born male slave Paegyŏng, aged 60.<br />
<br />At Haman<ref>in nowadays central part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea </ref>, male slave Chŏngbu’s first born female slave Pyŏkto, aged 29.<br />
<br />Male slave Kŭmnyong’s second born male slave Ch'ŏn'gŭm, aged 18.<br />
<br />At Ulsan, female slave Kaejang’s third born female slave Chagŭnsosa, aged 46.<br />
<br />At Chindo<ref>an island off the coast of nowadays South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Samnyong’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Sabi, aged 9.<br />
<br />At Namwŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Ijon’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Ryongdŏk, aged 25.<br />
<br />At Imsil<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Hyodŏk’s seventh born male slave Wŏn'gŭm, aged 20.<br />
<br />Female slave Nulgŭn’s first born male slave (exempted from tribute) Oktong, aged 31.<br />
<br />At Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Makkŭm’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Tuham, aged 14.<br />
<br />At Paekch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Makka’s third born male slave Maksong, aged 30;<br />
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Sani, aged 3.<br />
<br />At Yŏnan<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Kŭmhwa’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Kamŭmdŏk, aged 9.<br />
<br />Female slave Naeŭni’s forth born female slave Kŏmsung, aged 8.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒiga’s forth born male slave Mogŭndae, aged 41.<br />
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ingŭbŭn’s seventh born male slave Hŭngsan, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Maktŏk’s second born female slave It'ae, aged 12;<br />
<br />Forth born male slave Ison, aged 4.<br />
<br />Female slave Samwŏl’s third born male slave Sukchin, aged 12;<br />
<br />Fourth born male slave Ch'ŏsan, aged 5.<br />
<br />At Kyŏngwŏn<ref>in North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Pult'ae’s third born male slave Ch'ŏlssan, aged 43.<br />
<br />At Hamhŭng, male slave Kŭmŭmsong’s commoner wife’s eighth born male slave Sunu, aged 44.<br />
<br />Female slave Mandŏk’s second born female slave Kŭnbi, aged 15.<br />
<br />Male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Oktong, aged 27.<br />
<br />Male slave Tongnyang’s commoner wife second born Ryŏnsan, aged 22.<br />
<br />Male slave Songgae’s commoner wife third born female slave [?], aged 2.<br />
<br />Female slave Noiga’s second born male slave Kŭmidong, aged 29.<br />
<br />At Anbyŏn<ref>in nowadays northern part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Makchi’s commoner wife’s third female slave Sumyŏng, aged 33;<br />
<br />Same female slave’s third born female slave Chungdŏk, aged 6.<br />
<br />Female slave Pundŏk’s fifth born female slave Maktŏk, aged 43.<br />
<br />At Myŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ryongdŏk’s second born female slave Koŭmji, aged 2.<br />
<br />At Samch'ŏk<ref> in nowadays southeastern part of Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭnsosa’s third born male slave Kuidae, aged 40.<br />
<br />At Ich'ŏn<ref>in nowadays western part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fourth born female slave Monobi, aged 58.<br />
<br />Female slave Okkŭm’s first born female slave Oktŏk, aged 16.<br />
<br />At Hamjong<ref>in nowadays western part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Kŏmji, aged 45.<br />
<br />At Sunch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays central part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭngdal’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Ijon, aged 40.<br />
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn, female slave Okchi’s first born [?], aged 2.<br />
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭlgŭm’s second born female slave Samwŏl, aged 31.<br />
<br />The list ends<br />
<br />
'''此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事 <br />
<br />
In this, because Yi Ku is still young and at the time of drafting this document for the tallied division of shares cannot sign, the secondary younger sister Maengbi one female slave bought back its freedom, the slaves from the paternal site are not enough to cover the share due to this and cannot be inherited.''' <br />
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Scholar-in-training Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Gentleman for escort service Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Scholar-in-training Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Gentleman for ceremonial service Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Scribe, Vice commandant for upholding righteousness Vanguard (Front Echelon); junior eight rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Yun [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Gentleman for escort service Yi [signature] [personal sign]<br />
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Gentleman for proclaiming responsibilities, former assistant section chief of the Ministry of Works Yi [signature] [personal sign] <br />
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|-<br />
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(translation)<br />
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|}<br />
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
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<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
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==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 2 : ()'''===<br />
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==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1509%E5%B9%B4_%E6%B0%B8%E8%86%BA%E5%A4%A7%E5%90%9B_%E6%A3%84%E5%88%A5%E5%A4%AB%E4%BA%BA_%E9%84%AD%E6%B0%8F_%E8%A8%B1%E8%88%87%E6%96%87%E8%A8%98&diff=5333(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記2017-07-20T16:29:25Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = .JPG<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = <br />
|Korean = <br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
正德四年八月□日 三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中 許與事段 矣身亦 早年寡居 凡事乙 專仰居生爲▣(有)<br />
<br />
餘良 矣身後良中置 汝矣祠堂良中 班附爲乎事是旀 節矣葬地乙良置 擇定永世守護爲乎爲 盡情<br />
<br />
爲臥乎等用良 去甲寅年分 田民許給時 漏落爲有如乎 母邊傳來 羅州接 奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢<br />
<br />
難非年伍拾肆 貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖 婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參<br />
<br />
參所生奴其古伊年拾玖 婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳 貳所生婢虫介年拾玖 參所生婢奉伊年拾柒<br />
<br />
肆所生婢奉代年拾伍 婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸 貳所生奴欣同年拾伍 康津接 婢福德壹所生▣(奴)<br />
<br />
朴松年陸拾玖 同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒 貳所生奴金伊年十<br />
<br />
靈光接 婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹 咸平接 奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆 同萬德▣(壹)<br />
<br />
所生婢每邑之年拾伍 父邊傳來 眞寶接 婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參 養父安完慶處傳得 昌寧接 婢今音<br />
<br />
德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌 咸平接 婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙 花名永永許給爲去乎 後所生幷以 子孫<br />
<br />
傳持 鎭長使用爲乎矣 萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等 此文字內乙用良 告官辨正 印<br />
<br />
財主 永膺大君棄別夫人 鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]<br />
<br />
證 五寸姪 定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將 鄭 [着名署]<br />
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筆執 三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果 奇 [着名署]<br />
||<br />
'''First Part (by Masha):''' The fourth year of Zhengde (1509), eight month, ? day. To my nephew once removed, Misu, Great Lord of Haep’yŏng. As to what this document pertains is the allowance of inheritance. I was widowed at a young age yet for the general affairs I lived only looking up to you. After I pass away, I should be added to one of the tablets of your ancestral shrine. For this reason, in return I give you a certain amount of property. As to my tomb site, I am devoting all my efforts to select and designate in order to protect for eternal generations. At the last year's distribution when the land and slaves were allocated there were cases that some were accidentally left out.<br />
<br />
'''(Part 2)'''<br />
<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;<br />
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.<br />
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;<br />
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;<br />
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;<br />
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.<br />
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;<br />
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].<br />
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.<br />
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.<br />
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.<br />
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:<br />
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.<br />
<br />(end of part 2)<br />
<br />
'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''<br />
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end. <br />
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Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]<br />
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Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]<br />
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Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Aggressively Brave Commandant; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]<br />
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|}<br />
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
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<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.<br />
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==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?<br />
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==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?<br />
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==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?<br />
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==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?<br />
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==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?<br />
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==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn? <br />
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What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period? <br />
<br />
How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?<br />
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==='''Student 9 : martin'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?<br />
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==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?<br />
<br />
2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu. Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a playboy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?<br />
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==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?<br />
<br />
2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===<br />
----<br />
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*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''<br />
<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=2017_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)&diff=51992017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)2017-07-20T09:16:38Z<p>마틴: /* VI-9. Text translated by Martin Gehlmann */</p>
<hr />
<div>=='''지도교수'''==<br />
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]<br />
<br />
=='''수강생'''==<br />
<br />
{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}<br />
<br />
=='''교재'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;"><br />
* 전체 리스트<br />
</div><br />
<br />
=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===<br />
<br />
I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]<br />
<br />
I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]<br />
<br />
I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]<br />
<br />
I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]<br />
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I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]<br />
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I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]<br />
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I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]<br />
<br />
I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. 「純祖實錄」『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日 乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]<br />
<br />
=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===<br />
<br />
II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]<br />
<br />
II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]<br />
<br />
II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]<br />
<br />
II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要 修己 正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議 在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)<br />
<br />
II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]<br />
<br />
II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]<br />
<br />
=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===<br />
<br />
III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年 李璦 男妹 和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]<br />
<br />
III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏 貞武公 宗宅)]]<br />
<br />
III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德 務安朴氏 武毅公 朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]<br />
<br />
III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏 綠雨堂 宗宅)]]<br />
<br />
III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年 招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏 綠雨堂 宗宅)]]<br />
<br />
III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏 綠雨堂 宗宅)]]<br />
<br />
III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏 綠雨堂 宗宅)]]<br />
<br />
III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年 賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]<br />
<br />
III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]<br />
<br />
III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年 朴海溟 賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]<br />
<br />
III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記|1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記]]<br />
<br />
III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年 金命說 分財記]]<br />
<br />
III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年 金璠 分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年 金璠 分財記]]<br />
<br />
III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年 鄭眉壽 明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年 鄭眉壽 明文 ]]<br />
<br />
III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年 鄭眉壽 遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年 鄭眉壽 遺書 ]]<br />
<br />
=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===<br />
<br />
<br />
IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]<br />
<br />
IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]<br />
<br />
=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===<br />
<br />
V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]<br />
<br />
V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]<br />
<br />
V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]<br />
<br />
=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===<br />
<br />
==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|Text translated by Masha]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報 一號 呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====<br />
<br />
[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]<br />
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|元高麗紀事 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌 院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====<br />
<br />
==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]<br />
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]</div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_Text9&diff=5198(Translation) Text92017-07-20T09:14:28Z<p>마틴: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG<br />
|Image = 죽계지.jpg<br />
|English = Records of the Bamboo Stream, Academy Regulations<br />
|Chinese = 竹溪志, 院規<br />
|Korean = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=GO#dir/node?grpId=&itemId=GO&gubun=book&depth=2&cate1=I&cate2=&dataGubun=%EC%84%9C%EC%A7%80&dataId=ITKC_GO_1440A 죽계지]<br />
|Genre = Literati Writings<br />
|Type = 學規<br />
|Author = 周世鵬<br />
|Year = 1543<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
<br />
【院規】 周世鵬<br />
<br />
一曰謹祀。二曰禮賢。三曰修宇。四曰備廩。五曰點書。<br />
夫不謹則祀不享。不禮則賢不至。宇不修則必壞。廩不備則必匱。書不點則必散。五者。不可以廢一也。<br />
<br />
斯文統檢。有司監掌。<br />
學田所出。每年十一月。院長成冊三件。一件申于官。一件報于斯文。一件留置院中。寶米所納。每年正月。成冊三件。其申報如前。必存本取息而用之。若不待存本而先用其息。則在民腹中而未納者。有本之名。無存之實。須以先納者充存其本。然後。用其所息。可也。今夫列邑司馬所。亦多置田立寶。然而送迎婚喪之需。或資於此。故其久保也。鮮矣。若書院則必以養賢爲主。無他耗費。然後。庶可支久。無大闕欠。<br />
<br />
別擇業文信愼者一人。爲院長。又擇一人。爲貳。共主院事。<br />
主院者若遠居。則雖有至誠。不得常常顧之。必致荒廢。須以大平 內外竹內外東 五里人爲之。可也。某初於舊興。得一士金仲文。俾掌文成公祠事。其所居至近。其用意甚專。刊荊榛開廟院。實賴其力。至於典祀禮賢。亦終始一心。使之久主廟院。必不中廢。某少時讀書諸山。間見有僧之創寺者。名曰化主。護其寺甚於護身。觀其志。雖所謂削足矐眼而不顧也。夫僧猶然。況於士人乎。余由是益信金生之愼護也。苟無大故。雖終身仍掌。可也。然若怠於禮賢。使訑訑之色拒人於千里之外。則亦不可一日爲是任也。誠在諸斯文審察何如耳。<br />
<br />
春秋大享。例卜季月上丁。上丁有故。改卜中丁。有故者。如國諱私諱之類。<br />
凡舍菜先聖。必於春秋仲月。而此則卜季月者。公旣配享仲月。而上巳之淸明重陽之佳節。卽公平生所浴禊遊賞於此者。追而祭之。公必樂而降歆。祭之日。盡會一鄕父老斯文秀士於溪上。而爲飮禧禮。相與風詠而歸。則所謂神人以和者。必於此而得之矣。<br />
<br />
備三獻官六執事。<br />
有司前期七日告斯文。豫定獻官及諸執事。<br />
<br />
致齋日。獻官點曬藏書。省視牆宇虧漏。會計米穀什物。受禧日。衆斯文共察之。<br />
若司馬有司則每節必檢。院中有司則每月必檢。<br />
<br />
邑宰子弟不得留滯貽弊。<br />
留滯則不但所率之丘侵弊守直之家。漁食隣閭。橫生憤怨。其漸不可勝言者。甚者。不敬廟庭。不謹書院。視淨室思淫。視華壁思穢。其毁瓦畫墁。未必不自子弟始。嗚呼。世有父兄仁而子弟未仁者。亦有子弟仁而父兄未仁者。聞吾言。豈不爲之回動乎。然固有父兄子弟俱仁者矣。而亦有父兄子弟俱爲未仁者。如吾望何。<br />
<br />
邑宰子弟。不得擅便書冊。<br />
擅便則必有因緣偸竊之弊。子弟之心。父兄豈盡知之。若携出院門。或致遺失。則人必曰偸竊也。其貽愧。當與竹溪同其流也。爲父兄者可不警哉。爲子弟者可不懼哉。某故不令子弟寓于此。欲防其源也。然有大志而無書冊。積誠來學之君子。則亦不可一切拘於此例也。<br />
<br />
禁射侯遊宴。<br />
鄕飮酒及斯文雅飮。則此固其地也。至於浮浪之輩。不解文字而醉紅裙拍肩執袂。歌呼嗚呼。必事淫泆而爲快者。則不但爲溪壑之所羞。將必有損於廟院。亦須從容忠告。勿使相近。可也。若暴禁則反遭不逞之怒。不如不禁之爲愈也。然聞吾言。彼必自避。亦不待禁也。<br />
<br />
復守直四家。人不得役。官不得奪。<br />
今之列邑爲私伴者。亦多矣。不奪彼而取此。則是武人高世之罪人也。<br />
<br />
凡入院之士。司馬則如入大學。其次初試入格者。雖非入格。其一心向學有操行而願入者。有司稟于斯文而迎之。<br />
夫開院固欲迎賢。若濫入則不肖者間之。非徒耗廩。將有損於書冊什物。愚者至而賢者必不肯來。亦荒廢廟院之一漸也。其擇尤不可不謹也。<br />
<br />
別置入院錄。凡入院之士。必自錄姓名。且記其來寓年月。<br />
夫題名者。豈偶然哉。後來者必披案歷指曰。某也學而爲己。某也學而爲人。某也生而有愧。某也沒而無怍。其窮達雖殊。而賢愚亦遠。嗚呼。可不懼乎。可不勉乎。<br />
<br />
<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=%ED%8C%8C%EC%9D%BC:%EC%A3%BD%EA%B3%84%EC%A7%80.jpg&diff=5197파일:죽계지.jpg2017-07-20T09:13:09Z<p>마틴: </p>
<hr />
<div>Academy Rules of the Sosu Academy</div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_Text9&diff=5196(Translation) Text92017-07-20T09:10:41Z<p>마틴: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG<br />
|English = Records of the Bamboo Stream, Academy Regulations<br />
|Chinese = 竹溪志, 院規<br />
|Korean = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=GO#dir/node?grpId=&itemId=GO&gubun=book&depth=2&cate1=I&cate2=&dataGubun=%EC%84%9C%EC%A7%80&dataId=ITKC_GO_1440A 죽계지]<br />
|Genre = Literati Writings<br />
|Type = 學規<br />
|Author = 周世鵬<br />
|Year = 1543<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
<br />
【院規】 周世鵬<br />
<br />
一曰謹祀。二曰禮賢。三曰修宇。四曰備廩。五曰點書。<br />
夫不謹則祀不享。不禮則賢不至。宇不修則必壞。廩不備則必匱。書不點則必散。五者。不可以廢一也。<br />
<br />
斯文統檢。有司監掌。<br />
學田所出。每年十一月。院長成冊三件。一件申于官。一件報于斯文。一件留置院中。寶米所納。每年正月。成冊三件。其申報如前。必存本取息而用之。若不待存本而先用其息。則在民腹中而未納者。有本之名。無存之實。須以先納者充存其本。然後。用其所息。可也。今夫列邑司馬所。亦多置田立寶。然而送迎婚喪之需。或資於此。故其久保也。鮮矣。若書院則必以養賢爲主。無他耗費。然後。庶可支久。無大闕欠。<br />
<br />
別擇業文信愼者一人。爲院長。又擇一人。爲貳。共主院事。<br />
主院者若遠居。則雖有至誠。不得常常顧之。必致荒廢。須以大平 內外竹內外東 五里人爲之。可也。某初於舊興。得一士金仲文。俾掌文成公祠事。其所居至近。其用意甚專。刊荊榛開廟院。實賴其力。至於典祀禮賢。亦終始一心。使之久主廟院。必不中廢。某少時讀書諸山。間見有僧之創寺者。名曰化主。護其寺甚於護身。觀其志。雖所謂削足矐眼而不顧也。夫僧猶然。況於士人乎。余由是益信金生之愼護也。苟無大故。雖終身仍掌。可也。然若怠於禮賢。使訑訑之色拒人於千里之外。則亦不可一日爲是任也。誠在諸斯文審察何如耳。<br />
<br />
春秋大享。例卜季月上丁。上丁有故。改卜中丁。有故者。如國諱私諱之類。<br />
凡舍菜先聖。必於春秋仲月。而此則卜季月者。公旣配享仲月。而上巳之淸明重陽之佳節。卽公平生所浴禊遊賞於此者。追而祭之。公必樂而降歆。祭之日。盡會一鄕父老斯文秀士於溪上。而爲飮禧禮。相與風詠而歸。則所謂神人以和者。必於此而得之矣。<br />
<br />
備三獻官六執事。<br />
有司前期七日告斯文。豫定獻官及諸執事。<br />
<br />
致齋日。獻官點曬藏書。省視牆宇虧漏。會計米穀什物。受禧日。衆斯文共察之。<br />
若司馬有司則每節必檢。院中有司則每月必檢。<br />
<br />
邑宰子弟不得留滯貽弊。<br />
留滯則不但所率之丘侵弊守直之家。漁食隣閭。橫生憤怨。其漸不可勝言者。甚者。不敬廟庭。不謹書院。視淨室思淫。視華壁思穢。其毁瓦畫墁。未必不自子弟始。嗚呼。世有父兄仁而子弟未仁者。亦有子弟仁而父兄未仁者。聞吾言。豈不爲之回動乎。然固有父兄子弟俱仁者矣。而亦有父兄子弟俱爲未仁者。如吾望何。<br />
<br />
邑宰子弟。不得擅便書冊。<br />
擅便則必有因緣偸竊之弊。子弟之心。父兄豈盡知之。若携出院門。或致遺失。則人必曰偸竊也。其貽愧。當與竹溪同其流也。爲父兄者可不警哉。爲子弟者可不懼哉。某故不令子弟寓于此。欲防其源也。然有大志而無書冊。積誠來學之君子。則亦不可一切拘於此例也。<br />
<br />
禁射侯遊宴。<br />
鄕飮酒及斯文雅飮。則此固其地也。至於浮浪之輩。不解文字而醉紅裙拍肩執袂。歌呼嗚呼。必事淫泆而爲快者。則不但爲溪壑之所羞。將必有損於廟院。亦須從容忠告。勿使相近。可也。若暴禁則反遭不逞之怒。不如不禁之爲愈也。然聞吾言。彼必自避。亦不待禁也。<br />
<br />
復守直四家。人不得役。官不得奪。<br />
今之列邑爲私伴者。亦多矣。不奪彼而取此。則是武人高世之罪人也。<br />
<br />
凡入院之士。司馬則如入大學。其次初試入格者。雖非入格。其一心向學有操行而願入者。有司稟于斯文而迎之。<br />
夫開院固欲迎賢。若濫入則不肖者間之。非徒耗廩。將有損於書冊什物。愚者至而賢者必不肯來。亦荒廢廟院之一漸也。其擇尤不可不謹也。<br />
<br />
別置入院錄。凡入院之士。必自錄姓名。且記其來寓年月。<br />
夫題名者。豈偶然哉。後來者必披案歷指曰。某也學而爲己。某也學而爲人。某也生而有愧。某也沒而無怍。其窮達雖殊。而賢愚亦遠。嗚呼。可不懼乎。可不勉乎。<br />
<br />
<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=5180(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-20T08:17:33Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570).<ref> See Hejtmanek, Milan; "The Elusive Path to Sagehood. Origins of the Confucian Academy Systemn Chosŏn Korea“, in: Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 26/2 (December 2013), p. 233–268. </ref> <br />
<br />
Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xi's teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy.<ref> See Chan, Wing-tsit: "Chu Hsi and the Academies“, in: de Bary, Wm. T./Chaffee, J. W., Neo-Confucian Education. The Formative Stage, Berkeley 1989, p. 389-413 </ref> Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. <br />
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Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century,<ref> See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wda_10011003_012, Already in 1418 King Sejong tried to foster the spread of Confucian academies by giving incentives to officials for founding them </ref> Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th century and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions.<ref> See Moon, Tae-soon; "Kyoyuk kigwan-ŭrosŏ sŏwŏn-ŭi sŏnggyŏk yŏn'gu [A Study of the Character of Academies as Educational Institution]“, in: Kyoyuk paljŏn yŏn'gu, 20/1 (June 2004), p. 7-21 </ref> Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century, they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
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The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書院 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed the Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work "Model for Schools" 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching methods for the schools. <br />
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His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwang's regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. The Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
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=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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文憲書院學規<br />
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1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
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4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
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5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
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6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
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7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
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8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
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9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
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10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
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11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
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School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
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One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
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One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
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One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
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One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
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One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
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One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
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One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
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One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
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One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
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One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
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One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
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One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
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#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
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=='''References'''==<br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
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==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
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1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
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2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
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==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
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==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
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一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
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==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
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一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
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2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
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==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
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每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
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Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
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2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
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==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
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一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
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毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
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且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
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凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
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作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
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1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
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2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
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==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
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Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
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7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
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If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
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一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
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While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=5179(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-20T08:16:54Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
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<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570).<ref> See Hejtmanek, Milan; "The Elusive Path to Sagehood. Origins of the Confucian Academy Systemn Chosŏn Korea“, in: Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 26/2 (December 2013), p. 233–268. </ref> <br />
<br />
Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xi's teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy.<ref> See Chan, Wing-tsit: "Chu Hsi and the Academies“, in: de Bary, Wm. T./Chaffee, J. W., Neo-Confucian Education. The Formative Stage, Berkeley 1989, p. 389-413 </ref> Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century,<ref> See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wda_10011003_012, Already in 1418 King Sejong tried to foster the spread of Confucian academies by giving incentives to officials for founding them </ref> Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th century and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions.<ref> See Moon, Tae-soon; "Kyoyuk kigwan-ŭrosŏ sŏwŏn-ŭi sŏnggyŏk yŏn'gu [A Study of the Character of Academies as Educational Institution]“, in: Kyoyuk paljŏn yŏn'gu, 20/1 (June 2004), p. 7-21 </ref> <br />
<br />
Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century, they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書院 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed the Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work "Model for Schools" 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching methods for the schools. <br />
<br />
His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwang's regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. The Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:27%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:73%;"| English <br />
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文憲書院學規<br />
<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
<br />
5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
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6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
<br />
<br />
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7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
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8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
||<br />
School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
<br />
One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
<br />
One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
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One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
<br />
One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
<br />
One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
<br />
One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
<br />
One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
<br />
One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
<br />
#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
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* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
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*<br />
*<br />
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=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
<br />
2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
<br />
2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
<br />
2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
<br />
毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
<br />
且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
<br />
凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
<br />
作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
<br />
<br />
1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
<br />
2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
<br />
Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
<br />
7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
<br />
If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1688%E5%B9%B4_%E9%87%91%E7%92%A0_%E5%88%86%E8%B2%A1%E8%A8%98&diff=5178(Translation) 1688年 金璠 分財記2017-07-20T08:15:19Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1688년부김번분급문기1.JPG<br />
|English = Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution<br />
|Chinese = 1688年 父 金璠 分給文記<br />
|Korean = 1688년 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'')<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 金璠<br />
|Year = 1688<br />
|Key Concepts= Property, Inheritance<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기2.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(2)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기3.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(MF)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기4.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(後)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
戊辰三月初七日傳後區處文書 <br />
<br />
右文爲余以累代奉祀之人年至四十不得生<br />
<br />
子故不獲己亡弟獨子守宗呈禮曺以爲養 <br />
<br />
子傳宗定計之後不幸喪配再聚未久連得 <br />
<br />
生男事當傳宗於己子而守宗旣爲養子則 <br />
<br />
不可不以此爲長子是旀亡弟無他子女奉祭 <br />
<br />
無人情勢悶迫乙仍于以己子守昌旣爲其養 <br />
<br />
子以爲亡弟奉祀之地爲去乎以此擧行爲齊<br />
<br />
田民段不必自爲區處是乎矣兒輩年弱兺 <br />
<br />
不喩余多疾病人事未定故畧干田民區別 <br />
<br />
後錄爲乎矣吾家異於他家出嫁女子則祭祀 <br />
<br />
勿爲輪行田民亦爲三分之一分給之意旣有 <br />
<br />
先代遺敎是去乎餘生存時如是區處則有 <br />
<br />
何執言相爭之端乎若有吾子女則見此文豈 <br />
<br />
不悽然而動念乎吾兄弟別得田民段勿爲分 <br />
<br />
給於女子爲遣男子兺代代傳給亦先人言 <br />
<br />
敎丁寧是乎等以旣己成文別給乙仍于更不擧論 <br />
<br />
爲旀守宗旣爲宗子則吾衿田民守宗事當次<br />
<br />
知是旀守昌己爲亡弟養子則亡弟衿田民守昌亦 <br />
<br />
爲次知是乎矣吾自區處乙仍于承重田民兺 <br />
<br />
守宗處載錄爲遣其餘吾衿得別得田民則 <br />
<br />
盡給守昌兄弟爲去乎亡弟衿得別得田民<br />
<br />
則守宗盡爲獨專次知爲乎矣亡弟祭位條 <br />
<br />
畓十餘斗落只奴婢數口乙出給宜當是齊<br />
<br />
此區處事雖異於他人之家吾旣裁處以此 <br />
<br />
施行爲旀承重田民雖是零星此後更勿 <br />
<br />
加出爲遣班附田民幷以永傳宗家百代 <br />
<br />
勿遷事 <br />
<br />
長子守宗承 重田民奴婢秩田畓幷 <br />
<br />
婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生 二生 <br />
<br />
三生 四生 奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生 <br />
<br />
婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德<br />
<br />
三所生 四所生 奴望世一生奴望立婢許化 <br />
<br />
德一所生婢生德二所生奴同之金婢生德一所生 <br />
<br />
奴宮伊二所生奴山伊三所生奴生伊四所生奴太守<br />
<br />
婢㖝介二所生婢春禮同婢一所生奴日伊二所生 <br />
<br />
婢日介三所生婢春班四所生婢率介五所生奴春 <br />
<br />
日婢者斤介三所生婢三月四所生奴士龍婢三 <br />
<br />
月一所生婢開天奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代<br />
<br />
二所生奴二漢三所生婢順德婢順德一所生奴 <br />
<br />
加應置二所生婢丁化三所生丁上四所生永才甕井 <br />
<br />
家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只溝邊畓九斗 <br />
<br />
落只甕岩畓三十斗落只蠏山 墓下畓十五斗落<br />
<br />
陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落<br />
<br />
班附條 <br />
<br />
婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五 <br />
<br />
所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓 十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也 <br />
<br />
次子守昌兄弟衿 <br />
<br />
奴婢秩 <br />
<br />
婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾 <br />
<br />
伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生 <br />
<br />
婢禮介同婢一生 婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢 <br />
<br />
秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕 <br />
<br />
二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
財主通德郞前叅奉父金〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
證同姓四寸弟金玒〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
證同姓四寸弟金璘〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
筆執同姓四寸弟金璔〔着名〕<br />
||<br />
'''First Part (by Masha and Jong Woo):'''<br />
In the year of Mujin (1688), beginning of the third month, seventh day. Document of inheriting transaction.<br />
This document as follows: I, as to person who gives sacrificial rites to generations of ancestors, in my forties, have not had born a son. Inevitably, I adopted Sujong, the only son of my deceased younger brother and submitted a document to the Ministry of Rites. After establishing the strategy of continuing the lineage, unfortunately, my wife passed away and I remarried. Soon after a son was born. I should transmit the lineage to my own son, however I have already adopted Sujong. This is inevitable that I take him as my first son. However, my deceased younger brother did not have other offsprings, so then nobody can offer sacrificial rites to him. Since the situation is awkward, I will make my own son Such’ang as his adopted son to offer sacrifices to my deceased younger brother and continue his lineage. Based on this I performed the rituals and put it in order. As to land and slaves I do not necessarily have to make a transaction myself. Adding to the fact that my children are young, I have also been sick a lot and human affairs are undetermined. Therefore, I will divide up a small amount<ref>Kim Bon is being humble, his possessions are not small.</ref> of land and slaves that I will specify in the appendix below. Our family is different from other families. The married off daughters will not practice sacrificial rites in rotation. Meaning that, as to the land and slaves, one third of the amount is allocated to the female members. These are the remaining instructions by the ancestors. In the remaining years of your lives abide to this transaction. How can you make my words as the cause of litigation with one another? If there were my sons and daughters and if they read it, how could they not be sorrowful? The land and slaves that our brothers have specially obtained [by our own merit] will not be distributed to the female members of the family and will only be inherited to the male members. Because the teachings of our ancestors are certainly true, abide to [what is written in] this document of inheritance and do not talk about it again. Because Sujong has already become my son, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of mine. Because Such’ang has already become an adopted son of my deceased brother, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of his. Following my decision, only the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir will be recorded as [an inheritance for] Sujong. All the remaining lands and slaves that I have specially obtained due to my merit will be given to Such’ang brothers. All the remaining lands and slaves that my deceased brother had specially obtained due to his merit will solely be the possession of Sujong. It is appropriate to give [Sujong] a dozen turak of wet rice field and several female and male slaves, which all belonged to my deceased brother. Although this transaction might be different from that of other families, because I have already made a decision, implement it. Although the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir might be sparse, do not discuss it again later. The lands and slaves allotted to family members who died without offsprings will be, all together, transmitted to the house of the lineage heir, forever without changing. <br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' <br />
<br />
長子守宗承重田民奴婢秩田畓幷 <br />
Special inheritance package of land and slaves for the duty of linear succession, given to the linear successor Sujong - land property included.<br />
<br />
婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生 二生 三生 四生 奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生 婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德 三所生 四所生 <br />
Female slave Gyechun's first-born female slave Gyehyang; the same person [Gyehyang]'s first-born, second-born, third-born, and fourth-born; male slave Nansan's fourth-born male slave Nansan and fifth-born female slave Buheobi; the same person [Buhebi]'s first-born male slave Yuwolgeum, second-born female slave Eopdeok, third-born, fourth-born; <br />
<br />
奴望世一生奴望立, 婢許化德一所生婢生德, 二所生奴同之金, 婢生德一所生奴宮伊, 二所生奴山伊, 三所生奴生伊, 四所生奴太守<br />
<br />
婢㖝介二所生婢春禮, 同婢一所生奴日伊, 二所生婢日介, 三所生婢春班, 四所生婢率介, 五所生奴春日, 婢者斤介三所生婢三月, 四所生奴士龍, 婢三月一所生婢開天, 奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代, 二所生奴二漢, 三所生婢順德, 婢順德一所生奴加應置, 二所生婢丁化, 三所生丁上, 四所生永才.<br />
<br />
<br />
甕井家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只, 溝邊畓九斗落只, 甕岩畓三十斗落只, 蠏山墓下畓十五斗落,陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落.<br />
Fields and wet rice-fields at the front and back of the house in Onjeong three durakji; wet rice-fields on the side of the gutter nine durakji; wet rice-fields in Ongam thirty durakji; wet rice-fields underneath the gravesite in Haesan fifteen durakji; wet rice-fields in Jincheo and Pangyo altogether fifteen durakji. <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
班附條 Special inheritance for sharing and attaching to the ancestral tablet those who died without children<br />
<br />
婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五 <br />
<br />
所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓 十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也 <br />
<br />
次子守昌兄弟衿 <br />
<br />
奴婢秩 <br />
<br />
婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾 <br />
<br />
伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生 <br />
<br />
婢禮介同婢一生 婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢 <br />
<br />
秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕 <br />
<br />
二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part, Martin:'''<br />
<br />
Owner; Gentlemen of transmitting virtue; former tomb guardian, Father Kim [signature] <br />
<br />
Witness, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim Kang [signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim In [signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim Chŭng [signature]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
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<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사 | 전경목 | 문예연구사 | 2001.02.25<br />
*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사2 | 전경목 | 글항아리 | 2009.01.19<br />
*조선시대 재산상속문서 분재기 | 한국학중앙연구원 | 한국학중앙연구원출판부 | 2014.10.20<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1688%E5%B9%B4_%E9%87%91%E7%92%A0_%E5%88%86%E8%B2%A1%E8%A8%98&diff=5177(Translation) 1688年 金璠 分財記2017-07-20T08:14:49Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1688년부김번분급문기1.JPG<br />
|English = Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution<br />
|Chinese = 1688年 父 金璠 分給文記<br />
|Korean = 1688년 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'')<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 金璠<br />
|Year = 1688<br />
|Key Concepts= Property, Inheritance<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기2.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(2)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기3.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(MF)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기4.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(後)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
戊辰三月初七日傳後區處文書 <br />
<br />
右文爲余以累代奉祀之人年至四十不得生<br />
<br />
子故不獲己亡弟獨子守宗呈禮曺以爲養 <br />
<br />
子傳宗定計之後不幸喪配再聚未久連得 <br />
<br />
生男事當傳宗於己子而守宗旣爲養子則 <br />
<br />
不可不以此爲長子是旀亡弟無他子女奉祭 <br />
<br />
無人情勢悶迫乙仍于以己子守昌旣爲其養 <br />
<br />
子以爲亡弟奉祀之地爲去乎以此擧行爲齊<br />
<br />
田民段不必自爲區處是乎矣兒輩年弱兺 <br />
<br />
不喩余多疾病人事未定故畧干田民區別 <br />
<br />
後錄爲乎矣吾家異於他家出嫁女子則祭祀 <br />
<br />
勿爲輪行田民亦爲三分之一分給之意旣有 <br />
<br />
先代遺敎是去乎餘生存時如是區處則有 <br />
<br />
何執言相爭之端乎若有吾子女則見此文豈 <br />
<br />
不悽然而動念乎吾兄弟別得田民段勿爲分 <br />
<br />
給於女子爲遣男子兺代代傳給亦先人言 <br />
<br />
敎丁寧是乎等以旣己成文別給乙仍于更不擧論 <br />
<br />
爲旀守宗旣爲宗子則吾衿田民守宗事當次<br />
<br />
知是旀守昌己爲亡弟養子則亡弟衿田民守昌亦 <br />
<br />
爲次知是乎矣吾自區處乙仍于承重田民兺 <br />
<br />
守宗處載錄爲遣其餘吾衿得別得田民則 <br />
<br />
盡給守昌兄弟爲去乎亡弟衿得別得田民<br />
<br />
則守宗盡爲獨專次知爲乎矣亡弟祭位條 <br />
<br />
畓十餘斗落只奴婢數口乙出給宜當是齊<br />
<br />
此區處事雖異於他人之家吾旣裁處以此 <br />
<br />
施行爲旀承重田民雖是零星此後更勿 <br />
<br />
加出爲遣班附田民幷以永傳宗家百代 <br />
<br />
勿遷事 <br />
<br />
長子守宗承 重田民奴婢秩田畓幷 <br />
<br />
婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生 二生 <br />
<br />
三生 四生 奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生 <br />
<br />
婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德<br />
<br />
三所生 四所生 奴望世一生奴望立婢許化 <br />
<br />
德一所生婢生德二所生奴同之金婢生德一所生 <br />
<br />
奴宮伊二所生奴山伊三所生奴生伊四所生奴太守<br />
<br />
婢㖝介二所生婢春禮同婢一所生奴日伊二所生 <br />
<br />
婢日介三所生婢春班四所生婢率介五所生奴春 <br />
<br />
日婢者斤介三所生婢三月四所生奴士龍婢三 <br />
<br />
月一所生婢開天奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代<br />
<br />
二所生奴二漢三所生婢順德婢順德一所生奴 <br />
<br />
加應置二所生婢丁化三所生丁上四所生永才甕井 <br />
<br />
家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只溝邊畓九斗 <br />
<br />
落只甕岩畓三十斗落只蠏山 墓下畓十五斗落<br />
<br />
陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落<br />
<br />
班附條 <br />
<br />
婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五 <br />
<br />
所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓 十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也 <br />
<br />
次子守昌兄弟衿 <br />
<br />
奴婢秩 <br />
<br />
婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾 <br />
<br />
伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生 <br />
<br />
婢禮介同婢一生 婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢 <br />
<br />
秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕 <br />
<br />
二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
財主通德郞前叅奉父金〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
證同姓四寸弟金玒〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
證同姓四寸弟金璘〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
筆執同姓四寸弟金璔〔着名〕<br />
||<br />
'''First Part (by Masha and Jong Woo):'''<br />
In the year of Mujin (1688), beginning of the third month, seventh day. Document of inheriting transaction.<br />
This document as follows: I, as to person who gives sacrificial rites to generations of ancestors, in my forties, have not had born a son. Inevitably, I adopted Sujong, the only son of my deceased younger brother and submitted a document to the Ministry of Rites. After establishing the strategy of continuing the lineage, unfortunately, my wife passed away and I remarried. Soon after a son was born. I should transmit the lineage to my own son, however I have already adopted Sujong. This is inevitable that I take him as my first son. However, my deceased younger brother did not have other offsprings, so then nobody can offer sacrificial rites to him. Since the situation is awkward, I will make my own son Such’ang as his adopted son to offer sacrifices to my deceased younger brother and continue his lineage. Based on this I performed the rituals and put it in order. As to land and slaves I do not necessarily have to make a transaction myself. Adding to the fact that my children are young, I have also been sick a lot and human affairs are undetermined. Therefore, I will divide up a small amount<ref>Kim Bon is being humble, his possessions are not small.</ref> of land and slaves that I will specify in the appendix below. Our family is different from other families. The married off daughters will not practice sacrificial rites in rotation. Meaning that, as to the land and slaves, one third of the amount is allocated to the female members. These are the remaining instructions by the ancestors. In the remaining years of your lives abide to this transaction. How can you make my words as the cause of litigation with one another? If there were my sons and daughters and if they read it, how could they not be sorrowful? The land and slaves that our brothers have specially obtained [by our own merit] will not be distributed to the female members of the family and will only be inherited to the male members. Because the teachings of our ancestors are certainly true, abide to [what is written in] this document of inheritance and do not talk about it again. Because Sujong has already become my son, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of mine. Because Such’ang has already become an adopted son of my deceased brother, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of his. Following my decision, only the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir will be recorded as [an inheritance for] Sujong. All the remaining lands and slaves that I have specially obtained due to my merit will be given to Such’ang brothers. All the remaining lands and slaves that my deceased brother had specially obtained due to his merit will solely be the possession of Sujong. It is appropriate to give [Sujong] a dozen turak of wet rice field and several female and male slaves, which all belonged to my deceased brother. Although this transaction might be different from that of other families, because I have already made a decision, implement it. Although the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir might be sparse, do not discuss it again later. The lands and slaves allotted to family members who died without offsprings will be, all together, transmitted to the house of the lineage heir, forever without changing. <br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' <br />
<br />
長子守宗承重田民奴婢秩田畓幷 <br />
Special inheritance package of land and slaves for the duty of linear succession, given to the linear successor Sujong - land property included.<br />
<br />
婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生 二生 三生 四生 奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生 婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德 三所生 四所生 <br />
Female slave Gyechun's first-born female slave Gyehyang; the same person [Gyehyang]'s first-born, second-born, third-born, and fourth-born; male slave Nansan's fourth-born male slave Nansan and fifth-born female slave Buheobi; the same person [Buhebi]'s first-born male slave Yuwolgeum, second-born female slave Eopdeok, third-born, fourth-born; <br />
<br />
奴望世一生奴望立, 婢許化德一所生婢生德, 二所生奴同之金, 婢生德一所生奴宮伊, 二所生奴山伊, 三所生奴生伊, 四所生奴太守<br />
<br />
婢㖝介二所生婢春禮, 同婢一所生奴日伊, 二所生婢日介, 三所生婢春班, 四所生婢率介, 五所生奴春日, 婢者斤介三所生婢三月, 四所生奴士龍, 婢三月一所生婢開天, 奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代, 二所生奴二漢, 三所生婢順德, 婢順德一所生奴加應置, 二所生婢丁化, 三所生丁上, 四所生永才.<br />
<br />
<br />
甕井家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只, 溝邊畓九斗落只, 甕岩畓三十斗落只, 蠏山墓下畓十五斗落,陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落.<br />
Fields and wet rice-fields at the front and back of the house in Onjeong three durakji; wet rice-fields on the side of the gutter nine durakji; wet rice-fields in Ongam thirty durakji; wet rice-fields underneath the gravesite in Haesan fifteen durakji; wet rice-fields in Jincheo and Pangyo altogether fifteen durakji. <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
班附條 Special inheritance for sharing and attaching to the ancestral tablet those who died without children<br />
<br />
婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五 <br />
<br />
所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓 十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也 <br />
<br />
次子守昌兄弟衿 <br />
<br />
奴婢秩 <br />
<br />
婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾 <br />
<br />
伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生 <br />
<br />
婢禮介同婢一生 婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢 <br />
<br />
秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕 <br />
<br />
二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part, Martin:'''<br />
Owner; Gentlemen of transmitting virtue; former tomb guardian, Father Kim [signature] <br />
<br />
Witness, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim Kang [signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim In [signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim Chŭng [signature]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사 | 전경목 | 문예연구사 | 2001.02.25<br />
*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사2 | 전경목 | 글항아리 | 2009.01.19<br />
*조선시대 재산상속문서 분재기 | 한국학중앙연구원 | 한국학중앙연구원출판부 | 2014.10.20<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
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==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1688%E5%B9%B4_%E9%87%91%E7%92%A0_%E5%88%86%E8%B2%A1%E8%A8%98&diff=5176(Translation) 1688年 金璠 分財記2017-07-20T08:14:12Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1688년부김번분급문기1.JPG<br />
|English = Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution<br />
|Chinese = 1688年 父 金璠 分給文記<br />
|Korean = 1688년 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'')<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 金璠<br />
|Year = 1688<br />
|Key Concepts= Property, Inheritance<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기2.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(2)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기3.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(MF)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기4.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(後)<br />
파일:1688년부김번분급문기.JPG|*父 金璠 分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
戊辰三月初七日傳後區處文書 <br />
<br />
右文爲余以累代奉祀之人年至四十不得生<br />
<br />
子故不獲己亡弟獨子守宗呈禮曺以爲養 <br />
<br />
子傳宗定計之後不幸喪配再聚未久連得 <br />
<br />
生男事當傳宗於己子而守宗旣爲養子則 <br />
<br />
不可不以此爲長子是旀亡弟無他子女奉祭 <br />
<br />
無人情勢悶迫乙仍于以己子守昌旣爲其養 <br />
<br />
子以爲亡弟奉祀之地爲去乎以此擧行爲齊<br />
<br />
田民段不必自爲區處是乎矣兒輩年弱兺 <br />
<br />
不喩余多疾病人事未定故畧干田民區別 <br />
<br />
後錄爲乎矣吾家異於他家出嫁女子則祭祀 <br />
<br />
勿爲輪行田民亦爲三分之一分給之意旣有 <br />
<br />
先代遺敎是去乎餘生存時如是區處則有 <br />
<br />
何執言相爭之端乎若有吾子女則見此文豈 <br />
<br />
不悽然而動念乎吾兄弟別得田民段勿爲分 <br />
<br />
給於女子爲遣男子兺代代傳給亦先人言 <br />
<br />
敎丁寧是乎等以旣己成文別給乙仍于更不擧論 <br />
<br />
爲旀守宗旣爲宗子則吾衿田民守宗事當次<br />
<br />
知是旀守昌己爲亡弟養子則亡弟衿田民守昌亦 <br />
<br />
爲次知是乎矣吾自區處乙仍于承重田民兺 <br />
<br />
守宗處載錄爲遣其餘吾衿得別得田民則 <br />
<br />
盡給守昌兄弟爲去乎亡弟衿得別得田民<br />
<br />
則守宗盡爲獨專次知爲乎矣亡弟祭位條 <br />
<br />
畓十餘斗落只奴婢數口乙出給宜當是齊<br />
<br />
此區處事雖異於他人之家吾旣裁處以此 <br />
<br />
施行爲旀承重田民雖是零星此後更勿 <br />
<br />
加出爲遣班附田民幷以永傳宗家百代 <br />
<br />
勿遷事 <br />
<br />
長子守宗承 重田民奴婢秩田畓幷 <br />
<br />
婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生 二生 <br />
<br />
三生 四生 奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生 <br />
<br />
婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德<br />
<br />
三所生 四所生 奴望世一生奴望立婢許化 <br />
<br />
德一所生婢生德二所生奴同之金婢生德一所生 <br />
<br />
奴宮伊二所生奴山伊三所生奴生伊四所生奴太守<br />
<br />
婢㖝介二所生婢春禮同婢一所生奴日伊二所生 <br />
<br />
婢日介三所生婢春班四所生婢率介五所生奴春 <br />
<br />
日婢者斤介三所生婢三月四所生奴士龍婢三 <br />
<br />
月一所生婢開天奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代<br />
<br />
二所生奴二漢三所生婢順德婢順德一所生奴 <br />
<br />
加應置二所生婢丁化三所生丁上四所生永才甕井 <br />
<br />
家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只溝邊畓九斗 <br />
<br />
落只甕岩畓三十斗落只蠏山 墓下畓十五斗落<br />
<br />
陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落<br />
<br />
班附條 <br />
<br />
婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五 <br />
<br />
所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓 十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也 <br />
<br />
次子守昌兄弟衿 <br />
<br />
奴婢秩 <br />
<br />
婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾 <br />
<br />
伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生 <br />
<br />
婢禮介同婢一生 婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢 <br />
<br />
秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕 <br />
<br />
二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
財主通德郞前叅奉父金〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
證同姓四寸弟金玒〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
證同姓四寸弟金璘〔着名〕 <br />
<br />
筆執同姓四寸弟金璔〔着名〕<br />
||<br />
'''First Part (by Masha and Jong Woo):'''<br />
In the year of Mujin (1688), beginning of the third month, seventh day. Document of inheriting transaction.<br />
This document as follows: I, as to person who gives sacrificial rites to generations of ancestors, in my forties, have not had born a son. Inevitably, I adopted Sujong, the only son of my deceased younger brother and submitted a document to the Ministry of Rites. After establishing the strategy of continuing the lineage, unfortunately, my wife passed away and I remarried. Soon after a son was born. I should transmit the lineage to my own son, however I have already adopted Sujong. This is inevitable that I take him as my first son. However, my deceased younger brother did not have other offsprings, so then nobody can offer sacrificial rites to him. Since the situation is awkward, I will make my own son Such’ang as his adopted son to offer sacrifices to my deceased younger brother and continue his lineage. Based on this I performed the rituals and put it in order. As to land and slaves I do not necessarily have to make a transaction myself. Adding to the fact that my children are young, I have also been sick a lot and human affairs are undetermined. Therefore, I will divide up a small amount<ref>Kim Bon is being humble, his possessions are not small.</ref> of land and slaves that I will specify in the appendix below. Our family is different from other families. The married off daughters will not practice sacrificial rites in rotation. Meaning that, as to the land and slaves, one third of the amount is allocated to the female members. These are the remaining instructions by the ancestors. In the remaining years of your lives abide to this transaction. How can you make my words as the cause of litigation with one another? If there were my sons and daughters and if they read it, how could they not be sorrowful? The land and slaves that our brothers have specially obtained [by our own merit] will not be distributed to the female members of the family and will only be inherited to the male members. Because the teachings of our ancestors are certainly true, abide to [what is written in] this document of inheritance and do not talk about it again. Because Sujong has already become my son, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of mine. Because Such’ang has already become an adopted son of my deceased brother, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of his. Following my decision, only the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir will be recorded as [an inheritance for] Sujong. All the remaining lands and slaves that I have specially obtained due to my merit will be given to Such’ang brothers. All the remaining lands and slaves that my deceased brother had specially obtained due to his merit will solely be the possession of Sujong. It is appropriate to give [Sujong] a dozen turak of wet rice field and several female and male slaves, which all belonged to my deceased brother. Although this transaction might be different from that of other families, because I have already made a decision, implement it. Although the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir might be sparse, do not discuss it again later. The lands and slaves allotted to family members who died without offsprings will be, all together, transmitted to the house of the lineage heir, forever without changing. <br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' <br />
<br />
長子守宗承重田民奴婢秩田畓幷 <br />
Special inheritance package of land and slaves for the duty of linear succession, given to the linear successor Sujong - land property included.<br />
<br />
婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生 二生 三生 四生 奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生 婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德 三所生 四所生 <br />
Female slave Gyechun's first-born female slave Gyehyang; the same person [Gyehyang]'s first-born, second-born, third-born, and fourth-born; male slave Nansan's fourth-born male slave Nansan and fifth-born female slave Buheobi; the same person [Buhebi]'s first-born male slave Yuwolgeum, second-born female slave Eopdeok, third-born, fourth-born; <br />
<br />
奴望世一生奴望立, 婢許化德一所生婢生德, 二所生奴同之金, 婢生德一所生奴宮伊, 二所生奴山伊, 三所生奴生伊, 四所生奴太守<br />
<br />
婢㖝介二所生婢春禮, 同婢一所生奴日伊, 二所生婢日介, 三所生婢春班, 四所生婢率介, 五所生奴春日, 婢者斤介三所生婢三月, 四所生奴士龍, 婢三月一所生婢開天, 奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代, 二所生奴二漢, 三所生婢順德, 婢順德一所生奴加應置, 二所生婢丁化, 三所生丁上, 四所生永才.<br />
<br />
<br />
甕井家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只, 溝邊畓九斗落只, 甕岩畓三十斗落只, 蠏山墓下畓十五斗落,陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落.<br />
Fields and wet rice-fields at the front and back of the house in Onjeong three durakji; wet rice-fields on the side of the gutter nine durakji; wet rice-fields in Ongam thirty durakji; wet rice-fields underneath the gravesite in Haesan fifteen durakji; wet rice-fields in Jincheo and Pangyo altogether fifteen durakji. <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
班附條 Special inheritance for sharing and attaching to the ancestral tablet those who died without children<br />
<br />
婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五 <br />
<br />
所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓 十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也 <br />
<br />
次子守昌兄弟衿 <br />
<br />
奴婢秩 <br />
<br />
婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾 <br />
<br />
伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生 <br />
<br />
婢禮介同婢一生 婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢 <br />
<br />
秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕 <br />
<br />
二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落<br />
<br />
Ending Part, Martin:<br />
<br />
Owner; Gentlemen of transmitting virtue; former tomb guardian, Father Kim [signature] <br />
<br />
Witness, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim Kang [signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim In [signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, younger cousin of the same surname, Kim Chŭng [signature]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사 | 전경목 | 문예연구사 | 2001.02.25<br />
*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사2 | 전경목 | 글항아리 | 2009.01.19<br />
*조선시대 재산상속문서 분재기 | 한국학중앙연구원 | 한국학중앙연구원출판부 | 2014.10.20<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
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==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5139(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T07:26:48Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin Gehlmann<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> Present-day Naju, South Chŏlla-Province </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref>Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref>Ancient Chinese states described i.e. in the Records of the Grand Historian 史記, the Zhanguo ce 戰國策 and others, as being in a constant state of war </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> Literally harmony of Kŭm 琴 and sŭl 瑟, two string instruments considered to create a beautiful harmony </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref>Reference to the Guanju 關雎 poem in the Classic of Poetry 詩經, Odes of Zhou and the South, 南周 later commentators conferred the idea of stimulus 興 from the poem, see Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 49-50, 56-67, 74. </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref>Hangu Pass 函谷關 was a strategically important chokepoint protecting the Qin- and Han-Empires from attacks from the north </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref>In the Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義, Chapter 88, Zhuge Liang offers sacrifice in the middle of night to the River to successfully calm a storm that was hindering his men to cross over </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref>Mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref>Two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
The husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
[me] having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref>King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty 周文王 is usually credited with overthrowing the last tyrannical ruler of Shang Dynasty. While he indeed rebelled against King Zhou of the Shang 商紂王 it was his second son King Wu of the Zhou 周武王 that finished his rebellion. King Wen's rule was often employed as a model of the ideal ruler and state structure. </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Accordingly it should be in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5138(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T07:25:01Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin Gehlmann<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> Present-day Naju, South Chŏlla-Province </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref>Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref>Ancient Chinese states described i.e. in the Records of the Grand Historian 史記, the Zhanguo ce 戰國策 and others, as being in a constant state of war </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> Literally harmony of Kŭm 琴 and sŭl 瑟, two string instruments considered to create a beautiful harmony </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref>Reference to the Guanju 關雎 poem in the Classic of Poetry 詩經, Odes of Zhou and the South, 南周 later commentators conferred the idea of stimulus 興 from the poem, see Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 49-50, 56-67, 74. </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref>Hangu Pass 函谷關 was a strategically important chokepoint protecting the Qin- and Han-Empires from attacks from the north </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref>In the Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義, Chapter 88, Zhuge Liang offers sacrifice in the middle of night to the River to successfully calm a storm that was hindering his men to cross over </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref>Mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref>Two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
The husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
[me] having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref>King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty 周文王 is usually credited with overthrowing the last tyrannical ruler of Shang Dynasty, while he rebelled against King Zhou of the Shang 商紂王 it was his second son King Wu of the Zhou 周武王. King Wen rule was often used as a model for the ideal ruler and state structure. </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Accordingly it should be in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5137(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T07:23:40Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin Gehlmann<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> Present-day Naju, South Chŏlla-Province </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref>Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref>Ancient Chinese states described i.e. in the Records of the Grand Historian 史記, the Zhanguo ce 戰國策 and others, as being in a constant state of war </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> Literally harmony of Kŭm 琴 and sŭl 瑟, two string instruments considered to create a beautiful harmony </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref>Reference to the Guanju 關雎 poem in the Classic of Poetry 詩經, Odes of Zhou and the South, 南周 later commentators conferred the idea of stimulus 興 from the poem, see Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 49-50, 56-67, 74. </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref>Hangu Pass 函谷關 was a strategically important chokepoint protecting the Qin- and Han-Empires from attacks from the north </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref>In the Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義, Chapter 88 Zhuge Liang offered sacrifice in the middle of night to the River to successfully calm a storm that was hindering his me to cross over </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref>Mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref>Two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
The husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
[me] having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref>King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty 周文王 is usually credited with overthrowing the last tyrannical ruler of Shang Dynasty, while he rebelled against King Zhou of the Shang 商紂王 it was his second son King Wu of the Zhou 周武王. King Wen rule was often used as a model for the ideal ruler and state structure. </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Accordingly it should be in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5134(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T07:21:59Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin Gehlmann<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> Present-day Naju, South Chŏlla-Province </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref>Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref>Ancient Chinese states described i.e. in the Records of the Grand Historian 史記, the Zhanguo ce 戰國策 and others, as being in a constant state of war </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> Literally harmony of Kŭm 琴 and sŭl 瑟, two string instruments considered to create a beautiful harmony </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref>Reference to the Guanju 關雎 poem in the Classic of Poetry 詩經, Odes of Zhou and the South, 南周 later commentators conferred the idea of stimulus 興 from the poem, see Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 49-50, 56-67, 74. </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref>Hangu Pass 函谷關 was a strategically important protecting the Qin- and Han-Empires from attacks from the north </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref>In the Romance of the Three Kingdoms 三國演義, Chapter 88 Zhuge Liang offered sacrifice in the middle of night to the River to successfully calm a storm that was hindering his me to cross over </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref>Mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref>Two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
The husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
[me] having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref>King Wen of the Zhou Dynasty 周文王 is usually credited with overthrowing the last tyrannical ruler of Shang Dynasty, while he rebelled against King Zhou of the Shang 商紂王 it was his second son King Wu of the Zhou 周武王. King Wen rule was often used as a model for the ideal ruler and state structure. </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Accordingly it should be in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5099(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T06:48:19Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin Gehlmann<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> Present-day Naju, South Chŏlla-Province </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref>Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> Reference to the Great Learning 大學, translation following James Legge </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref>Ancient Chinese states described i.e. in the Records of the Grand Historian 史記, the Zhanguo ce 戰國策 and others, as being in a constant state of war </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> Literally harmony of Kŭm 琴 and sŭl 瑟, two string instruments considered to create a beautiful harmony </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref>Reference to the Guanju 關雎 poem in the Classic of Poetry 詩經, Odes of Zhou and the South, 南周 later commentators conferred the idea of stimulus 興 from the poem, see Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 49-50, 56-67, 74. </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref> ... </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
The husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
[me] having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Accordingly it should be in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5089(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T06:32:52Z<p>마틴: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = Martin Gehlmann<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> ... </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref> ... </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref> ... </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
Husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Consequently it should be in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5087(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T06:32:29Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> ... </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref> ... </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref> ... </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
Husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Consequently it should be in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E8%96%84%E5%91%BD%E5%A6%BE%E5%8E%9F%E6%83%85%E6%89%80%E5%BF%97&diff=5083(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志2017-07-20T06:32:01Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg<br />
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady<br />
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志<br />
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지<br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
From 平民 民願文書 規式集<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
1. 薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等<br />
天地之間 寃痛事段<br />
古有薄命妾<br />
或色衰而見薄者<br />
或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄<br />
非色衰而然也<br />
非情疎而然也<br />
大槩矣女襁褓之秊<br />
俱失父母 見養於外家<br />
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人<br />
則郞年二十五歲也<br />
男兒二十五歲<br />
孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間<br />
不見一番衾裡之樂<br />
以靑春之心 不勝其情<br />
每於深夜 觧裙就枕<br />
手撫全身 强要合歡<br />
則聽而不聞<br />
<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝<br />
做其好容 巧其言笑<br />
以挑其心<br />
則視而不見爲臥乎所<br />
今宵明宵 枕席流泉<br />
房帷之中 便成楚越<br />
夫婦之間 有若仇敵<br />
琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也<br />
關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
5. 身上新衣 自然而緩<br />
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于<br />
痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所<br />
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所<br />
所謂郎子 以外皃見之<br />
則面目肌髥 太似人矣<br />
而至於房事 有同僧流<br />
具體未達 徒大無力<br />
則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫<br />
人皆曰 無用將軍<br />
<br />
6. 將軍無用武之術<br />
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎<br />
乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者<br />
諸葛征伐立策<br />
而髥婦良君<br />
不知合變之術則已矣已矣<br />
不去何俟<br />
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶<br />
望其矣衣乎耶<br />
望其食耶<br />
非衣非食<br />
<br />
7. 而所大望者<br />
惟枕席上一事而矣<br />
旣失耶望且無興<br />
況則衣亦不足貴也<br />
食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
8. 三生佳緣亦仍事<br />
前生今生後生謂之三<br />
而前後生猶不可信<br />
而生於今之世 不見今之世樂<br />
可憐此生<br />
<br />
9. 生不如死是乎厼<br />
且以天生之物理言之<br />
則禽有䲶鴦<br />
木有連理<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎<br />
<br />
10. 夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也<br />
女必從夫 男女之情也<br />
而使有情之物<br />
隨無益之夫<br />
必不肯從<br />
天性之固然<br />
<br />
11. 一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊<br />
內無怨女 文王之治<br />
男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下<br />
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下<br />
遂物理宜<br />
千萬望良爲只爲<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''A petition for the wish of an unfortunate woman'''<br />
<br />
Please let me state: <br />
<br />
Among the unjust and bitter cases between heaven and earth,<br />
<br />
since old there are [tales] unfortunate women.<br />
<br />
Some face misfortune due to the waning of their beauty,<br />
<br />
some face misfortune due to the estrangement of feelings.<br />
<br />
However, this lady faced misfortune<br />
<br />
neither due to the waning of beauty,<br />
<br />
nor due to the estrangement of feelings. <br />
<br />
About the time this lady was wrapped in a baby quilt, <br />
<br />
I lost both of my parents, and was raised by maternal relatives. <br />
<br />
At the youthful age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Kŭmsŏng. <ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
At that time my husband was twenty-five-years of age. <br />
<br />
Among twenty-five-year-old lads, <br />
<br />
who does not have sensual desires? <br />
<br />
Since the night we faced each other, till now it has been six or seven years,<br />
<br />
but not once have we met the joy beneath the blankets.<br />
<br />
With my youthful mind I cannot subdue my passion.<br />
<br />
Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed.<br />
<br />
I stroke his whole body, pressing for mutual delight.<br />
<br />
He hears and does not understand.<ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
Long nights we vainly spent, painfully waiting for the next day.<br />
<br />
I prettied my face, and artfully teased, <br />
<br />
to steal his mind<br />
<br />
However he looks and does not see.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
This night and the next, in bed there is a spring of tears.<br />
<br />
Inside the bedchamber, it has become a war between Chu and Yue.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. <br />
<br />
The pleasures of martial harmony,<ref> ... </ref> I have never seen,<br />
<br />
The stimulus of the osprey,<ref> ... </ref> I have never known.<br />
<br />
New clothing on the body, naturally will loosen.<br />
<br />
Bluish eyeshadow and bound-up hair are rather empty decorations of the face, due to which<br />
<br />
I return sobbing aloud wishing to take my own life.<br />
<br />
My father’s sister came up with a daring plan to regain my endowment by plea<br />
<br />
The so-called husband of mine, looking at his appearance<br />
<br />
his face, his eyes, his skin, his hairs, all resemble a man,<br />
<br />
but when it comes to affairs of the bedroom, he is like a Buddhist monk.<br />
<br />
The body as it is equipped is far from perfect, merely large but without prowess<br />
<br />
The hesitation of the fierce tiger is inferior to the sting of any bug.<br />
<br />
The people say, he is a useless general<br />
<br />
If a general does not exert his military talents,<br />
<br />
then by no means would the Hangu Pass<ref> ... </ref> open by itself.<br />
<br />
Crossing the Lu River in the night and going deep into badlands,<br />
<br />
that was the attack strategy of Zhuge Liang.<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
However, my husband is woman with a moustache,<br />
<br />
not knowing the skills of transforming together; its over; its over.<br />
<br />
If I don’t go, what should I wait for? <br />
<br />
All a lady wishes from her husband, indeed what is that?<br />
<br />
Is it clothing that I wish for?<br />
<br />
Is it food I wish for?<br />
<br />
It is neither clothing nor food,<br />
<br />
but my great wish,<br />
<br />
is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. <br />
<br />
I already lost my hope and passion,<br />
<br />
as also the clothes are not satisfactorily valuable<br />
<br />
and the food is also not suitably exquisite.<br />
<br />
The auspicious karmic connection of three lives is also so.<br />
<br />
The past, present and future reincarnations are called these three [lives]. <br />
<br />
The past and future reincarnations cannot be counted upon.<br />
<br />
Born into the present world without being able to enjoy the pleasure of the present,<br />
<br />
How pitiful this life is.<br />
<br />
Life is not as good as death<br />
<br />
More so, to speak of the nature of all things created by heaven,<br />
<br />
then among the birds there are mandarin ducks,<ref> ... </ref> <br />
<br />
among the trees there are those that grow together as one. <ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of fauna<br />
<br />
Two trees interlocking, this is the sentiment of flora. <br />
<br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed by nature<br />
<br />
Could it be possible that a man is not like this flora[birds] and fauna [trees]? <br />
<br />
Husband sings and the wife follows along, this is rightness between husband and wife.<br />
<br />
The woman must follow her husband, this is natural sentiment of man and woman.<br />
<br />
So all things having this sentiment,<br />
<br />
having this useless husband,<br />
<br />
necessarily I cannot agree to follow,<br />
<br />
heavens nature is surely like this. <br />
<br />
A lady bearing a grudge, is like the frost suddenly striking at night <br />
<br />
A country without women harboring grudges, is like the rule of king Wen.<ref> ... </ref><br />
<br />
These are trifling private emotions of man and woman; [yet] I look up and make an appeal under your accumulation of merit,<br />
<br />
Don’t allow a youthful woman to become old in vain under the roof of an useless general.<br />
<br />
Consequently it should in line with the nature of all things<br />
<br />
I wish of this ten-thousandfold. <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
薄命妾 原情 所志<br />
<br />
白等 天地之間 寃痛事段 古有薄命妾 或色衰而見薄者 或情疎而見薄者有之<br />
<br />
A petition of an unfortunate woman<br />
<br />
Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
2. 而矣女之見薄 非色衰而然也 非情疎而然也 大槩矣女襁褓之秊 俱失父母 見養於外家 芳年二十出嫁於錦城人 則郞年二十五歲也 男兒二十五歲 孰無陰陽之心<br />
<br />
But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires? <br />
<br />
<br />
(1) Present-day Naju. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire? <br />
<br />
2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?<br />
<br />
3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
3. 自相逢夜 今至六七之間 不見一番衾裡之樂 以靑春之心 不勝其情 每於深夜 觧裙就枕 手撫全身 强要合歡 則聽而不聞<br /><br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
4. 虛送長夜 苦待明朝 做其好容 巧其言笑 以挑其心 則視而不見爲臥乎所 今宵明宵 枕席流泉 房帷之中 便成楚越 夫婦之間 有若仇敵 琴瑟之樂 吾未見之也 關雎之興 吾未知之也<br />
<br />
I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
How could they get married to each other? <br />
<br />
What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
身上新衣 自然而緩 頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于 痛哭歸來 方欲自決是如乎所 姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所 所謂郎子 以外皃見之 則面目肌髥 太似人矣 而至於房事 有同僧流 具體未達 徒大無力 則猛虎之猶豫 不如蜂 蛘之螫 人皆曰 無用將軍.<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence? <br />
<br />
3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
將軍無用武之術 則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎 乘夜渡盧 深入不毛者 諸葛征伐立策 而髥婦良君 不知合變之術則已矣已矣 不去何俟 女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶 望其矣衣乎耶 望其食耶 非衣非食<br />
<br />
If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
7. 而所大望者 惟枕席上一事而矣 旣失耶望且無興 況則衣亦不足貴也 食亦不足貴也<br />
<br />
And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?<br />
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
三生佳緣亦仍事 前生今生後生謂之三 而前後生猶不可信 而生於今之世 不見今之世樂 可憐此生<br />
<br />
the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”. <br />
<br />
How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means? <br />
<br />
Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces? <br />
<br />
If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
生不如死是乎厼 <br />
then life is worse than death<br />
<br />
且以天生之物理言之 <br />
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven<br />
<br />
則禽有䲶鴦 <br />
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1 <br />
<br />
木有連理 <br />
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2<br />
<br />
雄飛從雌者 禽鳥之情也 <br />
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna<br />
<br />
連枝交柯 草木之情也<br />
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora <br />
<br />
男兒情欲稟於陰陽 <br />
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature<br />
<br />
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎 <br />
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna? <br />
<br />
1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples<br />
<br />
2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
夫唱婦隨 夫婦之義也 女必從夫 男女之情也 而使有情之物 隨無益之夫 必不肯從 天性之固然 <br />
<br />
Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?<br />
<br />
2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature? <br />
<br />
3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一女抱怨 飛霜夜擊 內無怨女 文王之治 男女區區私情 仰訴於積善之下 無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下 遂物理宜 千萬望良爲只爲<br />
<br />
if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1509%E5%B9%B4_%E6%B0%B8%E8%86%BA%E5%A4%A7%E5%90%9B_%E6%A3%84%E5%88%A5%E5%A4%AB%E4%BA%BA_%E9%84%AD%E6%B0%8F_%E8%A8%B1%E8%88%87%E6%96%87%E8%A8%98&diff=5016(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記2017-07-20T05:45:24Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = .JPG<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = <br />
|Korean = <br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
正德四年八月□日 三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中 許與事段 矣身亦 早年寡居 凡事乙 專仰居生爲▣(有)<br />
<br />
餘良 矣身後良中置 汝矣祠堂良中 班附爲乎事是旀 節矣葬地乙良置 擇定永世守護爲乎爲 盡情<br />
<br />
爲臥乎等用良 去甲寅年分 田民許給時 漏落爲有如乎 母邊傳來 羅州接 奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢<br />
<br />
難非年伍拾肆 貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖 婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參<br />
<br />
參所生奴其古伊年拾玖 婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳 貳所生婢虫介年拾玖 參所生婢奉伊年拾柒<br />
<br />
肆所生婢奉代年拾伍 婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸 貳所生奴欣同年拾伍 康津接 婢福德壹所生▣(奴)<br />
<br />
朴松年陸拾玖 同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒 貳所生奴金伊年十<br />
<br />
靈光接 婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹 咸平接 奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆 同萬德▣(壹)<br />
<br />
所生婢每邑之年拾伍 父邊傳來 眞寶接 婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參 養父安完慶處傳得 昌寧接 婢今音<br />
<br />
德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌 咸平接 婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙 花名永永許給爲去乎 後所生幷以 子孫<br />
<br />
傳持 鎭長使用爲乎矣 萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等 此文字內乙用良 告官辨正 印<br />
<br />
財主 永膺大君棄別夫人 鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]<br />
<br />
證 五寸姪 定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將 鄭 [着名署]<br />
<br />
筆執 三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果 奇 [着名署]<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
<br />
(Part 2)<br />
<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;<br />
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.<br />
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;<br />
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;<br />
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;<br />
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.<br />
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;<br />
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].<br />
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.<br />
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.<br />
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.<br />
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:<br />
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.<br />
<br />(end of part 2)<br />
<br />
'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''<br />
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end. <br />
<br />
Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]<br />
<br />
Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Lieutenant of Assault Troops; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn? <br />
<br />
What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period? <br />
<br />
How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?<br />
<br />
2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a play boy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?<br />
<br />
2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''<br />
<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1509%E5%B9%B4_%E6%B0%B8%E8%86%BA%E5%A4%A7%E5%90%9B_%E6%A3%84%E5%88%A5%E5%A4%AB%E4%BA%BA_%E9%84%AD%E6%B0%8F_%E8%A8%B1%E8%88%87%E6%96%87%E8%A8%98&diff=5013(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記2017-07-20T05:44:09Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = .JPG<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = <br />
|Korean = <br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
正德四年八月□日 三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中 許與事段 矣身亦 早年寡居 凡事乙 專仰居生爲▣(有)<br />
<br />
餘良 矣身後良中置 汝矣祠堂良中 班附爲乎事是旀 節矣葬地乙良置 擇定永世守護爲乎爲 盡情<br />
<br />
爲臥乎等用良 去甲寅年分 田民許給時 漏落爲有如乎 母邊傳來 羅州接 奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢<br />
<br />
難非年伍拾肆 貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖 婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參<br />
<br />
參所生奴其古伊年拾玖 婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳 貳所生婢虫介年拾玖 參所生婢奉伊年拾柒<br />
<br />
肆所生婢奉代年拾伍 婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸 貳所生奴欣同年拾伍 康津接 婢福德壹所生▣(奴)<br />
<br />
朴松年陸拾玖 同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒 貳所生奴金伊年十<br />
<br />
靈光接 婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹 咸平接 奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆 同萬德▣(壹)<br />
<br />
所生婢每邑之年拾伍 父邊傳來 眞寶接 婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參 養父安完慶處傳得 昌寧接 婢今音<br />
<br />
德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌 咸平接 婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙 花名永永許給爲去乎 後所生幷以 子孫<br />
<br />
傳持 鎭長使用爲乎矣 萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等 此文字內乙用良 告官辨正 印<br />
<br />
財主 永膺大君棄別夫人 鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]<br />
<br />
證 五寸姪 定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將 鄭 [着名署]<br />
<br />
筆執 三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果 奇 [着名署]<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
<br />
(Part 2)<br />
<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;<br />
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.<br />
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;<br />
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;<br />
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;<br />
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.<br />
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;<br />
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].<br />
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.<br />
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.<br />
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.<br />
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:<br />
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.<br />
<br />(end of part 2)<br />
<br />
'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''<br />
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end. <br />
<br />
Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]<br />
<br />
Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Upper Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Lieutenant of Assault Troops; Vanguard (Upper Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn? <br />
<br />
What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period? <br />
<br />
How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?<br />
<br />
2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a play boy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?<br />
<br />
2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''<br />
<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1509%E5%B9%B4_%E6%B0%B8%E8%86%BA%E5%A4%A7%E5%90%9B_%E6%A3%84%E5%88%A5%E5%A4%AB%E4%BA%BA_%E9%84%AD%E6%B0%8F_%E8%A8%B1%E8%88%87%E6%96%87%E8%A8%98&diff=5010(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記2017-07-20T05:42:36Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = .JPG<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = <br />
|Korean = <br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
正德四年八月□日 三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中 許與事段 矣身亦 早年寡居 凡事乙 專仰居生爲▣(有)<br />
<br />
餘良 矣身後良中置 汝矣祠堂良中 班附爲乎事是旀 節矣葬地乙良置 擇定永世守護爲乎爲 盡情<br />
<br />
爲臥乎等用良 去甲寅年分 田民許給時 漏落爲有如乎 母邊傳來 羅州接 奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢<br />
<br />
難非年伍拾肆 貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖 婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參<br />
<br />
參所生奴其古伊年拾玖 婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳 貳所生婢虫介年拾玖 參所生婢奉伊年拾柒<br />
<br />
肆所生婢奉代年拾伍 婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸 貳所生奴欣同年拾伍 康津接 婢福德壹所生▣(奴)<br />
<br />
朴松年陸拾玖 同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒 貳所生奴金伊年十<br />
<br />
靈光接 婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹 咸平接 奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆 同萬德▣(壹)<br />
<br />
所生婢每邑之年拾伍 父邊傳來 眞寶接 婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參 養父安完慶處傳得 昌寧接 婢今音<br />
<br />
德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌 咸平接 婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙 花名永永許給爲去乎 後所生幷以 子孫<br />
<br />
傳持 鎭長使用爲乎矣 萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等 此文字內乙用良 告官辨正 印<br />
<br />
財主 永膺大君棄別夫人 鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]<br />
<br />
證 五寸姪 定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將 鄭 [着名署]<br />
<br />
筆執 三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果 奇 [着名署]<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
<br />
(Part 2)<br />
<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;<br />
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.<br />
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;<br />
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.<br />
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;<br />
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;<br />
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;<br />
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.<br />
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.<br />
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;<br />
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].<br />
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;<br />
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.<br />
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.<br />
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.<br />
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:<br />
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.<br />
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:<br />
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.<br />
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.<br />
<br />(end of part 2)<br />
<br />
'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''<br />
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end. <br />
<br />
Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]<br />
<br />
Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Upper Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Lieutenant of Assault Troops; Vanguard (Upper Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands Ki [signed with personal symbol]<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn? <br />
<br />
What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period? <br />
<br />
How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : martin'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?<br />
<br />
2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a play boy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?<br />
<br />
2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''<br />
<br />
</div></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E5%85%83%E6%9B%89%E5%82%B3&diff=4910(Translation) 元曉傳2017-07-20T00:19:52Z<p>마틴: /* Student 9 : (Write your name) */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = .JPG<br />
|English = <br />
|Chinese = <br />
|Korean = <br />
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)<br />
|Type = <br />
|Author = <br />
|Year = <br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
唐 新羅國 黃龍寺 沙門 元曉傳 <br />
<br />
釋元曉, 姓薛氏, 東海湘州人也. 丱䰂[髟/采]之年, 惠然入法, 隨師稟業, 遊處無恒. <br />
<br />
勇擊義圍, 雄橫文陣, 仡仡然, 桓桓然, 進無前却. 蓋三學之淹通, 彼土謂之萬人之敵, 精義入神, 爲若此也. 嘗與湘法師入唐, 慕奘三藏慈恩之門, 厥緣既差, 息心遊往. 無何發言狂悖, 示跡乖疎. 同居士入酒肆倡家, 若誌公持金刀鐵錫. 或製疏以講雜華, 或撫琴以樂祠宇, 或閭閻寓宿, 或山水坐禪, 任意隨機, 都無定檢. 時國王置, 徧搜碩德, 本州以名望擧進之, 諸德惡其爲人, 譖王不納. <br />
<br />
居無何, 王之夫人, 腦嬰癰腫, 醫工絕驗. 王及王子臣屬, 禱諸山川靈祠, 無所不至. 有巫覡言曰, “苟遣人往他國求藥, 是疾方瘳.” 王乃發使泛海入唐, 募其醫術. <br />
<br />
溟漲之中, 忽見一翁, 由波濤躍出登舟, 邀使人入海, 覩宮殿嚴麗, 見龍王, 王名鈐海. 謂使者曰, “汝國夫人, 是青帝第三女也. 我宮中先有金剛三昧經, 乃二覺圓通, 示菩薩行也. 今託仗夫人之病, 爲增上緣, 欲附此經, 出彼國流布耳.” <br />
<br />
於是將三十來紙, 重沓散經, 付授使人, 復曰, “此經度海中, 恐罹魔事.” 王令持刀裂使人腨腸, 而內于中, 用蠟紙纏縢, 以藥傅之, 其腨如故. 龍王言, “可令大安聖者, 銓次綴縫, 請元曉法師, 造疏講釋之, 夫人疾愈無疑. 假使雪山阿伽陀藥力, 亦不過是.” 王送出海面, 遂登舟歸國. <br />
<br />
時王聞而歡喜, 乃先召大安聖者, 黏次焉. 大安者, 不測之人也. 形服特異, 恒在市廛, 擊銅鉢, 唱言大安大安之聲, 故號之也. 王命安, 安云, “但將經來, 不願入王宮閾.” 安得經, 排來成八品, 皆合佛意. 安曰, “速將付元曉講. 餘人則否.” 曉受斯經, 正在本生湘州也. 謂使人曰, “此經以本始二覺爲宗. 爲我備角乘, 將案几在兩角之間, 置其筆硯.” 始終於牛車造疏, 成五卷. <br />
<br />
王請剋日於黃龍寺敷演, 時有薄徒, 竊盜新疏. 以事白王, 延于三日, 重錄成三卷, 號爲略疏. 洎乎王臣道俗, 雲擁法堂, 曉乃宣吐有儀, 解紛可則, 稱揚彈指, 聲沸于空. 曉復唱言曰, “昔日採百椽時, 雖不預會, 今朝橫一棟處, 唯我獨能.” 時諸名德, 俯顏慚色, 伏膺懺悔焉. 初曉示跡無恒, 化人不定, 或擲盤而救衆, 或潠水而撲焚, 或數處現形, 或六方告滅, 亦盃度誌公之倫歟. 其於解性, 覽無不明矣, 疏有廣略二本, 俱行本土. 略本流入中華, 後有翻經三藏, 改之爲論焉. <br />
<br />
系曰, 海龍之宮, 自何而有經本耶? 通曰, 經云龍王宮殿中, 有七寶塔, 諸佛所說諸深義, 別有七寶篋滿中盛之, 謂十二因緣總持三昧等. 良以此經, 合行世間, 復顯大安曉公神異, 乃使夫人之疾, 爲起敎之大端者也. <br />
<br />
<br />
||<br />
(translation)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
A Biography of Buddhist Monk Wonhyo at Hwangryong Temple in the State of Shilla in the Tang Period<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
Biography of Monk Wonhyo of Hwangryong temple in state of Silla of the Tang empire.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
During the Tang Dynasty, there was a state of Silla. In the Yellow Dragon Temple [of Silla], there was a Buddhist monk Wŏn Hyo. This is a biography about him. <br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
Tang Period, Silla State, Hwangryong-Temple, Buddhist Order, Biography of Wonhyo<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4900(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-20T00:03:00Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
This document was obtained from the leading family of Haenam Yoon clan in Jeollanamdo. Written in 1614, it is a contract of economic transaction between Mrs. Kim, a widow of Yoon Sa-hoe (who was not a part of Haenam Yoon clan), and<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等此文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the eighteen-year-old male slave Jongnam born in Jeongyu year, the son of a female slave Geundeok who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon had bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife Mrs. Kim [Stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrok [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong [Signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, ?? Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4752(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-19T01:56:06Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等此文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the male slave Jongnam, the son of a female slave Geundeok, who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon has bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife Mrs. Kim [Stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrok [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong [Signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4750(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-19T01:51:41Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等比文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the male slave Jongnam, the son of a female slave Geundeok, who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon has bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife Mrs. Kim [Stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrok [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong [Signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4749(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-19T01:50:18Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等比文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the male slave Jongnam, the son of a female slave Geundeok, who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon has bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife of the Kim Clan [Stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrok [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong [Signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4748(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-19T01:43:20Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等比文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the male slave Jongnam, the son of a female slave Geundeok, who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon has bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife of the Kim Clan [Stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrog [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong [Signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4747(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-19T01:43:01Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等比文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the male slave Jongnam, the son of a female slave Geundeok, who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon has bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife of the Kim Clan [stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrog [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong [Signature]<br />
<br />
Scribe, Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4746(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-19T01:42:33Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等比文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the male slave Jongnam, the son of a female slave Geundeok, who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon has bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife of the Kim Clan [stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrog [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong<br />
<br />
Scribe, Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1614%E5%B9%B4_%E5%AF%BA%E5%A5%B4_%E6%96%97(%E4%BC%8A%2B%E5%8F%B1)%E9%96%93_%E5%A5%B4%E5%A9%A2%E8%B3%A3%E8%B2%B7%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4745(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文2017-07-19T01:42:00Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
<br />
|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG<br />
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse<br />
|Chinese = 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 尹思誨 妻 金氏<br />
|Year = 1614<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 招辭|III-5. 1614年 招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 得祿 招辭|III-6. 1614年 得祿 招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案|III-7. 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614<br />
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終 <br />
<br />
之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石 <br />
<br />
今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣ <br />
<br />
木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕 <br />
<br />
生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕 <br />
<br />
去乙等比文記告官卞正事 <br />
<br />
奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名] <br />
<br />
證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名] <br />
<br />
筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押] <br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the male slave Jongnam, the son of a female slave Geundeok, who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon has bought [in his stead], with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...<br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute,[take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife of the Kim Clan [stamped]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrog [Signature]<br />
<br />
Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong<br />
<br />
Scribe, Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]<br />
<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1801%E5%B9%B4_%E9%BE%8D%E5%B1%B1%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2_%E9%A6%96%E5%A5%B4_%E7%A6%B9%E7%99%BC_%E8%87%AA%E8%B3%A3%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4732(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文2017-07-19T00:53:13Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg<br />
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person<br />
|Chinese = 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 龍山書院 首奴 禹發<br />
|Year = 1801<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文<br />
<br />
右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報<br />
<br />
償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲<br />
<br />
二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文<br />
<br />
拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣<br />
<br />
爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記<br />
<br />
告官卞正事<br />
<br />
父先岩外<br />
<br />
證庫直龍奉<br />
<br />
筆執色金萬九<br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 for them and the sale to the academy is... <br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Ren Zhijun, Martin Gehlmann)'''<br />
...permanent, should there be dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
[Seller] Father Amwi [Signed with fingerjoint]<ref> As the seller here seemed to be illiterate he signed the document by tracing his fingerjoints, which was to be identifiable at a later point </ref> <br />
<br />
Witness Yongbong, Storage Keeper<br />
<br />
Scribe Kim Mangu <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
#2 A Document of Selling One's Person<br />
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?<br />
<br />
#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban<br />
<br />
1. In this document, <br />
<br />
<br />
#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse <br />
<br />
1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br /><br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br /><br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea? <br />
<br />
2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves? <br />
<br />
Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?<br />
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this? <br />
<br />
Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history? <br />
<br />
How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?<br />
<br />
2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文<br />
<br />
2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]<br />
<br />
2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1801%E5%B9%B4_%E9%BE%8D%E5%B1%B1%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2_%E9%A6%96%E5%A5%B4_%E7%A6%B9%E7%99%BC_%E8%87%AA%E8%B3%A3%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4730(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文2017-07-19T00:52:04Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg<br />
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person<br />
|Chinese = 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 龍山書院 首奴 禹發<br />
|Year = 1801<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文<br />
<br />
右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報<br />
<br />
償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲<br />
<br />
二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文<br />
<br />
拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣<br />
<br />
爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記<br />
<br />
告官卞正事<br />
<br />
父先岩外<br />
<br />
證庫直龍奉<br />
<br />
筆執色金萬九<br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 for them and the sale to the academy is... <br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Ren Zhijun, Martin Gehlmann)'''<br />
...permanent, should there be dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
[Seller] Father Amwi [Signed with fingerjoint]<ref> As the seller here seemed to be illiterate he signed the document by tracing his fingerjoints, which was to be Identifiable at a later point </ref> <br />
<br />
Witness Yongbong, Storage Keeper<br />
<br />
Scribe Kim Mangu <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
#2 A Document of Selling One's Person<br />
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?<br />
<br />
#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban<br />
<br />
1. In this document, <br />
<br />
<br />
#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse <br />
<br />
1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br /><br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br /><br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea? <br />
<br />
2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves? <br />
<br />
Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?<br />
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this? <br />
<br />
Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history? <br />
<br />
How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?<br />
<br />
2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文<br />
<br />
2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]<br />
<br />
2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1801%E5%B9%B4_%E9%BE%8D%E5%B1%B1%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2_%E9%A6%96%E5%A5%B4_%E7%A6%B9%E7%99%BC_%E8%87%AA%E8%B3%A3%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4729(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文2017-07-19T00:50:46Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg<br />
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person<br />
|Chinese = 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 龍山書院 首奴 禹發<br />
|Year = 1801<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文<br />
<br />
右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報<br />
<br />
償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲<br />
<br />
二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文<br />
<br />
拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣<br />
<br />
爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記<br />
<br />
告官卞正事<br />
<br />
父先岩外<br />
<br />
證庫直龍奉<br />
<br />
筆執色金萬九<br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 for them and the sale to the academy is... <br />
<br />
'''Ending Part (by Ren Zhijun, Martin Gehlmann)'''<br />
...permanent, should there be dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
[Seller] Father Amwi #1 [Signed with fingerjoint] <ref> As the seller here seemed to be illiterate he signed the document by tracing his fingerjoints, which was to be Identifiable at a later point </ref> <br />
<br />
Witness Yongbong, Storage Keeper<br />
<br />
Scribe Kim Mangu <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
#2 A Document of Selling One's Person<br />
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?<br />
<br />
#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban<br />
<br />
1. In this document, <br />
<br />
<br />
#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse <br />
<br />
1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br /><br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br /><br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea? <br />
<br />
2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves? <br />
<br />
Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?<br />
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this? <br />
<br />
Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history? <br />
<br />
How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?<br />
<br />
2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文<br />
<br />
2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]<br />
<br />
2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_1801%E5%B9%B4_%E9%BE%8D%E5%B1%B1%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2_%E9%A6%96%E5%A5%B4_%E7%A6%B9%E7%99%BC_%E8%87%AA%E8%B3%A3%E6%98%8E%E6%96%87&diff=4727(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文2017-07-19T00:47:05Z<p>마틴: /* Original Script */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg<br />
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person<br />
|Chinese = 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文<br />
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]<br />
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies<br />
|Type = Record<br />
|Author = 龍山書院 首奴 禹發<br />
|Year = 1801<br />
|Key Concepts= Trading<br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = <br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文<br />
<br />
右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報<br />
<br />
償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲<br />
<br />
二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文<br />
<br />
拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣<br />
<br />
爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記<br />
<br />
告官卞正事<br />
<br />
父先岩外<br />
<br />
證庫直龍奉<br />
<br />
筆執色金萬九<br />
<br />
||<br />
<br />
Middle Part (by Kim Young): Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 for them and the sale to the academy is... <br />
<br />
Ending Part (by Ren Zhijun, Martin Gehlmann)<br />
...permanent, should there be dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.<br />
<br />
[Seller] Father Amwi #1 Signed with fingerjoint <br />
<br />
Witness Yongbong, Storage Keeper<br />
<br />
Scribe Kim Mangu <br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
#<br />
#<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
#2 A Document of Selling One's Person<br />
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?<br />
<br />
#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban<br />
<br />
1. In this document, <br />
<br />
<br />
#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse <br />
<br />
1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br /><br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br /><br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea? <br />
<br />
2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves? <br />
<br />
Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?<br />
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this? <br />
<br />
Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history? <br />
<br />
How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?<br />
<br />
2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文<br />
<br />
2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]<br />
<br />
2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4719(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-19T00:25:58Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570).<ref> See Hejtmanek, Milan; "The Elusive Path to Sagehood. Origins of the Confucian Academy Systemn Chosŏn Korea“, in: Seoul Journal of Korean Studies 26/2 (December 2013), p. 233–268. </ref> Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy.<ref> See Chan, Wing-tsit: "Chu Hsi and the Academies“, in: de Bary, Wm. T./Chaffee, J. W., Neo-Confucian Education. The Formative Stage, Berkeley 1989, p. 389-413 </ref> Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century,<ref> See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wda_10011003_012, Already in 1418 King Sejong tried to foster the spread of Confucian academies by giving incentives to officials for founding them </ref> Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions.<ref> See Moon, Tae-soon; "Kyoyuk kigwan-ŭrosŏ sŏwŏn-ŭi sŏnggyŏk yŏn'gu [A Study of the Character of Academies as Educational Institution]“, in: Kyoyuk paljŏn yŏn'gu, 20/1 (June 2004), p. 7-21 </ref> Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching methods for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
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文憲書院學規<br />
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1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
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4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
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5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
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6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
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7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
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8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
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9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
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10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
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11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
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School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
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One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
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One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
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One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
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One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
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One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
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One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
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One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
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One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
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One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
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One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
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One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
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One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
|}<br />
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
<br />
#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
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* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
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=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
<br />
2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
<br />
2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
<br />
2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
<br />
毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
<br />
且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
<br />
凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
<br />
作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
<br />
<br />
1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
<br />
2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
<br />
Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
<br />
7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
<br />
If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4714(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-19T00:02:58Z<p>마틴: </p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570).<ref> Milan Hejtmanek </ref> Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy.<ref>Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century,<ref> Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions.<ref> Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching methods for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
文憲書院學規<br />
<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
<br />
3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
<br />
5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
<br />
6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
<br />
8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
||<br />
School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
<br />
One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
<br />
One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
<br />
One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
<br />
One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
<br />
One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
<br />
One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
<br />
One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
<br />
One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
<br />
#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
<br />
2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
<br />
2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
<br />
2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
<br />
毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
<br />
且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
<br />
凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
<br />
作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
<br />
<br />
1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
<br />
2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
<br />
Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
<br />
7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
<br />
If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4713(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-19T00:01:23Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
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<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
r̩=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570).<ref> Milan Hejtmanek </ref> Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy.<ref>Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century,<ref> Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions.<ref> Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching methods for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
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=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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文憲書院學規<br />
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1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
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4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
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5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
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6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
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7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
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8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
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9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
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10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
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11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
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School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
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One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
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One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
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One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
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One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
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One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
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One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
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One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
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One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
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One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
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One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
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One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
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One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
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#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
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=='''References'''==<br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
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==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
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1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
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2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
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==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
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==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
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一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
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==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
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一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
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2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
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==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
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每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
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Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
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2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
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==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
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一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
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毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
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且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
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凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
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作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
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1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
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2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
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==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
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Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
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7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
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If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
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一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
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While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
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8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
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One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4685(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-18T14:35:56Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570).<ref>Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy.<ref>Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century,<ref> Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions.<ref> Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching methods for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
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文憲書院學規<br />
<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
<br />
3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
<br />
5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
<br />
6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
<br />
8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
||<br />
School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
<br />
One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
<br />
One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
<br />
One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
<br />
One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
<br />
One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
<br />
One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
<br />
One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
<br />
One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
<br />
#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
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* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
<br />
2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
<br />
2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
<br />
2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
<br />
毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
<br />
且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
<br />
凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
<br />
作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
<br />
<br />
1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
<br />
2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
<br />
Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
<br />
7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
<br />
If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4684(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-18T14:31:57Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570). Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy. Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century, Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions. Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching methods for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
文憲書院學規<br />
<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
<br />
3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
<br />
5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
<br />
6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
<br />
8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
||<br />
School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
<br />
One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
<br />
One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
<br />
One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
<br />
One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
<br />
One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
<br />
One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
<br />
One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
<br />
One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
<br />
#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
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*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
<br />
2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
<br />
2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
<br />
2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
<br />
毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
<br />
且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
<br />
凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
<br />
作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
<br />
<br />
1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
<br />
2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
<br />
Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
<br />
7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
<br />
If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4683(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-18T14:28:25Z<p>마틴: /* Introduction */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570). Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy. Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century , Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions. Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
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The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching processes for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院.. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
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=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
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文憲書院學規<br />
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1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
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4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
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5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
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6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
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7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
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8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
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9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
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10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
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11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
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School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
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One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
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One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
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One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
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One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
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One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
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One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
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One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
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One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
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One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
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One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
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One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
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One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
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One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
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#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
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=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
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=='''References'''==<br />
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=='''Translation'''==<br />
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==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
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1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
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As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
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2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
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==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
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2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
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Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
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==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
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一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
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==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
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一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
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One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
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2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
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==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
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每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
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Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
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1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
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2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
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==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
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一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
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毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
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且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
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凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
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作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
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1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
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2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
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==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
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*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
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Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
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7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
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If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
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一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
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While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
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==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
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8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
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One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
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One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4681(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-18T14:24:58Z<p>마틴: /* Discussion Questions */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570). Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later many some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy. Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century , Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions. Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching processes for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院.. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
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{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
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文憲書院學規<br />
<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
<br />
3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
<br />
5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
<br />
6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
<br />
8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
||<br />
School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
<br />
One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
<br />
One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
<br />
One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
<br />
One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
<br />
One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
<br />
One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
<br />
One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
<br />
One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
<br />
#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
<br />
2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
<br />
2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
<br />
2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
<br />
毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
<br />
且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
<br />
凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
<br />
作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
<br />
<br />
1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
<br />
2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
<br />
Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
<br />
7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
<br />
If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴http://dh.aks.ac.kr/jsg/index.php?title=(Translation)_%E6%96%87%E6%86%B2%E6%9B%B8%E9%99%A2%E5%AD%B8%E8%A6%8F&diff=4680(Translation) 文憲書院學規2017-07-18T14:24:27Z<p>마틴: /* Discussion Questions */</p>
<hr />
<div>{{Primary Source Document3<br />
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG<br />
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy<br />
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規<br />
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')<br />
|Genre = Literati writings<br />
|Type = Regulations<br />
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷 李珥]<br />
|Year = 1578<br />
|Key Concepts= <br />
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]<br />
|Editor = King Kwong Wong (Translation), Martin Gehlmann (Introduction)<br />
|Translation Year = 2017<br />
<br />
}}<br />
<br />
<gallery><br />
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)<br />
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)<br />
</gallery><br />
<br />
<br />
=='''Introduction'''==<br />
The first Confucian academy 書院 appeared on the Korean peninsula in 1543 with the establishment of the White Cloud Grotto Academy 白雲洞書院 by Chu Sebung 周世鵬 (1495-1554) in P'unggi, Kyŏngsang-Province. This academy, founded to honor the Koryŏ scholar An Hyang 安珦 (1243-1306), who is usually credited with bringing Neo-Confucian teachings from China to Korea, in 1550 was royally chartered to the name Sosu Academy 紹修書院 on the advice of T'oegye Yi Hwang 退溪 李滉 (1501-1570). Confucian academies had already existed in China since the Tang-Dynasty and had developed from librarian institutions into fully-fledged schools contending with, and sometimes replacing, the official state school system. During the Northern Song-Dynasty many academies flourished and gained far-reaching reputations. Later many some became associated with the proliferation of the Zhu Xis teachings, as their private setting provided space to teach interpretations of the Confucian canon outside of the government orthodoxy. Most famous among these academies was the White Deer Grotto academy 白鹿洞書院 restored by Zhu Xi himself in 1180 and often understood as the essential academy model in Korea. Already known in Korea since at least the early 15th century , Confucian academies spread rapidly in Chosŏn from the second half of the 16th and by 1720 their numbers had already reached about 400 individual institutions. Backed by royal endowments of land, slaves, books and other resources many academies gained fame and authority in their localities. Being part of Yangban status culture, they began to dominate their local societies and often pressed the local population into their service. With the increasing factional political struggle gripping Korean court politics in the latter half of the Chosŏn-period academies often functioned as economic and political bases for their respective factions. Especially during the 18th and 19th century they were viewed as limiting state authority outside the capital and putting a financial burden on the people. Therefore, after several failed attempts to curb the power of the academies, in 1871 the royal regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn'gun 興宣大院君 (1820-1898) in his reforms tried to limit the number of Confucian academies to 47, preserving only some important royally chartered academies and abolishing most of the others. <br />
<br />
The Munhŏn Academy 文憲書院 was also founded by Chu Sebung during his time in Haeju in the Hwanghae-Province, modern day North Korea, as Suyang Academy 首陽書員 in 1549. It received a royal charter in 1555 and was renamed Munhŏn Academy, an allusion to Koryŏ scholar Ch’oe Ch’ung 崔沖 (984~1068), a native of Haeju, who was also enshrined in the academy. Its regulations were drafted by the famous scholar Yulgok Yi I 栗谷 李珥 (1536-1584) in 1578. By this time Yulgok had actively served in different post of the government and was deeply involved in reforming the educational system of the state, as for example in his work Model for Schools 學校模範, suggesting curricula and teaching processes for the schools. His regulations for the Munhŏn Academy can be viewed in a similar light, trying to correcting the perceived ills of his time like nepotism and emphasizing the importance of seniority in all areas of life in the academy. However compared to other academy regulations of the time the Munhŏn Academy rules are less concerned with promoting a more private education away from studying for success in the examinations than for example T'oegye Yi Hwangs regulations for the Isan Academy 伊山書院.. Yulgok also viewed the academy as to be embedded in its local community and tried to instate close connections through community compacts and granaries. Munhŏn Academy was to be demolished under the command of the king regent in 1871.<br />
<br />
=='''Original Script'''==<br />
<br />
{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"<br />
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English <br />
|-<br />
|<br />
文憲書院學規<br />
<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
<br />
3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 頭巾 袍 團領 詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
<br />
5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
<br />
6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領 且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
<br />
8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 黜院者。削其籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
<br />
11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
||<br />
School Regulations of the Munhŏn Academy<br />
<br />
One. As for the method of selecting literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the determination in the undertaking of learning, with untainted reputation and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, the meeting is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, they can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) For those who have passed the preliminary or higher level of civil service examinations, they can be admitted directly without discussion. Should there be any Confucian students who rely on the powerful to seek admission, or for that reason ask favors from the provincial governor or prefecture officials, they are not allowed to be admitted.<br />
<br />
One. Choose among the students those who are erudite as student chiefs (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no chief [is presented in the meeting], then the meeting is invalid.) Their term is two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
One. Select diligent and hardworking local persons as the academy overseer (two members). Prepare three candidates to be dispatched by the county magistrate. They are in charge of the matter regarding the income and expenditure of sacrificial rites. Their term is three years. For what they are in charge of, they have to maintain bookkeeping for later record. Should the income and expenditure of grain have any discrepancy, they are not allowed to be dismissed. When the reason is unable to be discerned, all the students should form a council to discuss and report to officials about their dismissal.<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle gate, light incense (the oldest lights the incense), and bow again. Even it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if students arrive from a different place for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine again. (Without opening the middle gate and lighting incense.)<br />
<br />
One. Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and stack up your bedding. The younger students should hold the broom and sweep the room. Order the student-on-duty to sweep the courtyard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise, line up in two ranks on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard respectively according to seniority. Face each other and bow with hands clasped. After this ritual is completed, return to the classroom.<br />
<br />
One. Ordinarily, always adjust your attire, cap, and sash, cup your hands before your chest, and sit solemnly, just as you treat honorable seniors. Do not serve your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. (You must wear straight-collar.) Also, do not wear resplendent and beautiful attire that is near extravagant. As for desk, books, brush, ink stone and the likes, you should put them in place tidily. Do not leave them disorderly and untidily. You must write squarely in regular script style. Do not write on the windows, doors, and walls.<br />
<br />
One. For dwelling places, you should yield convenient and comfortable places to seniors. Do not even by mistake choose convenience for yourself. Whenever seniors, who are ten years or above elder, enter or exit, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
One. While having meals, all students sit according to seniority. Do not choose your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
One. While reading, keep your body straight and cup your hands and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and carry through your will. Work hard at exhausting the right meaning. Do not look at each other and chat.<br />
<br />
One. As for speaking, be cautious at the language. Do not utter that which is not considered as classics nor propriety and right. Do not talk about licentious, disrespectful, baffling, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss politics of the court. Do not comment on the success and failure of officials at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends and peers should strive to be harmonious and respectful to each other. Correct each other with mistakes and reproach each other with good intention. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock your peers. And do not play pranks. Violator will be dismissed from his seat. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is released from ostracization, he should face the chastisement of the full house.)<br />
<br />
One. From the moment one wakes up in the early morning until he goes to bed at night, throughout the entire day, there must be things that one attends to. Whether reading a book, composing a treatise, discussing argumentation and reason, raising questions regarding lectures, or asking clarification about instructions, nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave calmly and in orderly fashion. Follow the order of seniority. At dusk, one should light the lantern, and as the night grows long, one should go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from his seat. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. (Those who are expelled from the academy, their names are removed from the roaster.)<br />
<br />
One. Books within the academy should not be carried out of the gate. If one violates [this regulation], he will be punished. In the case of a serious offense, he will be expelled from the academy. In the case of a light offense, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the sacrificial rites of Spring and Autumn without any reason, he will be dismissed from his seat.<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and taints the Confucian custom, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
One. In the first months of the Four Seasons, the student chiefs will meet all students at the academy, discussing school regulations and examining their success and failure. Those who do not attend without providing reasons will be dismissed from their seats. (Those who have reasons should have a list to state their reasons.) Everyone who enter the academy for the first time should read the school regulations prior to his admission.<br />
|}<br />
<br />
=='''Discussion Questions'''==<br />
<br />
#Considering these regulations How was the life of academy students? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Chosŏn Confucian students deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
#The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world, this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process? <br />
<br />
#Among Yi I's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy? On the whole, do you find the rules practical or idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
#There are documents similar to the regulations written by Yi I. They are, in particular, closely related to those written by Pak Se-ch'ae 朴世采 (1631-95). Pak was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to the Sŏin 西人 (Westerner) faction. Does this mean that the regulations of the Munhŏn Academy reflected the mind of the Sŏin faction? Did the factions and literati purges shape the writing of regulations? <br />
<br />
#What overarching Confucian values do you think are being emphasized in these regulations? Is the values emphasized by Yi I universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
#The regulations of the Munhŏn Academy show that in the past education had its main function of not only gaining knowledge but of building up the character and habits of learners. To what extent do modern schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extent it depends on his behavior?<br />
<br />
#Can you see any remaining effect of these regulations on Korean culture today? Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice? In modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<br />
<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[[Record of Property Distribution among Brothers from 1621]]'''.<br />
</div><br />
--><br />
*<br />
*<br />
<br />
<br />
=='''References'''==<br />
<references/><br />
<br />
=='''Translation'''==<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 1 : (Hu Jing)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。<br />
<br />
As to the way to select literati, [enroll students] regardless of age. Select students from those who have the will to devote themselves to study, with unstained names and behavior. The admission should be discussed by the academy faculty. Should the number of the committee member be less than ten, any discussion is invalid. (In the case of candidates who have attended the preliminary examination, students can be enrolled if there are more than three candidates.) As to candidates who have passed the preliminary examination, they could be admitted without discussion. Should there are any Confucian students who coerce the admission or pull the wires of province or prefecture officials, the enrollment is forbidden. <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. In the Joseon dynasty, how did the students make a choice on which academy to attend? Given that the students make the decision based on the master of the academy, how did you get the information about that?<br />
<br />
2. We can learn from the text that the academy holds sacrifice regularly. How can we understand the sacrifice cultrue in the Confucianism?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===<br />
----<br />
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。<br />
<br />
Choose among the students those who are erudite as student presidents (two members). For every discussion meeting within the academy, these two chair them. (If no president [is presented in the meeting], then it is not allowed to reach a decision.) Both will be substituted in two years. In addition, a student official should be appointed to manage books.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?<br />
# Why do the regulations forbade the discussion of politics? Considering the last literati purge happened in 1545, would it be a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy. <br />
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.<br />
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge. <br />
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。<br />
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===<br />
----<br />
一。每月朔望。諸生具巾 (頭巾) 袍 (團領) 詣廟。開中門焚香. 年最長者焚香 再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。<br />
<br />
One. Every first and fifteenth of the lunar month, all students have to don their headgear (cap), and gowns (circular collar-robes) to pay respects at the shrine. Open the middle door, and light incense (the oldest lights the incense), bow down twice. Even if it is not the first or fifteenth day of the month, if literati from a different place are visiting for the first time, or when students go back home, they must bow to the shrine twice, then do not open the middle door and do not light incense. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be? <br />
<br />
2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。<br />
<br />
Everyday get up at daybreak. Tidy up and fold your bedding away. The younger students should sweep up the room. Let the errand boy arrange the court yard. Wash your face, comb your hair, and adjust your attire. At sunrise line up in two ranks according to age, east and west in the courtyard. Face each other and bow down with your hands together. On completion of this ritual, immediately return to the lecture room. <br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Yi Yulgok wrote the regulations in a meticulous manner. Is this based on his belief in Confucian philosophy of the ki (氣) school that relates the essence of human mind (理) and human behavior(氣) not to be separate but one under the non-dual principle?<br />
<br />
2. The name of the academy originates from Ch'oe Ch'ung's (984-1098, Koryŏ dynasty) posthumous name, Munhŏn (文憲). Ch'oe Ch'ung was called 'Confucius of the Land East of the Sea' and the founder of the first private Confucian Academy in Korea. Ch'oe must have composed the regulations for his academy too. If so, what connections might there be between the original Ch'oe's and Yi's regulations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 6 : (Do hee Jeong)'''===<br />
----<br />
一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。<br />
First. In ordinary times, you always adjust your cloths, cap, sash1) and salute with the hands folded and sit gingerly, just as you encounter honorable senior<br />
<br />
毋得以褻服自便。[必著直領] <br />
Do not consult your own convenience by wearing comfortable clothes. [you must wear jingnyeong 2)]<br />
<br />
且不得著華美近奢之服。<br />
And do not wear clothes which is resplendent and extravagant<br />
<br />
凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。<br />
you should orderly replace a table, books, a brush, an inkstone in place. If and when do not leave disorderly those(?)<br />
<br />
作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。<br />
When writing, you must write in regular script style and do not write on the windows and doors and the wall<br />
<br />
<br />
1)cloths worn by the literati <br />
<br />
2)coat with a straightened collar, wearing in from the the Late Goryeo Dynasty to Joeseon Dynasty <br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
There are similar documents as these regulations written by Yi I. They are in particular closely related to those written by Park Sech'e (朴世采, 1631-95). Park was one of Yi I's disciples who belonged to Soe-in (西人) school. Does this mean that the Munheon Academy regulations reflected the mind of Soe-in school? Did the factions likewise influence the academies in writing regulations during the Joseon dynasty?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 7 : (Irina)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
The Regulations of the Munheon Academy show that in the past education had as its main function not only gaining of knowledge but the build-up of the character and habits of learners. To what extent today schools and universities have this function? To what extent does a student's success nowadays depends on his knowledge and to what extend it depends on his behavior.<br />
<br />
Which of the listed rules are outdated in modern Korea and which are still in practice?<br />
<br />
7. <br />
一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。<br />
<br />
If the place to stay is nice and comfortable, you should give it to the senior. It is not acceptable to prefer the convenience for yourself. When someone who is 10 or more years elder comes in or out, the younger ones should stand up.<br />
<br />
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。<br />
<br />
While having meal, seniors sit first. It is not acceptable to select your food. Always have in mind that you should not sate your hunger fully.<br />
<br />
==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
8.。一。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。 一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)<br />
<br />
<br />
One. When reading, organize your body and sit solemnly. Focus your mind and extend your intent. Work hard at exhausting the meaning. Do not look at each other and chat. <br />
<br />
One. As to speaking, the language should be cautious. Do not talk about what is not written in the classics as propriety and ritual. Do not talk about licentious, dirty, destructive, disorderly, and occult stories. Do not speak of others' mistakes. Do not discuss the politics of the court. Do not bring up the gain and loss of prefects at each administrative unit.<br />
<br />
One. Friends should strive to be harmonious and respectful. They should correct each other's mistakes and reproach each other to do better. Do not boast your status, wisdom, talent, father and brother, knowledge, so as to be arrogant to your peers. Moreover, do not ridicule and mock each other. And don't play pranks. Violators will have to leave their seats. (This refers to ostracizing. Before a student is pardoned from ostracization, he should be scolded in front of everyone.)<br />
<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
1. Among Yulgok's regulations, which clause emphasizes the practical aspect of communal living, and which clause focuses on cultivating moral principles? On the whole, do you find the rules to be more practical or more idealistic? Why?<br />
<br />
2. Why do you think it is so important to respect the elderly and prioritize their needs in Confucian society? From modern standards, such a rule might come off as unreasonable and oppressive to the younger. What is the Confucian logic for defending this rule, and how would you be able to justify it? <br />
<br />
3. From which classics does Yulgok pull quotations, and what are the meaning and significance of these quotations?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 9 : (Masha)'''===<br />
----<br />
9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院 [黜院者。削其籍。]<br /><br />
<br />
From the moment one wakes up in early morning until he goes to bed at night and throughout entire day there must be things one attends to. Reading a book, engaging in composition, discussing argumentation and reason, or asking questions regarding lessons as well as asking for instructions. Nothing but the undertaking of learning. As for one's leisure time or swimming in the streams, everyone, likewise, should behave in a proper manner and in orderly fashion. Follow the order in seniority. At dusk one must light the lantern, and as the night grows long one must go to bed. If one does not comply with the school regulations, one's manners and bearing would loosen up and become unrestrained. One who is indolent in the undertaking of learning will be dismissed from the classroom. If one does not repent and mend one's ways, he will be expelled from the academy. [Ones who are expelled from the academy, their name gets removed from the roaster.]<br /><br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br /><br />
<br />
1. Many of the listed regulations are common sense in modern Korean society, such as the order of seniority, and are abided to throughout one person's life. What does it imply for the time these regulations were compiled, why were they extensively described? How do they compare to the regulations prescribed in current school environment?<br /><br />
2. What do these particular rules imply about standards of behavior? For example, why would straightened clothes or being tidy and organized matter? What was the role of the academies aside from formal education? <br /><br />
3. The rules, such as not writing on windows and walls, implied that there were such precedents. For the modern readers who went through the education system anywhere in the world this kind of rules are easy to relate to and understand them. What does it say about universal human behavior and education process?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===<br />
----<br />
10.<br />
<br />
一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。<br />
<br />
One. Books belong to the academy should not be moved out of the academy. If one violates it, the violator will be expelled from the academy in the case of a serious offense or he will be removed from his seat in the case of a light offense. <br />
<br />
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。 <br />
<br />
One. If one does not participate in the scarifies rites of spring and autumn without any reason will be removed from his seat.<br />
<br />
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。<br />
<br />
One. Among those enrolled in the roster, if one behaves unrulily and pollutes the custom of Confucius, his case will be discussed in the council and he will be removed from the roster.<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?<br />
<br />
(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?<br />
<br />
(3) Can you see any remaining effect of this (kind of) regulation on Korean culture today?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。 凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。<br />
<br />
Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?<br />
<br />
==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
<br />
<br />
==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===<br />
----<br />
<br />
*Discussion Questions: 1. Among these regulations, which do you think are applicable today, and which inapplicable? 2. What overarching values do you think are being emphasized here in these regulations? 3. Why do you think these rules regulate the ways in which the students conduct their behaviors? 4. What are the rules and regulations from?<br />
<br />
=='''Further Readings'''==<br />
<!--<div style="color:#008080;"><br />
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''<br />
</div>--></div>마틴