장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T02:37:38Z

Yeoreum: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Poetry(詩)
|Author = Hyesim(慧諶)
|Year = 13th Century
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) <ref>The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.</ref> disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉

快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡

只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shore essentially one origin. In this respect the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one."</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea

The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced

The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water

It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort

Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water

It is colder than unmelted ice

Brighter than a glossily clean mirror

One taste of emptiness, the constance

That reflects myriad forms and colors

|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

=='''References'''==

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T01:14:09Z

Yeoreum:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Poetry(詩)
|Author = Hyesim(慧諶)
|Year = 13th Century
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) <ref>The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.</ref> disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉

快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡

只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea

The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced

The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water

It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort

Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water

It is colder than unmelted ice

Brighter than a glossily clean mirror

One taste of emptiness, the constance

That reflects myriad forms and colors

|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T01:12:43Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) <ref>The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.</ref> disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉

快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡

只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea

The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced

The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water

It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort

Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water

It is colder than unmelted ice

Brighter than a glossily clean mirror

One taste of emptiness, the constance

That reflects myriad forms and colors

|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:41:02Z

Yeoreum: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) <ref>The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.</ref> disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉

快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡

只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea

The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced

The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water

It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort

Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water

It is colder than unmelted ice

Brighter than a glossily clean mirror

One taste of emptiness, the constance

That reflects myriad forms and colors

|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:40:03Z

Yeoreum: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) <ref>The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.</ref> disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉

快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡

只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea

The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced

The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water

It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort

Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water

It is colder than unmelted ice

Brighter than a glossily clean mirror

One taste of emptiness, the constance

That reflects myriad forms and colors

|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:21:40Z

Yeoreum:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) <ref>The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.</ref> disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉

快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡

只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea
The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced
The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water
It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort
Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water
It is colder than unmelted ice
Brighter than a glossily clean mirror
One taste of emptiness, the constance
That reflects myriad forms and colors
|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:13:07Z

Yeoreum: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) [1] disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

[1] The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉

快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡

只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea
The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced
The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water
It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort
Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water
It is colder than unmelted ice
Brighter than a glossily clean mirror
One taste of emptiness, the constance
That reflects myriad forms and colors
|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:12:05Z

Yeoreum: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) [1] disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

[1] The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>

松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉
快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>

寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡
只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea
The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced
The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water
It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort
Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water
It is colder than unmelted ice
Brighter than a glossily clean mirror
One taste of emptiness, the constance
That reflects myriad forms and colors
|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:09:10Z

Yeoreum:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English = Collection of Poetry by Muŭija
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) [1] disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

[1] The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>
松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉
快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>
寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡
只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea
The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced
The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water
It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort
Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water
It is colder than unmelted ice
Brighter than a glossily clean mirror
One taste of emptiness, the constance
That reflects myriad forms and colors
|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:08:20Z

Yeoreum:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English =
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [무의자시집]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 시(詩)
|Author = 혜심(慧諶)
|Year = 13c
|Key Concepts= Sŏn Buddhism(禪佛敎)
|Translator = [[Youngsuk Park]]
|Editor = Youngsuk Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) [1] disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

[1] The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>
松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉
快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>
寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡
只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea
The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced
The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water
It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort
Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water
It is colder than unmelted ice
Brighter than a glossily clean mirror
One taste of emptiness, the constance
That reflects myriad forms and colors
|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:04:00Z

Yeoreum:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = [[파일:한국불교전서.jpg|섬네일|.]]
|English =
|Chinese = 無衣子詩集
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 건릉지첩]
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = 묘비문(墓碑文)
|Author = 尹行恁
|Year = 1800
|Key Concepts= 묘비문(墓碑文)
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

National Master of True Enlightenment (眞覺國師) Hyesim (慧諶, 1178-1234), whose pen name is Muŭija (無衣子 [the unclothed]), was a Buddhist Sŏn monk during the Koryŏ dynasty (918-1392). He is known as the propagator of Sŏn (Ch'an in Chinese, Zen in Japanese) and the key word (話頭) emptiness (無) in Korea. Previously a Confucian scholar, he became Chinul's (知訥 1158-1210) [1] disciple and successor. His Sŏn philosophy is characterized by the syncretic approach of Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. The Muŭija sijip (無衣子詩集, Collection of Poetry by Muŭija) is renowned for its pioneering work of syncretism between literature and Sŏn philosophy.

[1] The philosophical founder of Korean Sŏn Buddhism.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
茶泉<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b4-6. </ref>
松根去古蘚石眼迸靈泉
快便不易得親提趙老禪<ref>This implies Master Zhàozhōu's (778-897, Tang dynasty) huàtóu (话头, critical word, key word) '喫茶去‘ (Just drink some tea and leave).</ref>

淸潭<ref>韓國佛敎全書 6: 55b7-9.</ref>
寒於未釋氷莹若新磨鏡
只將一味<ref>One taste (一味) refers to the Buddhist idea that many different theories shores essentially one origin. the Flower Garland doctrine says: "One is in all; All is in one,"</ref>淸善應千差影

||
Spring Water for Tea
The moss-grown pine roots are barely traced
The eye on the rock spurts auspicious water
It is still not easy to grasp cool comfort
Voluntarily I take Master Zhàozhōu's Sŏn.

Clean Water
It is colder than unmelted ice
Brighter than a glossily clean mirror
One taste of emptiness, the constance
That reflects myriad forms and colors
|}

*Discussion Questions:
1. What are the elements of Taoism and Confucianism in the poems?

2. What is the relationship between awakening and drinking tea?

3. How does Hyesim realize the realm of Sŏn by means of the clean water?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*韓國佛敎全書. 1999-2004. Han'guk Pulgyo chŏnsŏ 韓國佛敎全書 6 (Comprehensive Collection of Korean Buddhism). 14 vols. Seoul: Dongguk University Press.

*Hyesim. 1993. Chin'gak kuksa ŏrok 眞覺國師語錄 (Recorded Sayings of National Master of True Enlightenment), edited by Kim Taljin. Seoul: Segyesa.

*Hyesim. 2008. Muŭija sijip 無衣子詩集 (Collection of Poetry by Muŭija Hyesim), translated by Pae Kyubŏm. Seoul: Chimanji.

*Kagun. 2009. Sŏnmun yŏmsong sŏrhwa 禪門拈頌說話 (Narrative Tales of Enlightened Verses and Songs of the Meditation School), translated by Kim Wŏrun. Seoul: Dongguk yŏkkyŏngwŏn.

*Buswell, Robert E. 1992. Tracing back the radiance: Chinul's Korean way of Zen.
University of Hawaii Press.

*Keel, Hee-Sung. 1984. Chinul: The Founder of the Korean Sŏn Tradition. Berkeley Buddhist Studies Series 6. Berkeley: UC Berkeley.

*Chin, Sŏnggyu. 1986. "Hyesim ŭi saeng'ae wa sasang" (Hyesim's Life and Ideology). In Koryŏsa ŭi che munje (Issues of the History of Koryŏ), edited by Pyŏn T'aesŏp. Seoul: Samyŏngsa.

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-21T00:02:04Z

Yeoreum:

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-20T21:49:32Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction */

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

2017-07-20T15:25:12Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction by Youngsuk Park */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 어제계주윤음1.JPG
|English = King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking
|Chinese = 御製戒酒綸音
|Korean = 어제계주윤음(어졔계쥬륜음)
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [[King Yeongjo]]
|Year = [[1757]]
|Key Concepts= King Yeongjo,
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction by Youngsuk Park'''==

King Yŏngjo's Yunūm: Prohibition of Wine Drinking

The King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking was published in 1757 (the 33rd year of King Yŏngjo's reign). King Yŏngjo (r. 1724-1776) was the twenty-first ruler of Chosŏn dynasty (1392-1910). This volume consists of eighteen leaves printed by the wood block carvings and written in classical Chinese phrases with the addition of Korean interpretation and endings. It is the record of King Yŏngjo's Words of Edification (yunūm) for the people. Yunūm was directly composed by the king himself and its audience varies depending on the purpose from the high ministers and bureaucrats down to commoners. The king himself often spoke spontaneously and his Royal Secretariat dictated his speech including his emotional expressions and exclamations. This Prohibition of Wine Drinking was written during the king's prime time obtaining stability of political power right after suppressing the purge (1755). In his latter period of ruling King Yŏngjo produced a number of yunūm documents, whose themes and audience were not at all monotonous but rather complex and various. Among those in which King Yŏngjo showed his particular concerns by repeatedly proclaiming are topics on Harmonizing in impartiality and Parity of corvee labor. They are mentioned in "In King Yŏngjo's own writing, When Asked of My Enterprises"<ref>"御製問業” in 《英祖大王》 (藏書閣, 2011) Vol. 15: 140-141.</ref> Thriftiness was also one of the steadily pursued subjects, for which the king proclaimed the prohibition of luxury for commoners on one hand, and edified the court members that it was the palace first to defy luxurious lifestyle and practice thriftiness on another hand. The Prohibition of wine drinking is directly related to this edification of thriftiness. Although the king sent out messages concerning drinking problem before, he adamantly enforced the prohibition due to the incident that he himself succumbed to drinking and caused a great commotion. It was right after the purge of his political opponents the king perhaps was emotionally overwhelmed and lost control of himself. In this document of the Prohibition of Wine Drinking the king expresses resentment of his own fault, which led the nation to lose the control with drinking and even in danger of collapsing, he feared. Deeply saddened, he implores ancestral spirits in tears in the Hall of Portraits to assist him with his capacity to persuade people to restrain from drinking. He confesses that he himself is the grave sinner who caused the increasing number of violaters which reached now over a thousand. He instructs people how insidiously harmful drinking habit could be for one's life and becomes relentless about enforcing the prohibition law. His decision thus came to exclude the drinking violaters from the great amnesty.

This book written in both classic Chinese and additional ŏnmun (諺文, vernacular writing) is a good example of the publishing activities during the period known as the renaissance in literature in the late eighteenth century. During this period King Yŏngjo and his successor King Chŏngjo (1776-1800) promoted the publication of books written in vernacular writing. As the result, more than thirty books in ŏnmun were published testifying the existence of a broad common audience who read in Korean. Korean language since being invented by King Sejong in the fifteenth century became pervasive in the Chosŏn society by the eighteenth century.

[1] "御製問業” in 《英祖大王》 (藏書閣, 2011) Vol. 15: 140-141.

* '''Download''' : [[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf|御製戒酒綸音.pdf]]

=='''Original Script'''==

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諭유大대臣신卿경宰以이下하百官관綸륜音음[丁丑十一月初一日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]惟유我아股고肱굉卿경宰[와]越월我아百僚료[]咸함聽텽予여諭유[라]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]昔셕人인[이]云운[호]宮궁中즁[이]好호高고髻계[니]四方방[이]高고一일尺쳑[이라니]昔셕之지羣군工공之지不불戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]寔식由유寡과躬궁之지咎구[ㅣ어니와]今금之지庶셔民민之지不불遵준令령[도]亦역由유寡과躬궁之지不불誠셩[이라]

因인此而이上샹負부陟쳑降강[오며]下하閼알霈패典뎐[니]寔식予
여之지咎구[ㅣ오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]何하謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강[고]一일自禁금酒쥬之지後후[로] 每承승慈聖셩稱칭美미之지 敎교[ㅣ러니]

因인山산纔訖흘[고]今금歲셰不불盡진[야셔]而이非비徒도不불止지[라]甚심至지會회飮음[니]陟쳑降강[이]有유知지[시면]其기以이寡과躬궁[으로]爲위能능禁금乎호[아]否부乎호[아]此[ㅣ]所소謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강也야[ㅣ오]何하謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐[고]

噫희[라]今금春츈霈패典뎐[은]往왕牒텹所소無무[ㅣ로]而이至지於어犯범酒쥬者쟈[야]恐공或혹弛시禁금[야]一일竝병不불赦샤[ㅣ러니]今금因인處쳐分분而이取츄覽람徒도流류案안[니]則즉其기數수[ㅣ]將쟝近근十십百[이라]若약此不불已이[면]將쟝不불知지至지於어幾긔十십百[이니]此[]卽즉予여[ㅣ]不불敎교而이令령民민陷함法법也야[ㅣ라]

思之지及급此[애]不불覺각懍름然연[호라]幾긔百徒도流류[]於어春츈大대赦샤[애도]不불能능放방焉언[니]是시豈긔同동慶경之지意의[며]而이今금[애]雖슈一일倂병放방釋셕[이나]何하與여於어赦샤典뎐哉[리오]

此[ㅣ]所소謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐也야[ㅣ라]其기將쟝何하顔안[으로]行朔삭 祭졔於어孝효昭쇼殿뎐[이며]亦역將쟝何하顔안[으로]曉효拜眞진殿뎐乎호[아]噫희[라]酒쥬[]乃내尤우物물也야[ㅣ니]今금番번宣션諭유[애]小쇼民민之지感감動동[을]其기何하必필哉[리오]且챠頃경者쟈宣션諭유[]只지於어父부老로[고]不불及급公공卿경[니]此豈긔董동子所소云운正졍朝죠廷뎡而이正졍萬만民민之지義의乎호[아]

其기君군其기臣신之지相샹與여戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]視시小쇼民민[애]雖슈有유切졀焉언[이나]以이程졍子之지大대賢현[으로도]猶유不불無무觀관獵렵之지悔회[시니]況황在凡범人인[애]尤우不불可가放방心심也야[ㅣ오]且챠以이尙샹書셔訓훈體톄[로]言언之지[라도]其기宜의竝병諭유臣신庶셔[]又우於어心심中즁[에]不불耐내憧츙憧츙[야]今금曉효祭졔畢필後후[에]仍잉泣읍奏주殿뎐中즁曰왈[오]

于우今금酒쥬禁금之지不불行[은]寔식由유一일人인[이니]一일人인[은]其기誰슈[오]卽즉臣신也야[ㅣ라]此後후[애]酒쥬若약復부行[이면]國국必필隨슈亡망[이니]不불戒계其기君군[은]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ어니와]三삼百年년宗종社샤[ㅣ]豈긔可가由유一일人인而이亡망哉[잇가]臣신曁긔後후之지嗣王왕[이]或혹有유不불戒계酒쥬之지事[ㅣ면]則즉諸져臣신[이]雖슈不불知지[고]庶셔民민[이]雖슈亦역不불知지[나]於오昭쇼陟쳑降강[은]若약鑑감之지照죠[시리니]若약有유犯범焉언[이어든]

奏주于우列렬朝죠[샤]明명降강大대何하[시되]止지于우其기身신[시고]若약於어羣군臣신[애]或혹知지而이不불諫간[며]或혹身신犯범其기戒계者쟈[]亦역降강大대何하[샤]使我아海東동臣신庶셔[로]無무面면謾만之지態[케시며]諫간而이不불聽텽[이면]咎구亦역在君군[이니]臣신何하咎구焉언[이리잇고]

以이此口구奏주[고]仍잉坐좌月월臺[야]召쇼集집陪 祭졔宗종親친文문武무百官관於어殿뎐庭뎡[야]洞동諭유予여意의[노니]言언雖슈略약[이나]意의則즉盡진矣의[라]

噫희[라]上샹自股고肱굉[으로]下하至지百僚료[히]體톄予여爲위宗종社샤苦고心심[야]其기銘명其기佩패[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]至지於어禁금酒쥬[야]小쇼民민之지犯범者쟈[]勿물以이摘젹得득爲위幸[이오]必필以이無무刑형爲위期긔[니]京경而이京경尹윤部부官관[과]外외而이方방伯守슈令령[이]凡범於어對民민也야[애]必필也야罄경心심誨회諭유[며]流류涕톄勉면飭칙[야]使我아苦고心심[으로]能능行於어國국中즁[며]而이使我아元원元원[으로]罔망陷함於어大대戾려[케면]非비徒도邦방國국之지幸[이라]

於어羣군工공[애]亦역豈긔無무陰음功공乎호[ㅣ리오]其기莫막曰왈臺上샹庭뎡
下하[애]只지有유其기君군與여臣신[이라라]陟쳑降강[이]洋양洋양[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼昭쇼[시니]可가不불懼구哉[며]可가不불懍름哉[아]其기各각明명聽텽[야]欽흠遵준予여諭유[라]

諭유京경城셩父부老로綸륜音음[丁丑十月二十五日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]以이予여否부德턱[으로]忝텸守슈丕비基긔[ㅣ]于우今금三삼十십有유三삼年년[이로]而이上샹不불能능繼계述슐先션志지[고]下하不불能능惠혜究구蔀부屋옥[야]綱강紀긔[ㅣ]日일墜츄[며]生民민[이]日일窮궁[니]心심常샹懍름惕텩[야]若약隕운淵연谷곡[이라]近근尤우衰쇠耗모之지中즁[애]誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]仙션馭어[]莫막攀반[고]只지自號호慕모[야]萬만念렴俱구冷[니]其기於어政졍令령[애]何하能능振진刷솰[이리오]而이然연[이나] 禁금酒쥬之지令령[은]卽즉予여苦고心심[이라]

古고人인[이]云운[호]有유志지者쟈[ㅣ]事竟경成셩[이라고]傳젼[애]亦역云운[호]堯요舜슌[과]桀걸紂쥬[의]率슐天텬下하[애]民민皆從죵之지[라니]噫희[라]嗣服복之지初초[애]禁금借챠閭려家가而이士夫부[ㅣ]從죵焉언[고]晩만後후[애]禁금用용紋문緞단而이京경外외[ㅣ]從죵焉언[니]而이民민從죵之지之지義의[]於어此可가見견[이로]至지於어酒쥬禁금[야]今금已이二이載[로]其기猶유不불遵준[야]窮궁海之지中즁[애]編편配相샹續쇽[니]昔셕[애]益익[이]贊찬禹우曰왈[호]至지諴함[이]感감神신[이온]矧신玆有유苗묘[ㅣ녀야]帝뎨[ㅣ]乃내誕탄敷부文문德덕[샤]干간戚쳑兩량階[신대]有유苗묘[ㅣ]乃내格격[니]

噫희[라]至지愚우而이神신者쟈[ㅣ]民민也야[ㅣ라]寡과躬궁[이]若약能능誠셩心심禁금酒쥬[ㅣ면]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]
故고[로]夏하閒간[애]只지下하勸권諭유之지旨지[고]伊이後후[애]惟유付부有유司而이治치之지矣의[러니]初초冬동[이]將쟝盡진[고]經경歲셰不불遠원[이라]其기不불能능弛시心심[야]試시令령宣션傳젼官관[으로]廉렴察찰[니]

噫희[라]前젼日일甁병甖之지釀양[도]其기猶유寒한心심[이어든]方방當당遏알密밀之지時시[야]十십餘여人인之지聚츄飮음[은]非비徒도放방恣無무嚴엄[이라]酒쥬禁금之지蕩탕然연[을]於어此可가見견[이니]其기咎구[ㅣ]焉언在[오]寔식在寡과躬궁[이라]

噫희[라]臨림御어卅삽載[애]誠셩信신[이]若약孚부於어民민[이면]幺요麽마禁금令령[을]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]昔셕之지不불能능戒계酒쥬[]非비由유蕩탕心심[이라]寔식爲위寬관懷회[로]而이予여[ㅣ]旣긔不불戒계[니]則즉民민之지不불從죵[이]固고其기然연也야[ㅣ어니와]一일自命명禁금之지後후[로]酒쥬之지一일字[ㅣ]方방寸촌[애]已이無무[ㅣ로]而이民민犯범[이]若약此[]其기咎구[ㅣ]何하在[오]予여[ㅣ]不불能능信신法법於어下하[ㅣ라]故고小쇼民민[이]其기敢감揣度탁曰왈[호]禁금令령[이]雖슈嚴엄[이나]豈긔無무弛시張쟝之지日일乎호[아니]

此[ㅣ]寡과躬궁[의]恒日일不불誠셩之지致치[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]語어[애]云운[호]導도之지以이德덕[고]齊졔之지以이禮례[면]有유恥치且챠格격[이오]導도之지以이政졍[고]齊졔之지以이刑형[이면]民민免면而이無무恥치[라시니]今금予여[ㅣ]不불能능以이德덕導도之지[고]徒도欲욕以이刑형齊졔之지[니]民민豈긔從죵焉언[이리오]

寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]其기君군[이]七칠十십服복衰최[야]方방在朝죠夕셕號호泣읍之지中즁[니]爲위其기民민者쟈[ㅣ]竊졀飮음[도]宜의不불敢감[이어든]況황羣군聚츄而이放방飮음乎호[아]此[]寡과躬궁之지誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]不불能능孚부感감而이然연[이니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]雖슈非비禁금酒쥬之지時시[라도]會회飮음[이]本본自有유禁금令령[이어든]況황當당國국恤슐[야]若약是시狼랑藉쟈[호]而이法법司[ㅣ]無무異이聾롱瞽고[니]恒日일之지紀긔綱강[이]若약擧거[ㅣ면]則즉豈긔有유是시乎호[아]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]噫희[라]其기君군[이]誠셩心심斷단酒쥬[고]誠셩心심飭칙勵려[호]而이猶유不불能능止지[야]前젼後후被피配者쟈[ㅣ]殆近근十십百[니]犯범者쟈[]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ나]其기望망海呼호號호之지妻쳐孥노[]何하辜고之지有유哉[오]恒日일之지敎교化화[ㅣ]能능行[야]民민自信신令령[이면]則즉豈긔若약是시乎호[ㅣ리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]

噫희[라]今금春츈赦샤典뎐[은]可가謂위無무前젼大대霈패[로]而이關관係계酒쥬禁금者쟈[앤]則즉一일不불赦샤焉인[은]惟유恐공禁금令령之지或혹弛시[러니]而이犯범者쟈[ㅣ]猶유不불絶졀[이라]霈패不불能능行[고]禁금亦역不불行[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]以이此推츄之지[니]一일則즉予여咎구[ㅣ오]二이則즉予여咎구[ㅣ라]玆乃내先션諭유寡과躬궁之지咎구[고]次陳진崇종飮음之지弊폐[노니]

噫희[라]范범質질所소云운狂광藥약非비佳가味미[ㅣ]可가謂위切졀至지[오]食식色[을]雖슈竝병稱칭[이나]而이食식慾욕之지中즁[애]酒쥬尤우甚심焉언[이오]謂위其기害해則즉反반甚심於어色[니]何하則즉[고]沈침湎면于우酒쥬[면]不불知지五오倫륜[니]其기害해[ㅣ]一일也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉鬪투鬨홍[며]

大대則즉殺살人인[니]其기害해[ㅣ]二이也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉喪상性셩[며]大대則즉隕운身신[니]其기害해[ㅣ]三삼也야[ㅣ라]觀관其기犯범者쟈[ㅣ]多다是시朝죠夕셕難난繼계[야]

以이此爲위生涯애者쟈[ㅣ니]其기情졍[이]雖슈若약可가矜긍[이나]而이麴국糱얼之지外외[예]亦역多다可가以이資生者쟈[ㅣ어든]何하拘구目목前젼之지小쇼利리[야]自陷함於어罔망赦샤之지重즁法법乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]禁금令령[이]當당嚴엄

故고[로]雖슈不불容용貸[나]昔셕之지夏하禹우[ㅣ]其기亦역泣읍辜고[시니]彼피犯범禁금者쟈[ㅣ]卽즉予여赤젹子[ㅣ라]其기雖슈置치法법[이나]予여豈긔樂락爲위[리오]爾이等등之지犯범邦방憲헌慽쳑君군心심[은]是시誠셩何하心심[이며]是시誠셩何하心심[고]

噫희[라]予여雖슈否부德덕[이나]臨림御어幾긔年년[애]一일心심憧츙憧츙[이]惟유在元원元원[이언마]而이爾이等등[이]不불遵준君군令령[야]使白首슈望망七칠之지君군[으로]若약是시費비心심[니]予여[ㅣ]雖슈負부爾이等등[이나]爾이等등[이]亦역何하忍인負부予여[오]尤우爲위慨개然연者쟈[]頃경於어壬임申신冬동齊졔籲유時시[예]深심感감爾이等등之지誠셩[이러니]于우今금犯범令령[은]一일何하反반焉언[고]從죵此以이後후[로]爾이等등[이]雖슈曰왈不불忘망予여[ㅣ라도]予여何하信신然연[이며]亦역何하顔안[으로]南남面면對爾이乎호[ㅣ리오]

爾이等등[은]莫막曰왈犯범者쟈[ㅣ]是시蠢쥰蠢쥰愚우氓[이라라]人인之지異이於어禽금獸슈[]以이其기有유五오倫륜也야[ㅣ니]狗구馬마[도]猶유戀련主쥬[ㅣ어든]況황人인乎호哉[아]尤우可가恧뉵焉언者쟈[]予여[ㅣ]若약有유誠셩[이어나]予여[ㅣ]若약有유德덕[이면]使列렬朝죠愛恤슐之지元원元원[으로]一일何하至지此哉[리오]思之지及급此[애]誠셩無무對爾이之지面면[이로니]尤우何하有유他타日일歸귀拜之지顔안[이리오]

呼호寫샤到도此[애]聲셩隨슈淚류下하[노니]爾이等등[인]亦역豈긔不불感감動동乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]亦역莫막曰왈禁금令령之지或혹弛시[라라]乾건坤곤[이]雖슈混혼沌돈[이라도]此禁금[은]決결不불解[리니]吁후嗟차此禁금[은]當당與여國국偕存존[이오]當당與여國국偕亡망[리라]

噫희[라]廟묘社샤[애]用용醴례酒쥬[고]而이旨지酒쥬[ㅣ]若약行[이면]予여[ㅣ]雖슈欲욕赦샤[나ㅣ] 陟쳑降강[이]必필不불赦샤[시며]

陟쳑降강[이]雖슈欲욕赦샤[시나]神신祇기[ㅣ]決결不불赦샤[리니]旣긔知지三삼不불赦샤[고]甘감心심犯범憲헌[은]抑억何하心심哉[며]抑억何하心심哉[오]以이此言언之지[면]時시君군[이]雖슈欲욕解禁금[이나]何하敢감違위神신祇기陟쳑降강之지禁금乎호[ㅣ리오]

噫희[라]此[ㅣ] 非비恐공動동而이諭유者쟈[ㅣ오]卽즉實실理리也야[ㅣ라]
噫희[라]此則즉特특諭유其기大대者쟈[ㅣ어니와]抑억論론其기次[리니]
予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]君군臨림爾이等등[야]鬚슈髮발[이]俱구白[니]比비之지恒人인[컨대]子弟뎨僮동僕복[이]不불遵준白髮발父부兄형與여其기主쥬之지令령[이면]其기可가曰왈爲위子弟뎨[며]爲위僮동僕복乎호[아]靜졍攝셥之지中즁[애]聞문此會회飮음之지說셜[고]心심不불能능耐내[야]不불憚탄其기勞로[고]半반夜야綴쳘文문[야]待朝죠召쇼諭유[고]令령京경兆죠[로]眞진諺언謄등書셔[야]曉효諭유京경外외[노라]吁후嗟차此酒쥬[]今금日일[애]益익覺각其기爲위尤우物물[이로니]

噫희[라]此尤우物물[이]止지息식然연後후[에야]食식可가甘감而이寢침可가便편[이니]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]小쇼大대民민人인[은]咸함聽텽此諭유[야]各각須슈自勵려焉언[라] 噫희[라]今금日일召쇼諭유之지後후[]卽즉予여一일初초政졍也야
[ㅣ니]旣긔曰왈一일初초[ㅣ면]豈긔無무更경新신[이리오]前젼者쟈編편配之지類류七칠百餘여人인[을]一일竝병特특放방[고]新신定뎡其기法법[노니]

身신爲위朝죠官관者쟈[와]以이士爲위名명者쟈[]勿물限한年년沿연海投투畀비[고]庶셔民민則즉江강邊변七칠邑읍[과]北븍關관六륙鎭진[과]萊府부外의[애]勿물論론公공私賤쳔[고]嚴엄刑형一일次後후邊변遠원[애]限한己긔身신爲위奴노婢비[호]釀양者쟈[와]飮음者쟈[]一일體톄施시律률[고]每年년歲셰首슈[애]倣방周쥬禮례[야]令령懸현法법京경外외官관門문[노니]是시何하意의哉[오]

此[]刑형期긔無무刑형之지義의也야[ㅣ라]吁후嗟차爾이等등[이]後후若약犯범焉언[이면]此[]爾이等등之지自犯범[이니]勿물以이不불敎교而이怨원予여[라]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]爾이等등[이]若약思三삼十십年년可가愛其기君군之지心심[이면]欽흠體톄此敎교[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]

噫희[라] 陟쳑降강[이]在上샹[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼臨림[시니]
予여何하敢감欺긔爾이[며]爾이何하敢감謾만予여乎호[ㅣ리오]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]
國국之지興흥亡망[이]在此一일擧거[ㅣ라]咸함使聞문知지[노니]想샹宜의知지悉실[이어다]

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==Chinese Script==

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御製戒酒綸音

1. 諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音: 嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼! 昔人云宮中好高髻四方高一尺昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎, 今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠. 因此而上負陟降下閼霈典, 寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

2. 何謂上負陟降一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁一竝, 不赦今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.

4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也.

5. 其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

6. 其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也.

7. 且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

8. 臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知庶民, 雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉.

9. 奏于列朝, 明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

10. 以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭, 洞諭予意言, 雖略意則盡矣. 噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社, 苦心其銘其佩, 莫替予意, 至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸, 必以無刑爲期, 京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.

11. 必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭, 使我苦心, 能行於國中, 而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾, 非徒邦國之, 幸於羣工亦豈無陰功乎! 其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣, 陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭, 可不懼哉! 可不懍哉! 其各明聽欽遵予諭!

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King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

1. To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:
Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!
Once it was said: “If royal court magistrates raise their hair with one bun, people of the four direction will raise their hair with one foot”. (1) So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it. People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

2. Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules. I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself. How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

3. What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"?
Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law.

4. If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

5. Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a wrong thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere subjects and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, that the court serves for the justice of the people?

6. The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao could not abandon his old habit easily (2), not to mention the uncultivated people.

7. Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. My heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant". After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

8. Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], even if the commoners and populace are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], [the violation of prohibition] will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, [it would be as clear] as if reflected in mirror. Should [I and the following kings that succeed me] violate it, it will be reported to the [ancestral spirits of] various preceding kings.

9. How great is my royal order? It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition. Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

10. So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard. And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly. Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it. The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.

11. You must take seriously with whole your heart my command and fulfill it, even through tears. I let myself rule state affairs with painstaking efforts and I can't let my people fall into the net of destruction. The prosperity of the kingdom is a task of everyone and the merits will not remain hidden. Do not say that the royal throne is high and all the posts are low. Ruler and magistrates can only go together. The spirits of our forefathers are magnificent and the sky above is clearly blue. How you could be not afraid! How you could not worry! Every one of you, listen carefully and follow my instructions!

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

(2) Chenghao (程顥, 1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. He was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. See: 《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”
|-
|}



=='''Discussion Questions'''==
1. What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

2. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

3. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

4. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

5. To whom the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits). What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

6. Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime? How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

7. What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, do you think that King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

8. Yeongjo amnestied all criminals, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number of drinking people the real motivation?

9. How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects? Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

10. In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy? Is this a unique Korean tradition?

11. What do you think is King Yeongjo’s personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

12. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

13. Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Prince Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----
King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
御製戒酒綸音

King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音:

To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:

嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼!

Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!

昔人云

Once it was said:

“宮中好高髻四方高一尺”

“If the virtue of the royal court is one bun higher, the virtue of the people of the four direction will become one foot higher”. (1)

昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎.

So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it.

今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠.

People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

因此而上負陟降下閼霈典.

Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules.

寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself.

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

Question:
----What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 何謂上負陟降, 一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止, 甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

Discussion Questions:

1. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

2. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

3. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁, 一竝不赦, 今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百, 若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.
What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"? Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law. <br />

Questions: To whom was the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits) What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也,
If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

Discussion Questions:
(1) Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime?
(2) How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a tricky thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere citizens and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, "The court serves for the justice of the people?"

Discussion questions: What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也

The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao<ref> Chenghao (程顥,1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. </ref> could not abandon his old habit easily, <ref>程子觀獵之悔: Chenghao was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. see:《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”</ref> not to mention the uncultivated people.

<references />

Questions:
Yeongjo amnestied all criminals by implementing 패전, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number the real motivation?

==='''Student 7 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. But my heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant. After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

Discussion question:
#How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects?
#Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知,庶民雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉，奏于列朝

Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), even if the commoners and populace are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), (the violation of prohibition) will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, (it would be as clear )as if reflected in mirror. Should (I and the following kings that succeed me) violate it, it will be reported to the (ancestral spirits of) various preceding kings.

Discussion question:
In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy?
Is this a unique Korean tradition?

==='''Student 9 : Martin Gehlmann'''===
----

明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

(How great is their royal order?) It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition, (also a great order?) Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

Question:
1. Given the use of alcohol in Confucian rites and drinking ceremonies, how do you view this ban on alcohol?

2. What do you think is King Yeongjos personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

3. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭<br />
So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard.<br />
洞諭予意言雖略意則盡矣.<br />
And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly.<br />
噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社苦心其銘其佩莫替予意至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸必以無刑爲期<br />
Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it.<br />
京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.<br />
The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.<br />

----
Discussion Question:<br />
Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Princess Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee Jeong)'''===
----
必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭,
Certainly, you should conciliate in all your heart and then you should hard to be careful anything amid tears.

使我苦心, 能行於國中,
When I rule country with patience and enduring resolve,

而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾,
I can't let my people fall into humiliation.

非徒邦國之幸, 於羣工亦豈無陰功乎!
How couldn't hidden achievements have not only luck of our country but also all of officer!

其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣,
Do not say that there is only a officer and the king on the stage and in the courtyard.

陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭,
Manes is impressive and blue sky is manifest.

可不懼哉! 可不懍哉!
Aren't you afraid of that! aren't you precarious that!

其各明聽欽遵予諭!
Every one of you listen carefully and follow my instructions.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

[[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf]]

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

2017-07-20T07:38:56Z

Yeoreum:

파일:한국불교전서.jpg

2017-07-20T07:35:23Z

Yeoreum:

한국불교전서

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

2017-07-20T05:03:03Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction by Youngsuk Park */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 어제계주윤음1.JPG
|English = King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking
|Chinese = 御製戒酒綸音
|Korean = 어제계주윤음(어졔계쥬륜음)
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [[King Yeongjo]]
|Year = [[1757]]
|Key Concepts= King Yeongjo,
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction by Youngsuk Park'''==

King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking

The King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking was published in 1757 (the 33rd year of King Yŏngjo's reign). King Yŏngjo (r. 1724-1776) was the twenty-first ruler of Chosŏn dynasty (1392-1910). This volume consists of eighteen leaves printed by the wood block carvings and written in classical Chinese phrases with the addition of Korean interpretation and endings. It is the record of King Yŏngjo's Words of Edification (yunūm) for the people. Yunūm was directly composed by the king himself and its audience varies depending on the purpose from the high ministers and bureaucrats down to commoners. The king himself often spoke spontaneously and his Royal Secretariat dictated his speech including his emotional expressions and exclamations. This Prohibition of Wine Drinking was written during the king's prime time obtaining stability of political power right after suppressing the purge (1755). In his latter period of ruling King Yŏngjo produced a number of yunūm documents, whose themes and audience were not at all monotonous but rather complex and various. Among those in which King Yŏngjo showed his particular concerns by repeatedly proclaiming are topics on Harmonizing in impartiality and Parity of corvee labor. They are mentioned in "In King Yŏngjo's own writing, When Asked of My Enterprises"<ref>"御製問業” in 《英祖大王》 (藏書閣, 2011) Vol. 15: 140-141.</ref> Thriftiness was also one of the steadily pursued subjects, for which the king proclaimed the prohibition of luxury for commoners on one hand, and edified the court members that it was the palace first to defy luxurious lifestyle and practice thriftiness on another hand. The Prohibition of wine drinking is directly related to this edification of thriftiness. Although the king sent out messages concerning drinking problem before, he adamantly enforced the prohibition due to the incident that he himself succumbed to drinking and caused a great commotion. It was right after the purge of his political opponents the king perhaps was emotionally overwhelmed and lost control of himself. In this document of the Prohibition of Wine Drinking the king expresses resentment of his own fault, which led the nation to lose the control with drinking and even in danger of collapsing, he feared. Deeply saddened, he implores ancestral spirits in tears in the Hall of Portraits to assist him with his capacity to persuade people to restrain from drinking. He confesses that he himself is the grave sinner who caused the increasing number of violaters which reached now over a thousand. He instructs people how insidiously harmful drinking habit could be for one's life and becomes relentless about enforcing the prohibition law. His decision thus came to exclude the drinking violaters from the great amnesty.

This book written in both classic Chinese and additional ŏnmun (諺文, vernacular writing) is a good example of the publishing activities during the period known as the renaissance in literature in the late eighteenth century. During this period King Yŏngjo and his successor King Chŏngjo (1776-1800) promoted the publication of books written in vernacular writing. As the result, more than thirty books in ŏnmun were published testifying the existence of a broad common audience who read in Korean. Korean language since being invented by King Sejong in the fifteenth century became pervasive in the Chosŏn society by the eighteenth century.

[1] "御製問業” in 《英祖大王》 (藏書閣, 2011) Vol. 15: 140-141.

* '''Download''' : [[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf|御製戒酒綸音.pdf]]

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
諭유大대臣신卿경宰以이下하百官관綸륜音음[丁丑十一月初一日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]惟유我아股고肱굉卿경宰[와]越월我아百僚료[]咸함聽텽予여諭유[라]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]昔셕人인[이]云운[호]宮궁中즁[이]好호高고髻계[니]四方방[이]高고一일尺쳑[이라니]昔셕之지羣군工공之지不불戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]寔식由유寡과躬궁之지咎구[ㅣ어니와]今금之지庶셔民민之지不불遵준令령[도]亦역由유寡과躬궁之지不불誠셩[이라]

因인此而이上샹負부陟쳑降강[오며]下하閼알霈패典뎐[니]寔식予
여之지咎구[ㅣ오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]何하謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강[고]一일自禁금酒쥬之지後후[로] 每承승慈聖셩稱칭美미之지 敎교[ㅣ러니]

因인山산纔訖흘[고]今금歲셰不불盡진[야셔]而이非비徒도不불止지[라]甚심至지會회飮음[니]陟쳑降강[이]有유知지[시면]其기以이寡과躬궁[으로]爲위能능禁금乎호[아]否부乎호[아]此[ㅣ]所소謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강也야[ㅣ오]何하謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐[고]

噫희[라]今금春츈霈패典뎐[은]往왕牒텹所소無무[ㅣ로]而이至지於어犯범酒쥬者쟈[야]恐공或혹弛시禁금[야]一일竝병不불赦샤[ㅣ러니]今금因인處쳐分분而이取츄覽람徒도流류案안[니]則즉其기數수[ㅣ]將쟝近근十십百[이라]若약此不불已이[면]將쟝不불知지至지於어幾긔十십百[이니]此[]卽즉予여[ㅣ]不불敎교而이令령民민陷함法법也야[ㅣ라]

思之지及급此[애]不불覺각懍름然연[호라]幾긔百徒도流류[]於어春츈大대赦샤[애도]不불能능放방焉언[니]是시豈긔同동慶경之지意의[며]而이今금[애]雖슈一일倂병放방釋셕[이나]何하與여於어赦샤典뎐哉[리오]

此[ㅣ]所소謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐也야[ㅣ라]其기將쟝何하顔안[으로]行朔삭 祭졔於어孝효昭쇼殿뎐[이며]亦역將쟝何하顔안[으로]曉효拜眞진殿뎐乎호[아]噫희[라]酒쥬[]乃내尤우物물也야[ㅣ니]今금番번宣션諭유[애]小쇼民민之지感감動동[을]其기何하必필哉[리오]且챠頃경者쟈宣션諭유[]只지於어父부老로[고]不불及급公공卿경[니]此豈긔董동子所소云운正졍朝죠廷뎡而이正졍萬만民민之지義의乎호[아]

其기君군其기臣신之지相샹與여戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]視시小쇼民민[애]雖슈有유切졀焉언[이나]以이程졍子之지大대賢현[으로도]猶유不불無무觀관獵렵之지悔회[시니]況황在凡범人인[애]尤우不불可가放방心심也야[ㅣ오]且챠以이尙샹書셔訓훈體톄[로]言언之지[라도]其기宜의竝병諭유臣신庶셔[]又우於어心심中즁[에]不불耐내憧츙憧츙[야]今금曉효祭졔畢필後후[에]仍잉泣읍奏주殿뎐中즁曰왈[오]

于우今금酒쥬禁금之지不불行[은]寔식由유一일人인[이니]一일人인[은]其기誰슈[오]卽즉臣신也야[ㅣ라]此後후[애]酒쥬若약復부行[이면]國국必필隨슈亡망[이니]不불戒계其기君군[은]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ어니와]三삼百年년宗종社샤[ㅣ]豈긔可가由유一일人인而이亡망哉[잇가]臣신曁긔後후之지嗣王왕[이]或혹有유不불戒계酒쥬之지事[ㅣ면]則즉諸져臣신[이]雖슈不불知지[고]庶셔民민[이]雖슈亦역不불知지[나]於오昭쇼陟쳑降강[은]若약鑑감之지照죠[시리니]若약有유犯범焉언[이어든]

奏주于우列렬朝죠[샤]明명降강大대何하[시되]止지于우其기身신[시고]若약於어羣군臣신[애]或혹知지而이不불諫간[며]或혹身신犯범其기戒계者쟈[]亦역降강大대何하[샤]使我아海東동臣신庶셔[로]無무面면謾만之지態[케시며]諫간而이不불聽텽[이면]咎구亦역在君군[이니]臣신何하咎구焉언[이리잇고]

以이此口구奏주[고]仍잉坐좌月월臺[야]召쇼集집陪 祭졔宗종親친文문武무百官관於어殿뎐庭뎡[야]洞동諭유予여意의[노니]言언雖슈略약[이나]意의則즉盡진矣의[라]

噫희[라]上샹自股고肱굉[으로]下하至지百僚료[히]體톄予여爲위宗종社샤苦고心심[야]其기銘명其기佩패[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]至지於어禁금酒쥬[야]小쇼民민之지犯범者쟈[]勿물以이摘젹得득爲위幸[이오]必필以이無무刑형爲위期긔[니]京경而이京경尹윤部부官관[과]外외而이方방伯守슈令령[이]凡범於어對民민也야[애]必필也야罄경心심誨회諭유[며]流류涕톄勉면飭칙[야]使我아苦고心심[으로]能능行於어國국中즁[며]而이使我아元원元원[으로]罔망陷함於어大대戾려[케면]非비徒도邦방國국之지幸[이라]

於어羣군工공[애]亦역豈긔無무陰음功공乎호[ㅣ리오]其기莫막曰왈臺上샹庭뎡
下하[애]只지有유其기君군與여臣신[이라라]陟쳑降강[이]洋양洋양[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼昭쇼[시니]可가不불懼구哉[며]可가不불懍름哉[아]其기各각明명聽텽[야]欽흠遵준予여諭유[라]

諭유京경城셩父부老로綸륜音음[丁丑十月二十五日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]以이予여否부德턱[으로]忝텸守슈丕비基긔[ㅣ]于우今금三삼十십有유三삼年년[이로]而이上샹不불能능繼계述슐先션志지[고]下하不불能능惠혜究구蔀부屋옥[야]綱강紀긔[ㅣ]日일墜츄[며]生民민[이]日일窮궁[니]心심常샹懍름惕텩[야]若약隕운淵연谷곡[이라]近근尤우衰쇠耗모之지中즁[애]誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]仙션馭어[]莫막攀반[고]只지自號호慕모[야]萬만念렴俱구冷[니]其기於어政졍令령[애]何하能능振진刷솰[이리오]而이然연[이나] 禁금酒쥬之지令령[은]卽즉予여苦고心심[이라]

古고人인[이]云운[호]有유志지者쟈[ㅣ]事竟경成셩[이라고]傳젼[애]亦역云운[호]堯요舜슌[과]桀걸紂쥬[의]率슐天텬下하[애]民민皆從죵之지[라니]噫희[라]嗣服복之지初초[애]禁금借챠閭려家가而이士夫부[ㅣ]從죵焉언[고]晩만後후[애]禁금用용紋문緞단而이京경外외[ㅣ]從죵焉언[니]而이民민從죵之지之지義의[]於어此可가見견[이로]至지於어酒쥬禁금[야]今금已이二이載[로]其기猶유不불遵준[야]窮궁海之지中즁[애]編편配相샹續쇽[니]昔셕[애]益익[이]贊찬禹우曰왈[호]至지諴함[이]感감神신[이온]矧신玆有유苗묘[ㅣ녀야]帝뎨[ㅣ]乃내誕탄敷부文문德덕[샤]干간戚쳑兩량階[신대]有유苗묘[ㅣ]乃내格격[니]

噫희[라]至지愚우而이神신者쟈[ㅣ]民민也야[ㅣ라]寡과躬궁[이]若약能능誠셩心심禁금酒쥬[ㅣ면]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]
故고[로]夏하閒간[애]只지下하勸권諭유之지旨지[고]伊이後후[애]惟유付부有유司而이治치之지矣의[러니]初초冬동[이]將쟝盡진[고]經경歲셰不불遠원[이라]其기不불能능弛시心심[야]試시令령宣션傳젼官관[으로]廉렴察찰[니]

噫희[라]前젼日일甁병甖之지釀양[도]其기猶유寒한心심[이어든]方방當당遏알密밀之지時시[야]十십餘여人인之지聚츄飮음[은]非비徒도放방恣無무嚴엄[이라]酒쥬禁금之지蕩탕然연[을]於어此可가見견[이니]其기咎구[ㅣ]焉언在[오]寔식在寡과躬궁[이라]

噫희[라]臨림御어卅삽載[애]誠셩信신[이]若약孚부於어民민[이면]幺요麽마禁금令령[을]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]昔셕之지不불能능戒계酒쥬[]非비由유蕩탕心심[이라]寔식爲위寬관懷회[로]而이予여[ㅣ]旣긔不불戒계[니]則즉民민之지不불從죵[이]固고其기然연也야[ㅣ어니와]一일自命명禁금之지後후[로]酒쥬之지一일字[ㅣ]方방寸촌[애]已이無무[ㅣ로]而이民민犯범[이]若약此[]其기咎구[ㅣ]何하在[오]予여[ㅣ]不불能능信신法법於어下하[ㅣ라]故고小쇼民민[이]其기敢감揣度탁曰왈[호]禁금令령[이]雖슈嚴엄[이나]豈긔無무弛시張쟝之지日일乎호[아니]

此[ㅣ]寡과躬궁[의]恒日일不불誠셩之지致치[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]語어[애]云운[호]導도之지以이德덕[고]齊졔之지以이禮례[면]有유恥치且챠格격[이오]導도之지以이政졍[고]齊졔之지以이刑형[이면]民민免면而이無무恥치[라시니]今금予여[ㅣ]不불能능以이德덕導도之지[고]徒도欲욕以이刑형齊졔之지[니]民민豈긔從죵焉언[이리오]

寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]其기君군[이]七칠十십服복衰최[야]方방在朝죠夕셕號호泣읍之지中즁[니]爲위其기民민者쟈[ㅣ]竊졀飮음[도]宜의不불敢감[이어든]況황羣군聚츄而이放방飮음乎호[아]此[]寡과躬궁之지誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]不불能능孚부感감而이然연[이니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]雖슈非비禁금酒쥬之지時시[라도]會회飮음[이]本본自有유禁금令령[이어든]況황當당國국恤슐[야]若약是시狼랑藉쟈[호]而이法법司[ㅣ]無무異이聾롱瞽고[니]恒日일之지紀긔綱강[이]若약擧거[ㅣ면]則즉豈긔有유是시乎호[아]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]噫희[라]其기君군[이]誠셩心심斷단酒쥬[고]誠셩心심飭칙勵려[호]而이猶유不불能능止지[야]前젼後후被피配者쟈[ㅣ]殆近근十십百[니]犯범者쟈[]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ나]其기望망海呼호號호之지妻쳐孥노[]何하辜고之지有유哉[오]恒日일之지敎교化화[ㅣ]能능行[야]民민自信신令령[이면]則즉豈긔若약是시乎호[ㅣ리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]

噫희[라]今금春츈赦샤典뎐[은]可가謂위無무前젼大대霈패[로]而이關관係계酒쥬禁금者쟈[앤]則즉一일不불赦샤焉인[은]惟유恐공禁금令령之지或혹弛시[러니]而이犯범者쟈[ㅣ]猶유不불絶졀[이라]霈패不불能능行[고]禁금亦역不불行[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]以이此推츄之지[니]一일則즉予여咎구[ㅣ오]二이則즉予여咎구[ㅣ라]玆乃내先션諭유寡과躬궁之지咎구[고]次陳진崇종飮음之지弊폐[노니]

噫희[라]范범質질所소云운狂광藥약非비佳가味미[ㅣ]可가謂위切졀至지[오]食식色[을]雖슈竝병稱칭[이나]而이食식慾욕之지中즁[애]酒쥬尤우甚심焉언[이오]謂위其기害해則즉反반甚심於어色[니]何하則즉[고]沈침湎면于우酒쥬[면]不불知지五오倫륜[니]其기害해[ㅣ]一일也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉鬪투鬨홍[며]

大대則즉殺살人인[니]其기害해[ㅣ]二이也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉喪상性셩[며]大대則즉隕운身신[니]其기害해[ㅣ]三삼也야[ㅣ라]觀관其기犯범者쟈[ㅣ]多다是시朝죠夕셕難난繼계[야]

以이此爲위生涯애者쟈[ㅣ니]其기情졍[이]雖슈若약可가矜긍[이나]而이麴국糱얼之지外외[예]亦역多다可가以이資生者쟈[ㅣ어든]何하拘구目목前젼之지小쇼利리[야]自陷함於어罔망赦샤之지重즁法법乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]禁금令령[이]當당嚴엄

故고[로]雖슈不불容용貸[나]昔셕之지夏하禹우[ㅣ]其기亦역泣읍辜고[시니]彼피犯범禁금者쟈[ㅣ]卽즉予여赤젹子[ㅣ라]其기雖슈置치法법[이나]予여豈긔樂락爲위[리오]爾이等등之지犯범邦방憲헌慽쳑君군心심[은]是시誠셩何하心심[이며]是시誠셩何하心심[고]

噫희[라]予여雖슈否부德덕[이나]臨림御어幾긔年년[애]一일心심憧츙憧츙[이]惟유在元원元원[이언마]而이爾이等등[이]不불遵준君군令령[야]使白首슈望망七칠之지君군[으로]若약是시費비心심[니]予여[ㅣ]雖슈負부爾이等등[이나]爾이等등[이]亦역何하忍인負부予여[오]尤우爲위慨개然연者쟈[]頃경於어壬임申신冬동齊졔籲유時시[예]深심感감爾이等등之지誠셩[이러니]于우今금犯범令령[은]一일何하反반焉언[고]從죵此以이後후[로]爾이等등[이]雖슈曰왈不불忘망予여[ㅣ라도]予여何하信신然연[이며]亦역何하顔안[으로]南남面면對爾이乎호[ㅣ리오]

爾이等등[은]莫막曰왈犯범者쟈[ㅣ]是시蠢쥰蠢쥰愚우氓[이라라]人인之지異이於어禽금獸슈[]以이其기有유五오倫륜也야[ㅣ니]狗구馬마[도]猶유戀련主쥬[ㅣ어든]況황人인乎호哉[아]尤우可가恧뉵焉언者쟈[]予여[ㅣ]若약有유誠셩[이어나]予여[ㅣ]若약有유德덕[이면]使列렬朝죠愛恤슐之지元원元원[으로]一일何하至지此哉[리오]思之지及급此[애]誠셩無무對爾이之지面면[이로니]尤우何하有유他타日일歸귀拜之지顔안[이리오]

呼호寫샤到도此[애]聲셩隨슈淚류下하[노니]爾이等등[인]亦역豈긔不불感감動동乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]亦역莫막曰왈禁금令령之지或혹弛시[라라]乾건坤곤[이]雖슈混혼沌돈[이라도]此禁금[은]決결不불解[리니]吁후嗟차此禁금[은]當당與여國국偕存존[이오]當당與여國국偕亡망[리라]

噫희[라]廟묘社샤[애]用용醴례酒쥬[고]而이旨지酒쥬[ㅣ]若약行[이면]予여[ㅣ]雖슈欲욕赦샤[나ㅣ] 陟쳑降강[이]必필不불赦샤[시며]

陟쳑降강[이]雖슈欲욕赦샤[시나]神신祇기[ㅣ]決결不불赦샤[리니]旣긔知지三삼不불赦샤[고]甘감心심犯범憲헌[은]抑억何하心심哉[며]抑억何하心심哉[오]以이此言언之지[면]時시君군[이]雖슈欲욕解禁금[이나]何하敢감違위神신祇기陟쳑降강之지禁금乎호[ㅣ리오]

噫희[라]此[ㅣ] 非비恐공動동而이諭유者쟈[ㅣ오]卽즉實실理리也야[ㅣ라]
噫희[라]此則즉特특諭유其기大대者쟈[ㅣ어니와]抑억論론其기次[리니]
予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]君군臨림爾이等등[야]鬚슈髮발[이]俱구白[니]比비之지恒人인[컨대]子弟뎨僮동僕복[이]不불遵준白髮발父부兄형與여其기主쥬之지令령[이면]其기可가曰왈爲위子弟뎨[며]爲위僮동僕복乎호[아]靜졍攝셥之지中즁[애]聞문此會회飮음之지說셜[고]心심不불能능耐내[야]不불憚탄其기勞로[고]半반夜야綴쳘文문[야]待朝죠召쇼諭유[고]令령京경兆죠[로]眞진諺언謄등書셔[야]曉효諭유京경外외[노라]吁후嗟차此酒쥬[]今금日일[애]益익覺각其기爲위尤우物물[이로니]

噫희[라]此尤우物물[이]止지息식然연後후[에야]食식可가甘감而이寢침可가便편[이니]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]小쇼大대民민人인[은]咸함聽텽此諭유[야]各각須슈自勵려焉언[라] 噫희[라]今금日일召쇼諭유之지後후[]卽즉予여一일初초政졍也야
[ㅣ니]旣긔曰왈一일初초[ㅣ면]豈긔無무更경新신[이리오]前젼者쟈編편配之지類류七칠百餘여人인[을]一일竝병特특放방[고]新신定뎡其기法법[노니]

身신爲위朝죠官관者쟈[와]以이士爲위名명者쟈[]勿물限한年년沿연海投투畀비[고]庶셔民민則즉江강邊변七칠邑읍[과]北븍關관六륙鎭진[과]萊府부外의[애]勿물論론公공私賤쳔[고]嚴엄刑형一일次後후邊변遠원[애]限한己긔身신爲위奴노婢비[호]釀양者쟈[와]飮음者쟈[]一일體톄施시律률[고]每年년歲셰首슈[애]倣방周쥬禮례[야]令령懸현法법京경外외官관門문[노니]是시何하意의哉[오]

此[]刑형期긔無무刑형之지義의也야[ㅣ라]吁후嗟차爾이等등[이]後후若약犯범焉언[이면]此[]爾이等등之지自犯범[이니]勿물以이不불敎교而이怨원予여[라]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]爾이等등[이]若약思三삼十십年년可가愛其기君군之지心심[이면]欽흠體톄此敎교[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]

噫희[라] 陟쳑降강[이]在上샹[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼臨림[시니]
予여何하敢감欺긔爾이[며]爾이何하敢감謾만予여乎호[ㅣ리오]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]
國국之지興흥亡망[이]在此一일擧거[ㅣ라]咸함使聞문知지[노니]想샹宜의知지悉실[이어다]

}}

==Chinese Script==

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御製戒酒綸音

1. 諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音: 嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼! 昔人云宮中好高髻四方高一尺昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎, 今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠. 因此而上負陟降下閼霈典, 寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

2. 何謂上負陟降一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁一竝, 不赦今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.

4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也.

5. 其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

6. 其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也.

7. 且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

8. 臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知庶民, 雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉.

9. 奏于列朝, 明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

10. 以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭, 洞諭予意言, 雖略意則盡矣. 噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社, 苦心其銘其佩, 莫替予意, 至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸, 必以無刑爲期, 京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.

11. 必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭, 使我苦心, 能行於國中, 而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾, 非徒邦國之, 幸於羣工亦豈無陰功乎! 其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣, 陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭, 可不懼哉! 可不懍哉! 其各明聽欽遵予諭!

||

King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

1. To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:
Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!
Once it was said: “If royal court magistrates raise their hair with one bun, people of the four direction will raise their hair with one foot”. (1) So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it. People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

2. Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules. I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself. How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

3. What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"?
Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law.

4. If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

5. Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a wrong thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere subjects and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, that the court serves for the justice of the people?

6. The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao could not abandon his old habit easily (2), not to mention the uncultivated people.

7. Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. My heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant". After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

8. Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], even if the commoners and populace are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], [the violation of prohibition] will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, [it would be as clear] as if reflected in mirror. Should [I and the following kings that succeed me] violate it, it will be reported to the [ancestral spirits of] various preceding kings.

9. How great is my royal order? It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition. Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

10. So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard. And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly. Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it. The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.

11. You must take seriously with whole your heart my command and fulfill it, even through tears. I let myself rule state affairs with painstaking efforts and I can't let my people fall into the net of destruction. The prosperity of the kingdom is a task of everyone and the merits will not remain hidden. Do not say that the royal throne is high and all the posts are low. Ruler and magistrates can only go together. The spirits of our forefathers are magnificent and the sky above is clearly blue. How you could be not afraid! How you could not worry! Every one of you, listen carefully and follow my instructions!

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

(2) Chenghao (程顥, 1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. He was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. See: 《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==
1. What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

2. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

3. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

4. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

5. To whom the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits). What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

6. Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime? How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

7. What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, do you think that King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

8. Yeongjo amnestied all criminals, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number of drinking people the real motivation?

9. How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects? Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

10. In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy? Is this a unique Korean tradition?

11. What do you think is King Yeongjo’s personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

12. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

13. Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Prince Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----
King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
御製戒酒綸音

King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音:

To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:

嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼!

Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!

昔人云

Once it was said:

“宮中好高髻四方高一尺”

“If the virtue of the royal court is one bun higher, the virtue of the people of the four direction will become one foot higher”. (1)

昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎.

So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it.

今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠.

People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

因此而上負陟降下閼霈典.

Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules.

寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself.

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

Question:
----What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 何謂上負陟降, 一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止, 甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

Discussion Questions:

1. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

2. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

3. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁, 一竝不赦, 今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百, 若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.
What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"? Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law. <br />

Questions: To whom was the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits) What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也,
If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

Discussion Questions:
(1) Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime?
(2) How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a tricky thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere citizens and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, "The court serves for the justice of the people?"

Discussion questions: What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也

The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao<ref> Chenghao (程顥,1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. </ref> could not abandon his old habit easily, <ref>程子觀獵之悔: Chenghao was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. see:《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”</ref> not to mention the uncultivated people.

<references />

Questions:
Yeongjo amnestied all criminals by implementing 패전, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number the real motivation?

==='''Student 7 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. But my heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant. After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

Discussion question:
#How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects?
#Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知,庶民雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉，奏于列朝

Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), even if the commoners and populace are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), (the violation of prohibition) will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, (it would be as clear )as if reflected in mirror. Should (I and the following kings that succeed me) violate it, it will be reported to the (ancestral spirits of) various preceding kings.

Discussion question:
In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy?
Is this a unique Korean tradition?

==='''Student 9 : Martin Gehlmann'''===
----

明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

(How great is their royal order?) It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition, (also a great order?) Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

Question:
1. Given the use of alcohol in Confucian rites and drinking ceremonies, how do you view this ban on alcohol?

2. What do you think is King Yeongjos personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

3. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭<br />
So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard.<br />
洞諭予意言雖略意則盡矣.<br />
And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly.<br />
噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社苦心其銘其佩莫替予意至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸必以無刑爲期<br />
Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it.<br />
京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.<br />
The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.<br />

----
Discussion Question:<br />
Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Princess Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee Jeong)'''===
----
必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭,
Certainly, you should conciliate in all your heart and then you should hard to be careful anything amid tears.

使我苦心, 能行於國中,
When I rule country with patience and enduring resolve,

而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾,
I can't let my people fall into humiliation.

非徒邦國之幸, 於羣工亦豈無陰功乎!
How couldn't hidden achievements have not only luck of our country but also all of officer!

其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣,
Do not say that there is only a officer and the king on the stage and in the courtyard.

陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭,
Manes is impressive and blue sky is manifest.

可不懼哉! 可不懍哉!
Aren't you afraid of that! aren't you precarious that!

其各明聽欽遵予諭!
Every one of you listen carefully and follow my instructions.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

[[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf]]

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 元曉傳

2017-07-20T04:59:40Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 송고승전원효전1.jpg
|English = A Biography of Wŏnhyo
|Chinese = 元曉傳
|Korean = 원효전
|Genre = Biography
|Type =
|Author = 贊寧(宋高僧傳 ''Songgosŭngjŏn'')
|Year = 988
|Key Concepts= Wŏnhyo
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:송고승전원효전0.jpg|* 元曉傳 원효전(''A Biography of Wŏnhyo'') 988(1)
파일:송고승전원효전2.jpg|* 元曉傳 원효전(''A Biography of Wŏnhyo'') 988(3)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
唐新羅國黃龍寺沙門元曉傳

釋元曉, 姓薛氏, 東海湘州人也. 丱䰂[髟/采]之年, 惠然入法, 隨師稟業, 遊處無恒.

勇擊義圍, 雄橫文陣, 仡仡然, 桓桓然, 進無前却. 蓋三學之淹通, 彼土謂之萬人之敵, 精義入神, 爲若此也. 嘗與湘法師入唐, 慕奘三藏慈恩之門, 厥緣既差, 息心遊往. 無何發言狂悖, 示跡乖疎. 同居士入酒肆倡家, 若誌公持金刀鐵錫. 或製疏以講雜華, 或撫琴以樂祠宇, 或閭閻寓宿, 或山水坐禪, 任意隨機, 都無定檢. 時國王置, 徧搜碩德, 本州以名望擧進之, 諸德惡其爲人, 譖王不納.

居無何, 王之夫人, 腦嬰癰腫, 醫工絕驗. 王及王子臣屬, 禱諸山川靈祠, 無所不至. 有巫覡言曰, “苟遣人往他國求藥, 是疾方瘳.” 王乃發使泛海入唐, 募其醫術.

溟漲之中, 忽見一翁, 由波濤躍出登舟, 邀使人入海, 覩宮殿嚴麗, 見龍王, 王名鈐海. 謂使者曰, “汝國夫人, 是青帝第三女也. 我宮中先有金剛三昧經, 乃二覺圓通, 示菩薩行也. 今託仗夫人之病, 爲增上緣, 欲附此經, 出彼國流布耳.”

於是將三十來紙, 重沓散經, 付授使人, 復曰, “此經度海中, 恐罹魔事.” 王令持刀裂使人腨腸, 而內于中, 用蠟紙纏縢, 以藥傅之, 其腨如故. 龍王言, “可令大安聖者, 銓次綴縫, 請元曉法師, 造疏講釋之, 夫人疾愈無疑. 假使雪山阿伽陀藥力, 亦不過是.” 王送出海面, 遂登舟歸國.

時王聞而歡喜, 乃先召大安聖者, 黏次焉. 大安者, 不測之人也. 形服特異, 恒在市廛, 擊銅鉢, 唱言大安大安之聲, 故號之也. 王命安, 安云, “但將經來, 不願入王宮閾.” 安得經, 排來成八品, 皆合佛意. 安曰, “速將付元曉講. 餘人則否.” 曉受斯經, 正在本生湘州也. 謂使人曰, “此經以本始二覺爲宗. 爲我備角乘, 將案几在兩角之間, 置其筆硯.” 始終於牛車造疏, 成五卷.

王請剋日於黃龍寺敷演, 時有薄徒, 竊盜新疏. 以事白王, 延于三日, 重錄成三卷, 號爲略疏. 洎乎王臣道俗, 雲擁法堂, 曉乃宣吐有儀, 解紛可則, 稱揚彈指, 聲沸于空. 曉復唱言曰, “昔日採百椽時, 雖不預會, 今朝橫一棟處, 唯我獨能.” 時諸名德, 俯顏慚色, 伏膺懺悔焉. 初曉示跡無恒, 化人不定, 或擲盤而救衆, 或潠水而撲焚, 或數處現形, 或六方告滅, 亦盃度誌公之倫歟. 其於解性, 覽無不明矣, 疏有廣略二本, 俱行本土. 略本流入中華, 後有翻經三藏, 改之爲論焉.

系曰, 海龍之宮, 自何而有經本耶? 通曰, 經云龍王宮殿中, 有七寶塔, 諸佛所說諸深義, 別有七寶篋滿中盛之, 謂十二因緣總持三昧等. 良以此經, 合行世間, 復顯大安曉公神異, 乃使夫人之疾, 爲起敎之大端者也.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

A Biography of Buddhist Monk Wonhyo at Hwangryong Temple in the State of Shilla in the Tang Period

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
Biography of Monk Wonhyo of Hwangryong temple in state of Silla of the Tang empire.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
During the Tang Dynasty, there was a state of Silla. In the Yellow Dragon Temple [of Silla], there was a Buddhist monk Wŏn Hyo. This is a biography about him.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
A biography of Venerable Wonhyo at the Golden Dragon temple in Silla (Tang)

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
唐新羅國黃龍寺沙門元曉傳

The Biography of Wŏnhyo of the Samun Order at Hwangnyong-sa in the Kingdom of Silla during the Tang period.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----
Tang Period, Silla State, Hwangryong-Temple, Buddhist Order, Biography of Wonhyo

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

Biography of Silla Monk Wŏnhyo in Hwangrong Temple during the Tang Period

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 元曉傳

2017-07-20T04:16:20Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 송고승전원효전1.jpg
|English = A Biography of Wŏnhyo
|Chinese = 元曉傳
|Korean = 원효전
|Genre = Biography
|Type =
|Author = 贊寧(宋高僧傳 ''Songgosŭngjŏn'')
|Year = 988
|Key Concepts= Wŏnhyo
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:송고승전원효전0.jpg|* 元曉傳 원효전(''A Biography of Wŏnhyo'') 988(1)
파일:송고승전원효전2.jpg|* 元曉傳 원효전(''A Biography of Wŏnhyo'') 988(3)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
唐新羅國黃龍寺沙門元曉傳

釋元曉, 姓薛氏, 東海湘州人也. 丱䰂[髟/采]之年, 惠然入法, 隨師稟業, 遊處無恒.

勇擊義圍, 雄橫文陣, 仡仡然, 桓桓然, 進無前却. 蓋三學之淹通, 彼土謂之萬人之敵, 精義入神, 爲若此也. 嘗與湘法師入唐, 慕奘三藏慈恩之門, 厥緣既差, 息心遊往. 無何發言狂悖, 示跡乖疎. 同居士入酒肆倡家, 若誌公持金刀鐵錫. 或製疏以講雜華, 或撫琴以樂祠宇, 或閭閻寓宿, 或山水坐禪, 任意隨機, 都無定檢. 時國王置, 徧搜碩德, 本州以名望擧進之, 諸德惡其爲人, 譖王不納.

居無何, 王之夫人, 腦嬰癰腫, 醫工絕驗. 王及王子臣屬, 禱諸山川靈祠, 無所不至. 有巫覡言曰, “苟遣人往他國求藥, 是疾方瘳.” 王乃發使泛海入唐, 募其醫術.

溟漲之中, 忽見一翁, 由波濤躍出登舟, 邀使人入海, 覩宮殿嚴麗, 見龍王, 王名鈐海. 謂使者曰, “汝國夫人, 是青帝第三女也. 我宮中先有金剛三昧經, 乃二覺圓通, 示菩薩行也. 今託仗夫人之病, 爲增上緣, 欲附此經, 出彼國流布耳.”

於是將三十來紙, 重沓散經, 付授使人, 復曰, “此經度海中, 恐罹魔事.” 王令持刀裂使人腨腸, 而內于中, 用蠟紙纏縢, 以藥傅之, 其腨如故. 龍王言, “可令大安聖者, 銓次綴縫, 請元曉法師, 造疏講釋之, 夫人疾愈無疑. 假使雪山阿伽陀藥力, 亦不過是.” 王送出海面, 遂登舟歸國.

時王聞而歡喜, 乃先召大安聖者, 黏次焉. 大安者, 不測之人也. 形服特異, 恒在市廛, 擊銅鉢, 唱言大安大安之聲, 故號之也. 王命安, 安云, “但將經來, 不願入王宮閾.” 安得經, 排來成八品, 皆合佛意. 安曰, “速將付元曉講. 餘人則否.” 曉受斯經, 正在本生湘州也. 謂使人曰, “此經以本始二覺爲宗. 爲我備角乘, 將案几在兩角之間, 置其筆硯.” 始終於牛車造疏, 成五卷.

王請剋日於黃龍寺敷演, 時有薄徒, 竊盜新疏. 以事白王, 延于三日, 重錄成三卷, 號爲略疏. 洎乎王臣道俗, 雲擁法堂, 曉乃宣吐有儀, 解紛可則, 稱揚彈指, 聲沸于空. 曉復唱言曰, “昔日採百椽時, 雖不預會, 今朝橫一棟處, 唯我獨能.” 時諸名德, 俯顏慚色, 伏膺懺悔焉. 初曉示跡無恒, 化人不定, 或擲盤而救衆, 或潠水而撲焚, 或數處現形, 或六方告滅, 亦盃度誌公之倫歟. 其於解性, 覽無不明矣, 疏有廣略二本, 俱行本土. 略本流入中華, 後有翻經三藏, 改之爲論焉.

系曰, 海龍之宮, 自何而有經本耶? 通曰, 經云龍王宮殿中, 有七寶塔, 諸佛所說諸深義, 別有七寶篋滿中盛之, 謂十二因緣總持三昧等. 良以此經, 合行世間, 復顯大安曉公神異, 乃使夫人之疾, 爲起敎之大端者也.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

A Biography of Buddhist Monk Wonhyo at Hwangryong Temple in the State of Shilla in the Tang Period

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
Biography of Monk Wonhyo of Hwangryong temple in state of Silla of the Tang empire.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
During the Tang Dynasty, there was a state of Silla. In the Yellow Dragon Temple [of Silla], there was a Buddhist monk Wŏn Hyo. This is a biography about him.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
A biography of Venerable Wonhyo at the Golden Dragon temple in Silla (Tang)

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
唐新羅國黃龍寺沙門元曉傳

The Biography of Wŏnhyo of the Samun Order at Hwangnyong-sa in the Kingdom of Silla during the Tang period.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----
Tang Period, Silla State, Hwangryong-Temple, Buddhist Order, Biography of Wonhyo

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

Biography of Buddhist Monk Wŏnhyo in Hwangrong Temple of Silla during the Tang Period

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-19T12:07:45Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person
|Chinese = 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 龍山書院首奴禹發
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

Introduction by Youngsuk Park

This document of "self-selling" is written in 1801 and related to Yongsan Academy which belonged to the Head House of Chŏngmugong of Kyŏngju Ch'oe clan. This is rarely-seen type of a document of a father 'selling' his two young daughters, and requires a close examination in light of the characteristics of the clan and its social and economic activities.

Yongsan Academy was a royally chartered private academy, dedicated to Ch'oe Chinlip (1568-1636), the military official patriot. The academy maintained and subjugated the surrounding land centered on Ch'oe family and the community relationships. Around the year 1800 there registered thirty boarding students ten more than originally designated number, and in 1801 the academy was called upon by the state to take care of official documents for Kyŏngju region. This is the year the abovementioned girls were received to the academy perhaps for increased need of helpers. Ch'oe family supported the academy to establish their family tradition of social contribution, noblesse oblige. The war refugees were allowed to stay in the academy, and needy families were given financial aids. To carry out the financial duties they had Sŏwŏnch'ŏng (書員廳, Office for Recording People)[1] headed by kojik (庫直, The keeper of storage). Among the financial dealings they included inspecting duty to examine poor debtors and to write off their obligations, if appropriate. This additional function of financial aid for the poor made Yongsan academy unlike the other academies whose typical functions were ancestral worship and education.

Inferred to such activities of Ch'oe clan's noblesse oblige, this document of 'self-selling' [or self-demolishing] is likewise the result of kojik's decision to write off for the debtor (the father) in hopeless (不得已) situation to give up his two daughters to earn their keep under the organization's custody.

[1] Sŏwŏnch'ŏng (書員廳) was the office space in which the nobi class workers convened to manage the supplement storage of Yongsan Academy for its financial activities. This office functioned just as today's people's bank to serve the commoners and nobi to loan cash or grains. The borrowers were then obligated to pay back the principle and interest in time.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文

右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報

償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲

二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文

拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣

爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記

告官卞正事

父先岩外

證庫直龍奉

筆執色金萬九

||

'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 for them and the sale to the academy is...

'''Ending Part (by Ren Zhijun, Martin Gehlmann)'''
...permanent, should there be dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

[Seller] Father Amwi [Signed with fingerjoint]<ref> As the seller here seemed to be illiterate he signed the document by tracing his fingerjoints, which was to be identifiable at a later point </ref>

Witness Yongbong, Storage Keeper

Scribe Kim Mangu

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#2 A Document of Selling One's Person
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?

#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban

1. In this document,

#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse

1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea?

2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves?

Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this?

Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history?

How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?

2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文

2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]

2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-19T11:54:40Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person
|Chinese = 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 龍山書院首奴禹發
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

Introduction by Youngsuk Park

This document of "self-selling" is written in 1801 and related to Yongsan Academy which belonged to the Head House of Chŏngmugong of Kyŏngju Ch'oe clan. This rarely-seen type of a document of a father 'selling' his two young daughters need a close examination in light of the characteristics of the clan and its social and economic activities.

Yongsan Academy was a royally chartered private academy, dedicated to Ch'oe Chinlip (1568-1636), the military official patriot. The academy maintained and subjugated the surrounding land centered on Ch'oe family and the community relationships. Around the year 1800 there registered thirty boarding students ten more than originally designated number, and in 1801 the academy was called upon by the state to take care of official documents for Kyŏngju region. This is the year the abovementioned girls were received to the academy. Ch'oe family supported the academy to establish their family tradition of social contribution, noblesse oblige. The war refugees were allowed to stay in the academy, and needy families were given financial aids. To carry out the financial duties they had Sŏwŏnch'ŏng (書員廳, Office for Recording People)[1] headed by kojik (庫直, The keeper of storage). Among the financial dealings they included the job to inspect the circumstances of poor debtors to write off their obligations, if appropriate. This additional function of financial aid for the poor made Yongsan academy unlike the other academies whose typical functions were ancestral worship and education.

Inferred to such activities of community service centered on Ch'oe clan, this document of 'self-selling' [or self-demolishing] is likewise the result of kojik's decision to write off for the debtor (the father) in hopeless (不得已) situation to give up his two daughters to earn their keep under the organization's custody.

[1] Sŏwŏnch'ŏng (書員廳) was the office space in which the nobi class workers convened to manage the supplement storage of Yongsan Academy for its financial activities. This office functioned just as today's people's bank to serve the commoners and nobi to loan cash or grains. The borrowers were then obligated to pay back the principle and interest in time.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文

右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報

償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲

二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文

拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣

爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記

告官卞正事

父先岩外

證庫直龍奉

筆執色金萬九

||

'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 for them and the sale to the academy is...

'''Ending Part (by Ren Zhijun, Martin Gehlmann)'''
...permanent, should there be dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

[Seller] Father Amwi [Signed with fingerjoint]<ref> As the seller here seemed to be illiterate he signed the document by tracing his fingerjoints, which was to be identifiable at a later point </ref>

Witness Yongbong, Storage Keeper

Scribe Kim Mangu

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#2 A Document of Selling One's Person
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?

#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban

1. In this document,

#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse

1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea?

2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves?

Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this?

Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history?

How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?

2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文

2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]

2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

2017-07-19T11:08:17Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1758년매첩명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling a Concubine
|Chinese = 1758年賣妾文券
|Korean = 1758년 매첩문권
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 李之栢
|Year = 1758
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1758년매첩문권.png|* 1758年李之栢賣妾文券 1758년 이지백 매첩문권(''Lee Jibaek Maecheobmungweon '') 1758(details)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

Introduction by Youngsuk Park

This piece of literature was written in 1758 by Yi Chibaek (李之栢), the nephew of Yu Kyŏng-ha (柳經河), who was the great-grandson of the renowned Confucian scholar Yu Sŏng-ryong (柳成龍, 1542-1607). The date testifies that it was the time when King Yŏngjo's yunŭm, the Prohibition of Wine Drinking (1756) was still widely heard. The king directly warned people that wine drinking was such the insidious evil, as it could bring the whole nation down.[1] Nonetheless wine drinking violation was prevalent at that time and obviously associated with lasciviousness. Drinking, as King Yŏngjo feared, could cause a proud and esteemed scholar to fall into vulgarity. Reflecting the social milieu of the time, this document in a form of legal text is but filled with farcical exaggerations, such as, sixteen-year old[2], the unparalleled beauty on heaven and earth[3], selling a concubine[4], the sickly old man from afar[5], and selling the beauty in a cheap price for a drink. Judged by these unrealistic and contrasting expressions, and notwithstanding the word 一笑 (one laugh) at the end, this text should be classified as a piece of satire rather than a legal document. It is written by the younger scholar who observes the older generation with mockery and sarcasm.

[1] Refer to 御製戒酒綸音 (King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking).

[2] Age sixteen is typically spoken as the prime time for a woman.

[3] This exaggeration matches the farcical 'selling concubine' rhetoric.

[4] Selling one's concubine was not and could not be practiced in the Confucian Chosŏn society. According to Dr. An Seungjun no such a legal paper of selling one's concubine was ever found in Korea (Spoken on July 19, 2017).

[5] For the purpose of making a satire, this description of a man stands to sharply contrast against the beauty.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
乾隆二十三年戊寅二月十二日幼學金彦猷前明文

右文爲有美一人兮

年方二八色是傾國價直千金雖盡水陸之美傾天下之羞

不足以稱其人佳麗病疲遠客乏錢難辧不時之需三葉壹蚨換却少妾

典此沽酒以助一座之歡日後如有雜談者持此文告官卞正事

酒字非實際語禁令至嚴豈有沽酒之事乎

聊所以形容其齊家(務)也一笑

||
( By Zhijun Ren

The 23rd year of Qianlong, second month, twelfth day, the document to the degreeless scholar Kim Eonyu

As to what this document pertains, I have a beautiful girl

Her age is merely sixteen, her beauty is such as to topple a country and worth ten thousand taels of gold. Her gorgeousness could not be adequately described even when exhausting the lavish praise from land and sea, and giving all the words of admiration under heaven.

I have drifted from afar and now tired and ill. Lacking money, I could not meet the unexpected emergent need. (I am willing) to exchange my young concubine with a small amount of money.

Sell her to buy liquor, to liven up the spirits of the party. Should there be a dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

“Buying liquor” is not a serious and factual statement. With such a strict prohibition, how could anyone buy liquor?

This is only meant to manifest her value, just for laugh.
)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

2017-07-19T11:03:02Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1758년매첩명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling a Concubine
|Chinese = 1758年賣妾文券
|Korean = 1758년 매첩문권
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 李之栢
|Year = 1758
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1758년매첩문권.png|* 1758年李之栢賣妾文券 1758년 이지백 매첩문권(''Lee Jibaek Maecheobmungweon '') 1758(details)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

Introduction by Youngsuk Park

This piece of literature was written in 1758 by Yi Chibaek (李之栢), the nephew of Yu Kyŏng-ha (柳經河), who was the great-grandson of the renowned Confucian scholar Yu Sŏng-ryong (柳成龍, 1542-1607). The date testifies that it was the time when King Yŏngjo's yunŭm, the Prohibition of Wine Drinking (1756) was still widely heard. The king directly warned people that wine drinking was such the insidious evil, as it could bring the whole nation down.[1] Nonetheless wine drinking violation was prevalent at that time and obviously associated with lasciviousness. Drinking, as King Yŏngjo feared, could cause a proud and esteemed scholar to fall into vulgarity.

Reflecting the social milieu of the time, this document in a form of legal text is but filled with farcical exaggerations, such as, sixteen-year old[2], the unparalleled beauty on heaven and earth[3], selling a concubine[4], the sickly old man from afar[5], and selling the beauty in a cheap price for a drink. Judged by these unrealistic and contrasting expressions this document should be classified as a piece of satire rather than a legal document, notwithstanding the word 一笑 (one laugh) at the end. It is written by the younger scholar who observes the older generation with mockery and sarcasm.

[1] Refer to 御製戒酒綸音 (King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking).
[2] Age sixteen is typically spoken as the prime time for a woman.
[3] This exaggeration matches the farcical 'selling concubine' rhetoric.
[4] Selling one's concubine was not and could not be practiced in the Confucian Chosŏn society. According to Dr. An Seungjun no such a legal paper of selling one's concubine was ever found in Korea (Spoken on July 19, 2017).
[5] For the purpose of making a satire, this description of a man stands to sharply contrast against the beauty.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
乾隆二十三年戊寅二月十二日幼學金彦猷前明文

右文爲有美一人兮

年方二八色是傾國價直千金雖盡水陸之美傾天下之羞

不足以稱其人佳麗病疲遠客乏錢難辧不時之需三葉壹蚨換却少妾

典此沽酒以助一座之歡日後如有雜談者持此文告官卞正事

酒字非實際語禁令至嚴豈有沽酒之事乎

聊所以形容其齊家(務)也一笑

||
( By Zhijun Ren

The 23rd year of Qianlong, second month, twelfth day, the document to the degreeless scholar Kim Eonyu

As to what this document pertains, I have a beautiful girl

Her age is merely sixteen, her beauty is such as to topple a country and worth ten thousand taels of gold. Her gorgeousness could not be adequately described even when exhausting the lavish praise from land and sea, and giving all the words of admiration under heaven.

I have drifted from afar and now tired and ill. Lacking money, I could not meet the unexpected emergent need. (I am willing) to exchange my young concubine with a small amount of money.

Sell her to buy liquor, to liven up the spirits of the party. Should there be a dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

“Buying liquor” is not a serious and factual statement. With such a strict prohibition, how could anyone buy liquor?

This is only meant to manifest her value, just for laugh.
)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

2017-07-19T11:01:40Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1758년매첩명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling a Concubine
|Chinese = 1758年賣妾文券
|Korean = 1758년 매첩문권
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 李之栢
|Year = 1758
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1758년매첩문권.png|* 1758年李之栢賣妾文券 1758년 이지백 매첩문권(''Lee Jibaek Maecheobmungweon '') 1758(details)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

Introduction by Youngsuk Park

This piece of literature was written in 1758 by Yi Chibaek (李之栢), the nephew of Yu Kyŏng-ha (柳經河), who was the great-grandson of the renowned Confucian scholar Yu Sŏng-ryong (柳成龍, 1542-1607). The date testifies that it was the time when King Yŏngjo's yunŭm, the Prohibition of Wine Drinking (1756) was still widely heard. The king directly warned people that wine drinking was such the insidious evil, as it could bring the whole nation down.[1] Nonetheless wine drinking violation was prevalent at that time and obviously associated with lasciviousness. Drinking, as King Yŏngjo feared, could cause a proud and esteemed scholar to fall into vulgarity.
Reflecting the social milieu of the time, this document in a form of legal text is but filled with farcical exaggerations, such as, sixteen-year old[2], the unparalleled beauty on heaven and earth[3], selling a concubine[4], the sickly old man from afar[5], and selling the beauty in a cheap price for a drink. Judged by these unrealistic and contrasting expressions this document should be classified as a piece of satire rather than a legal document, notwithstanding the word 一笑 (one laugh) at the end. It is written by the younger scholar who observes the older generation with mockery and sarcasm.

[1] Refer to 御製戒酒綸音 (King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking).
[2] Age sixteen is typically spoken as the prime time for a woman.
[3] This exaggeration matches the farcical 'selling concubine' rhetoric.
[4] Selling one's concubine was not and could not be practiced in the Confucian Chosŏn society. According to Dr. An Seungjun no such a legal paper of selling one's concubine was ever found in Korea (Spoken on July 19, 2017).
[5] For the purpose of making a satire, this description of a man stands to sharply contrast against the beauty.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
乾隆二十三年戊寅二月十二日幼學金彦猷前明文

右文爲有美一人兮

年方二八色是傾國價直千金雖盡水陸之美傾天下之羞

不足以稱其人佳麗病疲遠客乏錢難辧不時之需三葉壹蚨換却少妾

典此沽酒以助一座之歡日後如有雜談者持此文告官卞正事

酒字非實際語禁令至嚴豈有沽酒之事乎

聊所以形容其齊家(務)也一笑

||
( By Zhijun Ren

The 23rd year of Qianlong, second month, twelfth day, the document to the degreeless scholar Kim Eonyu

As to what this document pertains, I have a beautiful girl

Her age is merely sixteen, her beauty is such as to topple a country and worth ten thousand taels of gold. Her gorgeousness could not be adequately described even when exhausting the lavish praise from land and sea, and giving all the words of admiration under heaven.

I have drifted from afar and now tired and ill. Lacking money, I could not meet the unexpected emergent need. (I am willing) to exchange my young concubine with a small amount of money.

Sell her to buy liquor, to liven up the spirits of the party. Should there be a dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

“Buying liquor” is not a serious and factual statement. With such a strict prohibition, how could anyone buy liquor?

This is only meant to manifest her value, just for laugh.
)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

2017-07-19T08:12:00Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction by Youngsuk Park */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 어제계주윤음1.JPG
|English = King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking
|Chinese = 御製戒酒綸音
|Korean = 어제계주윤음(어졔계쥬륜음)
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [[King Yeongjo]]
|Year = [[1757]]
|Key Concepts= King Yeongjo,
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction by Youngsuk Park'''==

King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking

The King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking was published in 1757 (the 33rd year of King Yŏngjo's reign). King Yŏngjo (r. 1724-1776) was the twenty-first ruler of Chosŏn dynasty (1392-1910). This volume consists of eighteen leaves printed by the wood block carvings and written in classical Chinese phrases with the addition of Korean interpretation and endings. It is the record of King Yŏngjo's Words of Edification (yunūm) for the people. Yunūm was directly composed by the king himself and its audience varies depending on the purpose from the high ministers and bureaucrats down to commoners. The king himself often spoke spontaneously and his Royal Secretariat dictated his speech including his emotional expressions and exclamations. This Prohibition of Wine Drinking was written during the king's prime time obtaining stability of political power right after suppressing the purge (1755). In his latter period of ruling King Yŏngjo produced a number of yunūm documents, whose themes and audience were not at all monotonous but rather complex and various. Among those in which King Yŏngjo showed his particular concerns by repeatedly proclaiming are topics on Harmonizing in impartiality and Parity of corvee labor. They are mentioned in "In King Yŏngjo's own writing, When Asked of My Enterprises"[1] Thriftiness was also one of the steadily pursued subjects, for which the king proclaimed the prohibition of luxury for commoners on one hand, and edified the court members that it was the palace first to defy luxurious lifestyle and practice thriftiness on another hand. The Prohibition of wine drinking is directly related to this edification of thriftiness. Although the king sent out messages concerning drinking problem before, he adamantly enforced the prohibition due to the incident that he himself succumbed to drinking and caused a great commotion. It was right after the purge of his political opponents the king perhaps was emotionally overwhelmed and lost control of himself. In this document of the Prohibition of Wine Drinking the king expresses resentment of his own fault, which led the nation to lose the control with drinking and even in danger of collapsing, he feared. Deeply saddened, he implores ancestral spirits in tears in the Hall of Portraits to assist him with his capacity to persuade people to restrain from drinking. He confesses that he himself is the grave sinner who caused the increasing number of violaters which reached now over a thousand. He instructs people how insidiously harmful drinking habit could be for one's life and becomes relentless about enforcing the prohibition law. His decision thus came to exclude the drinking violaters from the great amnesty.

This book written in both classic Chinese and additional ŏnmun (諺文, vernacular writing) is a good example of the publishing activities during the period known as the renaissance in literature in the late eighteenth century. During this period King Yŏngjo and his successor King Chŏngjo (1776-1800) promoted the publication of books written in vernacular writing. As the result, more than thirty books in ŏnmun were published testifying the existence of a broad common audience who read in Korean. Korean language since being invented by King Sejong in the fifteenth century became pervasive in the Chosŏn society by the eighteenth century.

[1] "御製問業” in 《英祖大王》 (藏書閣, 2011) Vol. 15: 140-141.

* '''Download''' : [[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf|御製戒酒綸音.pdf]]

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
諭유大대臣신卿경宰以이下하百官관綸륜音음[丁丑十一月初一日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]惟유我아股고肱굉卿경宰[와]越월我아百僚료[]咸함聽텽予여諭유[라]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]昔셕人인[이]云운[호]宮궁中즁[이]好호高고髻계[니]四方방[이]高고一일尺쳑[이라니]昔셕之지羣군工공之지不불戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]寔식由유寡과躬궁之지咎구[ㅣ어니와]今금之지庶셔民민之지不불遵준令령[도]亦역由유寡과躬궁之지不불誠셩[이라]

因인此而이上샹負부陟쳑降강[오며]下하閼알霈패典뎐[니]寔식予
여之지咎구[ㅣ오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]何하謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강[고]一일自禁금酒쥬之지後후[로] 每承승慈聖셩稱칭美미之지 敎교[ㅣ러니]

因인山산纔訖흘[고]今금歲셰不불盡진[야셔]而이非비徒도不불止지[라]甚심至지會회飮음[니]陟쳑降강[이]有유知지[시면]其기以이寡과躬궁[으로]爲위能능禁금乎호[아]否부乎호[아]此[ㅣ]所소謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강也야[ㅣ오]何하謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐[고]

噫희[라]今금春츈霈패典뎐[은]往왕牒텹所소無무[ㅣ로]而이至지於어犯범酒쥬者쟈[야]恐공或혹弛시禁금[야]一일竝병不불赦샤[ㅣ러니]今금因인處쳐分분而이取츄覽람徒도流류案안[니]則즉其기數수[ㅣ]將쟝近근十십百[이라]若약此不불已이[면]將쟝不불知지至지於어幾긔十십百[이니]此[]卽즉予여[ㅣ]不불敎교而이令령民민陷함法법也야[ㅣ라]

思之지及급此[애]不불覺각懍름然연[호라]幾긔百徒도流류[]於어春츈大대赦샤[애도]不불能능放방焉언[니]是시豈긔同동慶경之지意의[며]而이今금[애]雖슈一일倂병放방釋셕[이나]何하與여於어赦샤典뎐哉[리오]

此[ㅣ]所소謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐也야[ㅣ라]其기將쟝何하顔안[으로]行朔삭 祭졔於어孝효昭쇼殿뎐[이며]亦역將쟝何하顔안[으로]曉효拜眞진殿뎐乎호[아]噫희[라]酒쥬[]乃내尤우物물也야[ㅣ니]今금番번宣션諭유[애]小쇼民민之지感감動동[을]其기何하必필哉[리오]且챠頃경者쟈宣션諭유[]只지於어父부老로[고]不불及급公공卿경[니]此豈긔董동子所소云운正졍朝죠廷뎡而이正졍萬만民민之지義의乎호[아]

其기君군其기臣신之지相샹與여戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]視시小쇼民민[애]雖슈有유切졀焉언[이나]以이程졍子之지大대賢현[으로도]猶유不불無무觀관獵렵之지悔회[시니]況황在凡범人인[애]尤우不불可가放방心심也야[ㅣ오]且챠以이尙샹書셔訓훈體톄[로]言언之지[라도]其기宜의竝병諭유臣신庶셔[]又우於어心심中즁[에]不불耐내憧츙憧츙[야]今금曉효祭졔畢필後후[에]仍잉泣읍奏주殿뎐中즁曰왈[오]

于우今금酒쥬禁금之지不불行[은]寔식由유一일人인[이니]一일人인[은]其기誰슈[오]卽즉臣신也야[ㅣ라]此後후[애]酒쥬若약復부行[이면]國국必필隨슈亡망[이니]不불戒계其기君군[은]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ어니와]三삼百年년宗종社샤[ㅣ]豈긔可가由유一일人인而이亡망哉[잇가]臣신曁긔後후之지嗣王왕[이]或혹有유不불戒계酒쥬之지事[ㅣ면]則즉諸져臣신[이]雖슈不불知지[고]庶셔民민[이]雖슈亦역不불知지[나]於오昭쇼陟쳑降강[은]若약鑑감之지照죠[시리니]若약有유犯범焉언[이어든]

奏주于우列렬朝죠[샤]明명降강大대何하[시되]止지于우其기身신[시고]若약於어羣군臣신[애]或혹知지而이不불諫간[며]或혹身신犯범其기戒계者쟈[]亦역降강大대何하[샤]使我아海東동臣신庶셔[로]無무面면謾만之지態[케시며]諫간而이不불聽텽[이면]咎구亦역在君군[이니]臣신何하咎구焉언[이리잇고]

以이此口구奏주[고]仍잉坐좌月월臺[야]召쇼集집陪 祭졔宗종親친文문武무百官관於어殿뎐庭뎡[야]洞동諭유予여意의[노니]言언雖슈略약[이나]意의則즉盡진矣의[라]

噫희[라]上샹自股고肱굉[으로]下하至지百僚료[히]體톄予여爲위宗종社샤苦고心심[야]其기銘명其기佩패[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]至지於어禁금酒쥬[야]小쇼民민之지犯범者쟈[]勿물以이摘젹得득爲위幸[이오]必필以이無무刑형爲위期긔[니]京경而이京경尹윤部부官관[과]外외而이方방伯守슈令령[이]凡범於어對民민也야[애]必필也야罄경心심誨회諭유[며]流류涕톄勉면飭칙[야]使我아苦고心심[으로]能능行於어國국中즁[며]而이使我아元원元원[으로]罔망陷함於어大대戾려[케면]非비徒도邦방國국之지幸[이라]

於어羣군工공[애]亦역豈긔無무陰음功공乎호[ㅣ리오]其기莫막曰왈臺上샹庭뎡
下하[애]只지有유其기君군與여臣신[이라라]陟쳑降강[이]洋양洋양[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼昭쇼[시니]可가不불懼구哉[며]可가不불懍름哉[아]其기各각明명聽텽[야]欽흠遵준予여諭유[라]

諭유京경城셩父부老로綸륜音음[丁丑十月二十五日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]以이予여否부德턱[으로]忝텸守슈丕비基긔[ㅣ]于우今금三삼十십有유三삼年년[이로]而이上샹不불能능繼계述슐先션志지[고]下하不불能능惠혜究구蔀부屋옥[야]綱강紀긔[ㅣ]日일墜츄[며]生民민[이]日일窮궁[니]心심常샹懍름惕텩[야]若약隕운淵연谷곡[이라]近근尤우衰쇠耗모之지中즁[애]誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]仙션馭어[]莫막攀반[고]只지自號호慕모[야]萬만念렴俱구冷[니]其기於어政졍令령[애]何하能능振진刷솰[이리오]而이然연[이나] 禁금酒쥬之지令령[은]卽즉予여苦고心심[이라]

古고人인[이]云운[호]有유志지者쟈[ㅣ]事竟경成셩[이라고]傳젼[애]亦역云운[호]堯요舜슌[과]桀걸紂쥬[의]率슐天텬下하[애]民민皆從죵之지[라니]噫희[라]嗣服복之지初초[애]禁금借챠閭려家가而이士夫부[ㅣ]從죵焉언[고]晩만後후[애]禁금用용紋문緞단而이京경外외[ㅣ]從죵焉언[니]而이民민從죵之지之지義의[]於어此可가見견[이로]至지於어酒쥬禁금[야]今금已이二이載[로]其기猶유不불遵준[야]窮궁海之지中즁[애]編편配相샹續쇽[니]昔셕[애]益익[이]贊찬禹우曰왈[호]至지諴함[이]感감神신[이온]矧신玆有유苗묘[ㅣ녀야]帝뎨[ㅣ]乃내誕탄敷부文문德덕[샤]干간戚쳑兩량階[신대]有유苗묘[ㅣ]乃내格격[니]

噫희[라]至지愚우而이神신者쟈[ㅣ]民민也야[ㅣ라]寡과躬궁[이]若약能능誠셩心심禁금酒쥬[ㅣ면]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]
故고[로]夏하閒간[애]只지下하勸권諭유之지旨지[고]伊이後후[애]惟유付부有유司而이治치之지矣의[러니]初초冬동[이]將쟝盡진[고]經경歲셰不불遠원[이라]其기不불能능弛시心심[야]試시令령宣션傳젼官관[으로]廉렴察찰[니]

噫희[라]前젼日일甁병甖之지釀양[도]其기猶유寒한心심[이어든]方방當당遏알密밀之지時시[야]十십餘여人인之지聚츄飮음[은]非비徒도放방恣無무嚴엄[이라]酒쥬禁금之지蕩탕然연[을]於어此可가見견[이니]其기咎구[ㅣ]焉언在[오]寔식在寡과躬궁[이라]

噫희[라]臨림御어卅삽載[애]誠셩信신[이]若약孚부於어民민[이면]幺요麽마禁금令령[을]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]昔셕之지不불能능戒계酒쥬[]非비由유蕩탕心심[이라]寔식爲위寬관懷회[로]而이予여[ㅣ]旣긔不불戒계[니]則즉民민之지不불從죵[이]固고其기然연也야[ㅣ어니와]一일自命명禁금之지後후[로]酒쥬之지一일字[ㅣ]方방寸촌[애]已이無무[ㅣ로]而이民민犯범[이]若약此[]其기咎구[ㅣ]何하在[오]予여[ㅣ]不불能능信신法법於어下하[ㅣ라]故고小쇼民민[이]其기敢감揣度탁曰왈[호]禁금令령[이]雖슈嚴엄[이나]豈긔無무弛시張쟝之지日일乎호[아니]

此[ㅣ]寡과躬궁[의]恒日일不불誠셩之지致치[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]語어[애]云운[호]導도之지以이德덕[고]齊졔之지以이禮례[면]有유恥치且챠格격[이오]導도之지以이政졍[고]齊졔之지以이刑형[이면]民민免면而이無무恥치[라시니]今금予여[ㅣ]不불能능以이德덕導도之지[고]徒도欲욕以이刑형齊졔之지[니]民민豈긔從죵焉언[이리오]

寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]其기君군[이]七칠十십服복衰최[야]方방在朝죠夕셕號호泣읍之지中즁[니]爲위其기民민者쟈[ㅣ]竊졀飮음[도]宜의不불敢감[이어든]況황羣군聚츄而이放방飮음乎호[아]此[]寡과躬궁之지誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]不불能능孚부感감而이然연[이니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]雖슈非비禁금酒쥬之지時시[라도]會회飮음[이]本본自有유禁금令령[이어든]況황當당國국恤슐[야]若약是시狼랑藉쟈[호]而이法법司[ㅣ]無무異이聾롱瞽고[니]恒日일之지紀긔綱강[이]若약擧거[ㅣ면]則즉豈긔有유是시乎호[아]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]噫희[라]其기君군[이]誠셩心심斷단酒쥬[고]誠셩心심飭칙勵려[호]而이猶유不불能능止지[야]前젼後후被피配者쟈[ㅣ]殆近근十십百[니]犯범者쟈[]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ나]其기望망海呼호號호之지妻쳐孥노[]何하辜고之지有유哉[오]恒日일之지敎교化화[ㅣ]能능行[야]民민自信신令령[이면]則즉豈긔若약是시乎호[ㅣ리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]

噫희[라]今금春츈赦샤典뎐[은]可가謂위無무前젼大대霈패[로]而이關관係계酒쥬禁금者쟈[앤]則즉一일不불赦샤焉인[은]惟유恐공禁금令령之지或혹弛시[러니]而이犯범者쟈[ㅣ]猶유不불絶졀[이라]霈패不불能능行[고]禁금亦역不불行[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]以이此推츄之지[니]一일則즉予여咎구[ㅣ오]二이則즉予여咎구[ㅣ라]玆乃내先션諭유寡과躬궁之지咎구[고]次陳진崇종飮음之지弊폐[노니]

噫희[라]范범質질所소云운狂광藥약非비佳가味미[ㅣ]可가謂위切졀至지[오]食식色[을]雖슈竝병稱칭[이나]而이食식慾욕之지中즁[애]酒쥬尤우甚심焉언[이오]謂위其기害해則즉反반甚심於어色[니]何하則즉[고]沈침湎면于우酒쥬[면]不불知지五오倫륜[니]其기害해[ㅣ]一일也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉鬪투鬨홍[며]

大대則즉殺살人인[니]其기害해[ㅣ]二이也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉喪상性셩[며]大대則즉隕운身신[니]其기害해[ㅣ]三삼也야[ㅣ라]觀관其기犯범者쟈[ㅣ]多다是시朝죠夕셕難난繼계[야]

以이此爲위生涯애者쟈[ㅣ니]其기情졍[이]雖슈若약可가矜긍[이나]而이麴국糱얼之지外외[예]亦역多다可가以이資生者쟈[ㅣ어든]何하拘구目목前젼之지小쇼利리[야]自陷함於어罔망赦샤之지重즁法법乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]禁금令령[이]當당嚴엄

故고[로]雖슈不불容용貸[나]昔셕之지夏하禹우[ㅣ]其기亦역泣읍辜고[시니]彼피犯범禁금者쟈[ㅣ]卽즉予여赤젹子[ㅣ라]其기雖슈置치法법[이나]予여豈긔樂락爲위[리오]爾이等등之지犯범邦방憲헌慽쳑君군心심[은]是시誠셩何하心심[이며]是시誠셩何하心심[고]

噫희[라]予여雖슈否부德덕[이나]臨림御어幾긔年년[애]一일心심憧츙憧츙[이]惟유在元원元원[이언마]而이爾이等등[이]不불遵준君군令령[야]使白首슈望망七칠之지君군[으로]若약是시費비心심[니]予여[ㅣ]雖슈負부爾이等등[이나]爾이等등[이]亦역何하忍인負부予여[오]尤우爲위慨개然연者쟈[]頃경於어壬임申신冬동齊졔籲유時시[예]深심感감爾이等등之지誠셩[이러니]于우今금犯범令령[은]一일何하反반焉언[고]從죵此以이後후[로]爾이等등[이]雖슈曰왈不불忘망予여[ㅣ라도]予여何하信신然연[이며]亦역何하顔안[으로]南남面면對爾이乎호[ㅣ리오]

爾이等등[은]莫막曰왈犯범者쟈[ㅣ]是시蠢쥰蠢쥰愚우氓[이라라]人인之지異이於어禽금獸슈[]以이其기有유五오倫륜也야[ㅣ니]狗구馬마[도]猶유戀련主쥬[ㅣ어든]況황人인乎호哉[아]尤우可가恧뉵焉언者쟈[]予여[ㅣ]若약有유誠셩[이어나]予여[ㅣ]若약有유德덕[이면]使列렬朝죠愛恤슐之지元원元원[으로]一일何하至지此哉[리오]思之지及급此[애]誠셩無무對爾이之지面면[이로니]尤우何하有유他타日일歸귀拜之지顔안[이리오]

呼호寫샤到도此[애]聲셩隨슈淚류下하[노니]爾이等등[인]亦역豈긔不불感감動동乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]亦역莫막曰왈禁금令령之지或혹弛시[라라]乾건坤곤[이]雖슈混혼沌돈[이라도]此禁금[은]決결不불解[리니]吁후嗟차此禁금[은]當당與여國국偕存존[이오]當당與여國국偕亡망[리라]

噫희[라]廟묘社샤[애]用용醴례酒쥬[고]而이旨지酒쥬[ㅣ]若약行[이면]予여[ㅣ]雖슈欲욕赦샤[나ㅣ] 陟쳑降강[이]必필不불赦샤[시며]

陟쳑降강[이]雖슈欲욕赦샤[시나]神신祇기[ㅣ]決결不불赦샤[리니]旣긔知지三삼不불赦샤[고]甘감心심犯범憲헌[은]抑억何하心심哉[며]抑억何하心심哉[오]以이此言언之지[면]時시君군[이]雖슈欲욕解禁금[이나]何하敢감違위神신祇기陟쳑降강之지禁금乎호[ㅣ리오]

噫희[라]此[ㅣ] 非비恐공動동而이諭유者쟈[ㅣ오]卽즉實실理리也야[ㅣ라]
噫희[라]此則즉特특諭유其기大대者쟈[ㅣ어니와]抑억論론其기次[리니]
予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]君군臨림爾이等등[야]鬚슈髮발[이]俱구白[니]比비之지恒人인[컨대]子弟뎨僮동僕복[이]不불遵준白髮발父부兄형與여其기主쥬之지令령[이면]其기可가曰왈爲위子弟뎨[며]爲위僮동僕복乎호[아]靜졍攝셥之지中즁[애]聞문此會회飮음之지說셜[고]心심不불能능耐내[야]不불憚탄其기勞로[고]半반夜야綴쳘文문[야]待朝죠召쇼諭유[고]令령京경兆죠[로]眞진諺언謄등書셔[야]曉효諭유京경外외[노라]吁후嗟차此酒쥬[]今금日일[애]益익覺각其기爲위尤우物물[이로니]

噫희[라]此尤우物물[이]止지息식然연後후[에야]食식可가甘감而이寢침可가便편[이니]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]小쇼大대民민人인[은]咸함聽텽此諭유[야]各각須슈自勵려焉언[라] 噫희[라]今금日일召쇼諭유之지後후[]卽즉予여一일初초政졍也야
[ㅣ니]旣긔曰왈一일初초[ㅣ면]豈긔無무更경新신[이리오]前젼者쟈編편配之지類류七칠百餘여人인[을]一일竝병特특放방[고]新신定뎡其기法법[노니]

身신爲위朝죠官관者쟈[와]以이士爲위名명者쟈[]勿물限한年년沿연海投투畀비[고]庶셔民민則즉江강邊변七칠邑읍[과]北븍關관六륙鎭진[과]萊府부外의[애]勿물論론公공私賤쳔[고]嚴엄刑형一일次後후邊변遠원[애]限한己긔身신爲위奴노婢비[호]釀양者쟈[와]飮음者쟈[]一일體톄施시律률[고]每年년歲셰首슈[애]倣방周쥬禮례[야]令령懸현法법京경外외官관門문[노니]是시何하意의哉[오]

此[]刑형期긔無무刑형之지義의也야[ㅣ라]吁후嗟차爾이等등[이]後후若약犯범焉언[이면]此[]爾이等등之지自犯범[이니]勿물以이不불敎교而이怨원予여[라]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]爾이等등[이]若약思三삼十십年년可가愛其기君군之지心심[이면]欽흠體톄此敎교[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]

噫희[라] 陟쳑降강[이]在上샹[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼臨림[시니]
予여何하敢감欺긔爾이[며]爾이何하敢감謾만予여乎호[ㅣ리오]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]
國국之지興흥亡망[이]在此一일擧거[ㅣ라]咸함使聞문知지[노니]想샹宜의知지悉실[이어다]

}}

==Chinese Script==

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御製戒酒綸音

1. 諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音: 嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼! 昔人云宮中好高髻四方高一尺昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎, 今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠. 因此而上負陟降下閼霈典, 寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

2. 何謂上負陟降一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁一竝, 不赦今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.

4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也.

5. 其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

6. 其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也.

7. 且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

8. 臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知庶民, 雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉.

9. 奏于列朝, 明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

10. 以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭, 洞諭予意言, 雖略意則盡矣. 噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社, 苦心其銘其佩, 莫替予意, 至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸, 必以無刑爲期, 京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.

11. 必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭, 使我苦心, 能行於國中, 而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾, 非徒邦國之, 幸於羣工亦豈無陰功乎! 其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣, 陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭, 可不懼哉! 可不懍哉! 其各明聽欽遵予諭!

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King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

1. To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:
Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!
Once it was said: “If royal court magistrates raise their hair with one bun, people of the four direction will raise their hair with one foot”. (1) So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it. People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

2. Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules. I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself. How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

3. What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"?
Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law.

4. If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

5. Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a wrong thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere subjects and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, that the court serves for the justice of the people?

6. The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao could not abandon his old habit easily (2), not to mention the uncultivated people.

7. Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. My heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant". After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

8. Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], even if the commoners and populace are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], [the violation of prohibition] will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, [it would be as clear] as if reflected in mirror. Should [I and the following kings that succeed me] violate it, it will be reported to the [ancestral spirits of] various preceding kings.

9. How great is my royal order? It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition. Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

10. So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard. And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly. Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it. The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.

11. You must take seriously with whole your heart my command and fulfill it, even through tears. I let myself rule state affairs with painstaking efforts and I can't let my people fall into the net of destruction. The prosperity of the kingdom is a task of everyone and the merits will not remain hidden. Do not say that the royal throne is high and all the posts are low. Ruler and magistrates can only go together. The spirits of our forefathers are magnificent and the sky above is clearly blue. How you could be not afraid! How you could not worry! Every one of you, listen carefully and follow my instructions!

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

(2) Chenghao (程顥, 1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. He was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. See: 《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==
1. What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

2. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

3. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

4. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

5. To whom the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits). What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

6. Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime? How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

7. What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, do you think that King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

8. Yeongjo amnestied all criminals, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number of drinking people the real motivation?

9. How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects? Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

10. In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy? Is this a unique Korean tradition?

11. What do you think is King Yeongjo’s personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

12. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

13. Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Prince Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----
King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
御製戒酒綸音

King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音:

To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:

嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼!

Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!

昔人云

Once it was said:

“宮中好高髻四方高一尺”

“If the virtue of the royal court is one bun higher, the virtue of the people of the four direction will become one foot higher”. (1)

昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎.

So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it.

今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠.

People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

因此而上負陟降下閼霈典.

Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules.

寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself.

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

Question:
----What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 何謂上負陟降, 一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止, 甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

Discussion Questions:

1. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

2. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

3. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁, 一竝不赦, 今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百, 若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.
What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"? Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law. <br />

Questions: To whom was the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits) What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也,
If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

Discussion Questions:
(1) Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime?
(2) How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a tricky thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere citizens and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, "The court serves for the justice of the people?"

Discussion questions: What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也

The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao<ref> Chenghao (程顥,1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. </ref> could not abandon his old habit easily, <ref>程子觀獵之悔: Chenghao was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. see:《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”</ref> not to mention the uncultivated people.

<references />

Questions:
Yeongjo amnestied all criminals by implementing 패전, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number the real motivation?

==='''Student 7 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. But my heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant. After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

Discussion question:
#How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects?
#Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知,庶民雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉，奏于列朝

Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), even if the commoners and populace are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), (the violation of prohibition) will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, (it would be as clear )as if reflected in mirror. Should (I and the following kings that succeed me) violate it, it will be reported to the (ancestral spirits of) various preceding kings.

Discussion question:
In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy?
Is this a unique Korean tradition?

==='''Student 9 : Martin Gehlmann'''===
----

明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

(How great is their royal order?) It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition, (also a great order?) Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

Question:
1. Given the use of alcohol in Confucian rites and drinking ceremonies, how do you view this ban on alcohol?

2. What do you think is King Yeongjos personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

3. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭<br />
So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard.<br />
洞諭予意言雖略意則盡矣.<br />
And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly.<br />
噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社苦心其銘其佩莫替予意至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸必以無刑爲期<br />
Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it.<br />
京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.<br />
The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.<br />

----
Discussion Question:<br />
Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Princess Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee Jeong)'''===
----
必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭,
Certainly, you should conciliate in all your heart and then you should hard to be careful anything amid tears.

使我苦心, 能行於國中,
When I rule country with patience and enduring resolve,

而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾,
I can't let my people fall into humiliation.

非徒邦國之幸, 於羣工亦豈無陰功乎!
How couldn't hidden achievements have not only luck of our country but also all of officer!

其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣,
Do not say that there is only a officer and the king on the stage and in the courtyard.

陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭,
Manes is impressive and blue sky is manifest.

可不懼哉! 可不懍哉!
Aren't you afraid of that! aren't you precarious that!

其各明聽欽遵予諭!
Every one of you listen carefully and follow my instructions.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

[[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf]]

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

2017-07-19T08:04:16Z

Yeoreum: /* Introduction by Youngsuk Park */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 어제계주윤음1.JPG
|English = King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking
|Chinese = 御製戒酒綸音
|Korean = 어제계주윤음(어졔계쥬륜음)
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [[King Yeongjo]]
|Year = [[1757]]
|Key Concepts= King Yeongjo,
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction by Youngsuk Park'''==

King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking

The King Yŏngjo's Prohibition of Wine Drinking was published in 1757 (the 33rd year of King Yŏngjo's reign). King Yŏngjo (r. 1724-1776) was the twenty-first ruler of Chosŏn dynasty (1392-1910). This volume consists of eighteen leaves printed by the wood block carvings and written in classical Chinese phrases with the addition of Korean interpretation and endings. It is the record of King Yŏngjo's Words of Edification (yunūm) for the people. Yunūm was directly composed by the king himself and its audience varies depending on the purpose from the high ministers and bureaucrats down to commoners. The king himself often spoke spontaneously and his Royal Secretariat dictated his speech including his emotional expressions and exclamations. This Prohibition of Wine Drinking was written during the king's prime time obtaining stability of political power right after suppressing the purge (1755). In his latter period of ruling King Yŏngjo produced a number of yunūm documents, whose themes and audience were not at all monotonous but rather complex and various. Among those in which King Yŏngjo showed his particular concerns by repeatedly proclaiming are topics on Harmonizing in impartiality and Parity of corvee labor. They are mentioned in "In King Yŏngjo's own writing, When Asked of My Enterprises"[1] Thriftiness was also one of the steadily pursued subjects, for which the king proclaimed the prohibition of luxury for commoners on one hand, and edified the court members that it was the palace first to defy luxurious lifestyle and practice thriftiness on another hand. The Prohibition of wine drinking is directly related to this edification of thriftiness. Although the king sent out messages concerning drinking problem before, he adamantly enforced the prohibition due to the incident that he himself succumbed to drinking and caused a great commotion. It was right after the purge of his political opponents the king perhaps was emotionally overwhelmed and lost control of himself. In this document of the Prohibition of Wine Drinking the king expresses resentment of his own fault, which led the nation to lose the control with drinking and even in danger of collapsing, he feared. Deeply saddened, he implores ancestral spirits in tears in the Hall of Portraits to assist him with his capacity to persuade people to restrain from drinking. He confesses that he himself is the grave sinner who caused the increasing number of violaters which reached now over a thousand. He instructs people how insidiously harmful drinking habit could be for one's life and becomes relentless about enforcing the prohibition law. His decision thus came to exclude the drinking violaters from the great amnesty.

This book written in both classic Chinese and additional ŏnmun (諺文, vernacular writing) is a good example of the publishing activities during the period known as the renaissance in literature in the late eighteenth century. During this period King Yŏngjo and his successor King Chŏngjo (1776-1800) promoted the publication of books written in vernacular writing. As the result, more than thirty books in ŏnmun were published testifying the existence of a broad common audience who read in Korean. Korean language since being invented by King Sejong in the fifteenth century became pervasive in the Chosŏn society by the eighteenth century.

* '''Download''' : [[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf|御製戒酒綸音.pdf]]

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
諭유大대臣신卿경宰以이下하百官관綸륜音음[丁丑十一月初一日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]惟유我아股고肱굉卿경宰[와]越월我아百僚료[]咸함聽텽予여諭유[라]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]昔셕人인[이]云운[호]宮궁中즁[이]好호高고髻계[니]四方방[이]高고一일尺쳑[이라니]昔셕之지羣군工공之지不불戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]寔식由유寡과躬궁之지咎구[ㅣ어니와]今금之지庶셔民민之지不불遵준令령[도]亦역由유寡과躬궁之지不불誠셩[이라]

因인此而이上샹負부陟쳑降강[오며]下하閼알霈패典뎐[니]寔식予
여之지咎구[ㅣ오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]何하謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강[고]一일自禁금酒쥬之지後후[로] 每承승慈聖셩稱칭美미之지 敎교[ㅣ러니]

因인山산纔訖흘[고]今금歲셰不불盡진[야셔]而이非비徒도不불止지[라]甚심至지會회飮음[니]陟쳑降강[이]有유知지[시면]其기以이寡과躬궁[으로]爲위能능禁금乎호[아]否부乎호[아]此[ㅣ]所소謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강也야[ㅣ오]何하謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐[고]

噫희[라]今금春츈霈패典뎐[은]往왕牒텹所소無무[ㅣ로]而이至지於어犯범酒쥬者쟈[야]恐공或혹弛시禁금[야]一일竝병不불赦샤[ㅣ러니]今금因인處쳐分분而이取츄覽람徒도流류案안[니]則즉其기數수[ㅣ]將쟝近근十십百[이라]若약此不불已이[면]將쟝不불知지至지於어幾긔十십百[이니]此[]卽즉予여[ㅣ]不불敎교而이令령民민陷함法법也야[ㅣ라]

思之지及급此[애]不불覺각懍름然연[호라]幾긔百徒도流류[]於어春츈大대赦샤[애도]不불能능放방焉언[니]是시豈긔同동慶경之지意의[며]而이今금[애]雖슈一일倂병放방釋셕[이나]何하與여於어赦샤典뎐哉[리오]

此[ㅣ]所소謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐也야[ㅣ라]其기將쟝何하顔안[으로]行朔삭 祭졔於어孝효昭쇼殿뎐[이며]亦역將쟝何하顔안[으로]曉효拜眞진殿뎐乎호[아]噫희[라]酒쥬[]乃내尤우物물也야[ㅣ니]今금番번宣션諭유[애]小쇼民민之지感감動동[을]其기何하必필哉[리오]且챠頃경者쟈宣션諭유[]只지於어父부老로[고]不불及급公공卿경[니]此豈긔董동子所소云운正졍朝죠廷뎡而이正졍萬만民민之지義의乎호[아]

其기君군其기臣신之지相샹與여戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]視시小쇼民민[애]雖슈有유切졀焉언[이나]以이程졍子之지大대賢현[으로도]猶유不불無무觀관獵렵之지悔회[시니]況황在凡범人인[애]尤우不불可가放방心심也야[ㅣ오]且챠以이尙샹書셔訓훈體톄[로]言언之지[라도]其기宜의竝병諭유臣신庶셔[]又우於어心심中즁[에]不불耐내憧츙憧츙[야]今금曉효祭졔畢필後후[에]仍잉泣읍奏주殿뎐中즁曰왈[오]

于우今금酒쥬禁금之지不불行[은]寔식由유一일人인[이니]一일人인[은]其기誰슈[오]卽즉臣신也야[ㅣ라]此後후[애]酒쥬若약復부行[이면]國국必필隨슈亡망[이니]不불戒계其기君군[은]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ어니와]三삼百年년宗종社샤[ㅣ]豈긔可가由유一일人인而이亡망哉[잇가]臣신曁긔後후之지嗣王왕[이]或혹有유不불戒계酒쥬之지事[ㅣ면]則즉諸져臣신[이]雖슈不불知지[고]庶셔民민[이]雖슈亦역不불知지[나]於오昭쇼陟쳑降강[은]若약鑑감之지照죠[시리니]若약有유犯범焉언[이어든]

奏주于우列렬朝죠[샤]明명降강大대何하[시되]止지于우其기身신[시고]若약於어羣군臣신[애]或혹知지而이不불諫간[며]或혹身신犯범其기戒계者쟈[]亦역降강大대何하[샤]使我아海東동臣신庶셔[로]無무面면謾만之지態[케시며]諫간而이不불聽텽[이면]咎구亦역在君군[이니]臣신何하咎구焉언[이리잇고]

以이此口구奏주[고]仍잉坐좌月월臺[야]召쇼集집陪 祭졔宗종親친文문武무百官관於어殿뎐庭뎡[야]洞동諭유予여意의[노니]言언雖슈略약[이나]意의則즉盡진矣의[라]

噫희[라]上샹自股고肱굉[으로]下하至지百僚료[히]體톄予여爲위宗종社샤苦고心심[야]其기銘명其기佩패[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]至지於어禁금酒쥬[야]小쇼民민之지犯범者쟈[]勿물以이摘젹得득爲위幸[이오]必필以이無무刑형爲위期긔[니]京경而이京경尹윤部부官관[과]外외而이方방伯守슈令령[이]凡범於어對民민也야[애]必필也야罄경心심誨회諭유[며]流류涕톄勉면飭칙[야]使我아苦고心심[으로]能능行於어國국中즁[며]而이使我아元원元원[으로]罔망陷함於어大대戾려[케면]非비徒도邦방國국之지幸[이라]

於어羣군工공[애]亦역豈긔無무陰음功공乎호[ㅣ리오]其기莫막曰왈臺上샹庭뎡
下하[애]只지有유其기君군與여臣신[이라라]陟쳑降강[이]洋양洋양[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼昭쇼[시니]可가不불懼구哉[며]可가不불懍름哉[아]其기各각明명聽텽[야]欽흠遵준予여諭유[라]

諭유京경城셩父부老로綸륜音음[丁丑十月二十五日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]以이予여否부德턱[으로]忝텸守슈丕비基긔[ㅣ]于우今금三삼十십有유三삼年년[이로]而이上샹不불能능繼계述슐先션志지[고]下하不불能능惠혜究구蔀부屋옥[야]綱강紀긔[ㅣ]日일墜츄[며]生民민[이]日일窮궁[니]心심常샹懍름惕텩[야]若약隕운淵연谷곡[이라]近근尤우衰쇠耗모之지中즁[애]誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]仙션馭어[]莫막攀반[고]只지自號호慕모[야]萬만念렴俱구冷[니]其기於어政졍令령[애]何하能능振진刷솰[이리오]而이然연[이나] 禁금酒쥬之지令령[은]卽즉予여苦고心심[이라]

古고人인[이]云운[호]有유志지者쟈[ㅣ]事竟경成셩[이라고]傳젼[애]亦역云운[호]堯요舜슌[과]桀걸紂쥬[의]率슐天텬下하[애]民민皆從죵之지[라니]噫희[라]嗣服복之지初초[애]禁금借챠閭려家가而이士夫부[ㅣ]從죵焉언[고]晩만後후[애]禁금用용紋문緞단而이京경外외[ㅣ]從죵焉언[니]而이民민從죵之지之지義의[]於어此可가見견[이로]至지於어酒쥬禁금[야]今금已이二이載[로]其기猶유不불遵준[야]窮궁海之지中즁[애]編편配相샹續쇽[니]昔셕[애]益익[이]贊찬禹우曰왈[호]至지諴함[이]感감神신[이온]矧신玆有유苗묘[ㅣ녀야]帝뎨[ㅣ]乃내誕탄敷부文문德덕[샤]干간戚쳑兩량階[신대]有유苗묘[ㅣ]乃내格격[니]

噫희[라]至지愚우而이神신者쟈[ㅣ]民민也야[ㅣ라]寡과躬궁[이]若약能능誠셩心심禁금酒쥬[ㅣ면]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]
故고[로]夏하閒간[애]只지下하勸권諭유之지旨지[고]伊이後후[애]惟유付부有유司而이治치之지矣의[러니]初초冬동[이]將쟝盡진[고]經경歲셰不불遠원[이라]其기不불能능弛시心심[야]試시令령宣션傳젼官관[으로]廉렴察찰[니]

噫희[라]前젼日일甁병甖之지釀양[도]其기猶유寒한心심[이어든]方방當당遏알密밀之지時시[야]十십餘여人인之지聚츄飮음[은]非비徒도放방恣無무嚴엄[이라]酒쥬禁금之지蕩탕然연[을]於어此可가見견[이니]其기咎구[ㅣ]焉언在[오]寔식在寡과躬궁[이라]

噫희[라]臨림御어卅삽載[애]誠셩信신[이]若약孚부於어民민[이면]幺요麽마禁금令령[을]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]昔셕之지不불能능戒계酒쥬[]非비由유蕩탕心심[이라]寔식爲위寬관懷회[로]而이予여[ㅣ]旣긔不불戒계[니]則즉民민之지不불從죵[이]固고其기然연也야[ㅣ어니와]一일自命명禁금之지後후[로]酒쥬之지一일字[ㅣ]方방寸촌[애]已이無무[ㅣ로]而이民민犯범[이]若약此[]其기咎구[ㅣ]何하在[오]予여[ㅣ]不불能능信신法법於어下하[ㅣ라]故고小쇼民민[이]其기敢감揣度탁曰왈[호]禁금令령[이]雖슈嚴엄[이나]豈긔無무弛시張쟝之지日일乎호[아니]

此[ㅣ]寡과躬궁[의]恒日일不불誠셩之지致치[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]語어[애]云운[호]導도之지以이德덕[고]齊졔之지以이禮례[면]有유恥치且챠格격[이오]導도之지以이政졍[고]齊졔之지以이刑형[이면]民민免면而이無무恥치[라시니]今금予여[ㅣ]不불能능以이德덕導도之지[고]徒도欲욕以이刑형齊졔之지[니]民민豈긔從죵焉언[이리오]

寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]其기君군[이]七칠十십服복衰최[야]方방在朝죠夕셕號호泣읍之지中즁[니]爲위其기民민者쟈[ㅣ]竊졀飮음[도]宜의不불敢감[이어든]況황羣군聚츄而이放방飮음乎호[아]此[]寡과躬궁之지誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]不불能능孚부感감而이然연[이니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]雖슈非비禁금酒쥬之지時시[라도]會회飮음[이]本본自有유禁금令령[이어든]況황當당國국恤슐[야]若약是시狼랑藉쟈[호]而이法법司[ㅣ]無무異이聾롱瞽고[니]恒日일之지紀긔綱강[이]若약擧거[ㅣ면]則즉豈긔有유是시乎호[아]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]噫희[라]其기君군[이]誠셩心심斷단酒쥬[고]誠셩心심飭칙勵려[호]而이猶유不불能능止지[야]前젼後후被피配者쟈[ㅣ]殆近근十십百[니]犯범者쟈[]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ나]其기望망海呼호號호之지妻쳐孥노[]何하辜고之지有유哉[오]恒日일之지敎교化화[ㅣ]能능行[야]民민自信신令령[이면]則즉豈긔若약是시乎호[ㅣ리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]

噫희[라]今금春츈赦샤典뎐[은]可가謂위無무前젼大대霈패[로]而이關관係계酒쥬禁금者쟈[앤]則즉一일不불赦샤焉인[은]惟유恐공禁금令령之지或혹弛시[러니]而이犯범者쟈[ㅣ]猶유不불絶졀[이라]霈패不불能능行[고]禁금亦역不불行[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]以이此推츄之지[니]一일則즉予여咎구[ㅣ오]二이則즉予여咎구[ㅣ라]玆乃내先션諭유寡과躬궁之지咎구[고]次陳진崇종飮음之지弊폐[노니]

噫희[라]范범質질所소云운狂광藥약非비佳가味미[ㅣ]可가謂위切졀至지[오]食식色[을]雖슈竝병稱칭[이나]而이食식慾욕之지中즁[애]酒쥬尤우甚심焉언[이오]謂위其기害해則즉反반甚심於어色[니]何하則즉[고]沈침湎면于우酒쥬[면]不불知지五오倫륜[니]其기害해[ㅣ]一일也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉鬪투鬨홍[며]

大대則즉殺살人인[니]其기害해[ㅣ]二이也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉喪상性셩[며]大대則즉隕운身신[니]其기害해[ㅣ]三삼也야[ㅣ라]觀관其기犯범者쟈[ㅣ]多다是시朝죠夕셕難난繼계[야]

以이此爲위生涯애者쟈[ㅣ니]其기情졍[이]雖슈若약可가矜긍[이나]而이麴국糱얼之지外외[예]亦역多다可가以이資生者쟈[ㅣ어든]何하拘구目목前젼之지小쇼利리[야]自陷함於어罔망赦샤之지重즁法법乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]禁금令령[이]當당嚴엄

故고[로]雖슈不불容용貸[나]昔셕之지夏하禹우[ㅣ]其기亦역泣읍辜고[시니]彼피犯범禁금者쟈[ㅣ]卽즉予여赤젹子[ㅣ라]其기雖슈置치法법[이나]予여豈긔樂락爲위[리오]爾이等등之지犯범邦방憲헌慽쳑君군心심[은]是시誠셩何하心심[이며]是시誠셩何하心심[고]

噫희[라]予여雖슈否부德덕[이나]臨림御어幾긔年년[애]一일心심憧츙憧츙[이]惟유在元원元원[이언마]而이爾이等등[이]不불遵준君군令령[야]使白首슈望망七칠之지君군[으로]若약是시費비心심[니]予여[ㅣ]雖슈負부爾이等등[이나]爾이等등[이]亦역何하忍인負부予여[오]尤우爲위慨개然연者쟈[]頃경於어壬임申신冬동齊졔籲유時시[예]深심感감爾이等등之지誠셩[이러니]于우今금犯범令령[은]一일何하反반焉언[고]從죵此以이後후[로]爾이等등[이]雖슈曰왈不불忘망予여[ㅣ라도]予여何하信신然연[이며]亦역何하顔안[으로]南남面면對爾이乎호[ㅣ리오]

爾이等등[은]莫막曰왈犯범者쟈[ㅣ]是시蠢쥰蠢쥰愚우氓[이라라]人인之지異이於어禽금獸슈[]以이其기有유五오倫륜也야[ㅣ니]狗구馬마[도]猶유戀련主쥬[ㅣ어든]況황人인乎호哉[아]尤우可가恧뉵焉언者쟈[]予여[ㅣ]若약有유誠셩[이어나]予여[ㅣ]若약有유德덕[이면]使列렬朝죠愛恤슐之지元원元원[으로]一일何하至지此哉[리오]思之지及급此[애]誠셩無무對爾이之지面면[이로니]尤우何하有유他타日일歸귀拜之지顔안[이리오]

呼호寫샤到도此[애]聲셩隨슈淚류下하[노니]爾이等등[인]亦역豈긔不불感감動동乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]亦역莫막曰왈禁금令령之지或혹弛시[라라]乾건坤곤[이]雖슈混혼沌돈[이라도]此禁금[은]決결不불解[리니]吁후嗟차此禁금[은]當당與여國국偕存존[이오]當당與여國국偕亡망[리라]

噫희[라]廟묘社샤[애]用용醴례酒쥬[고]而이旨지酒쥬[ㅣ]若약行[이면]予여[ㅣ]雖슈欲욕赦샤[나ㅣ] 陟쳑降강[이]必필不불赦샤[시며]

陟쳑降강[이]雖슈欲욕赦샤[시나]神신祇기[ㅣ]決결不불赦샤[리니]旣긔知지三삼不불赦샤[고]甘감心심犯범憲헌[은]抑억何하心심哉[며]抑억何하心심哉[오]以이此言언之지[면]時시君군[이]雖슈欲욕解禁금[이나]何하敢감違위神신祇기陟쳑降강之지禁금乎호[ㅣ리오]

噫희[라]此[ㅣ] 非비恐공動동而이諭유者쟈[ㅣ오]卽즉實실理리也야[ㅣ라]
噫희[라]此則즉特특諭유其기大대者쟈[ㅣ어니와]抑억論론其기次[리니]
予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]君군臨림爾이等등[야]鬚슈髮발[이]俱구白[니]比비之지恒人인[컨대]子弟뎨僮동僕복[이]不불遵준白髮발父부兄형與여其기主쥬之지令령[이면]其기可가曰왈爲위子弟뎨[며]爲위僮동僕복乎호[아]靜졍攝셥之지中즁[애]聞문此會회飮음之지說셜[고]心심不불能능耐내[야]不불憚탄其기勞로[고]半반夜야綴쳘文문[야]待朝죠召쇼諭유[고]令령京경兆죠[로]眞진諺언謄등書셔[야]曉효諭유京경外외[노라]吁후嗟차此酒쥬[]今금日일[애]益익覺각其기爲위尤우物물[이로니]

噫희[라]此尤우物물[이]止지息식然연後후[에야]食식可가甘감而이寢침可가便편[이니]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]小쇼大대民민人인[은]咸함聽텽此諭유[야]各각須슈自勵려焉언[라] 噫희[라]今금日일召쇼諭유之지後후[]卽즉予여一일初초政졍也야
[ㅣ니]旣긔曰왈一일初초[ㅣ면]豈긔無무更경新신[이리오]前젼者쟈編편配之지類류七칠百餘여人인[을]一일竝병特특放방[고]新신定뎡其기法법[노니]

身신爲위朝죠官관者쟈[와]以이士爲위名명者쟈[]勿물限한年년沿연海投투畀비[고]庶셔民민則즉江강邊변七칠邑읍[과]北븍關관六륙鎭진[과]萊府부外의[애]勿물論론公공私賤쳔[고]嚴엄刑형一일次後후邊변遠원[애]限한己긔身신爲위奴노婢비[호]釀양者쟈[와]飮음者쟈[]一일體톄施시律률[고]每年년歲셰首슈[애]倣방周쥬禮례[야]令령懸현法법京경外외官관門문[노니]是시何하意의哉[오]

此[]刑형期긔無무刑형之지義의也야[ㅣ라]吁후嗟차爾이等등[이]後후若약犯범焉언[이면]此[]爾이等등之지自犯범[이니]勿물以이不불敎교而이怨원予여[라]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]爾이等등[이]若약思三삼十십年년可가愛其기君군之지心심[이면]欽흠體톄此敎교[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]

噫희[라] 陟쳑降강[이]在上샹[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼臨림[시니]
予여何하敢감欺긔爾이[며]爾이何하敢감謾만予여乎호[ㅣ리오]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]
國국之지興흥亡망[이]在此一일擧거[ㅣ라]咸함使聞문知지[노니]想샹宜의知지悉실[이어다]

}}

==Chinese Script==

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!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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御製戒酒綸音

1. 諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音: 嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼! 昔人云宮中好高髻四方高一尺昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎, 今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠. 因此而上負陟降下閼霈典, 寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

2. 何謂上負陟降一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁一竝, 不赦今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.

4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也.

5. 其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

6. 其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也.

7. 且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

8. 臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知庶民, 雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉.

9. 奏于列朝, 明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

10. 以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭, 洞諭予意言, 雖略意則盡矣. 噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社, 苦心其銘其佩, 莫替予意, 至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸, 必以無刑爲期, 京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.

11. 必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭, 使我苦心, 能行於國中, 而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾, 非徒邦國之, 幸於羣工亦豈無陰功乎! 其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣, 陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭, 可不懼哉! 可不懍哉! 其各明聽欽遵予諭!

||

King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

1. To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:
Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!
Once it was said: “If royal court magistrates raise their hair with one bun, people of the four direction will raise their hair with one foot”. (1) So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it. People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

2. Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules. I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself. How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

3. What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"?
Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law.

4. If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

5. Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a wrong thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere subjects and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, that the court serves for the justice of the people?

6. The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao could not abandon his old habit easily (2), not to mention the uncultivated people.

7. Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. My heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant". After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

8. Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], even if the commoners and populace are not aware of [the violation of prohibition], [the violation of prohibition] will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, [it would be as clear] as if reflected in mirror. Should [I and the following kings that succeed me] violate it, it will be reported to the [ancestral spirits of] various preceding kings.

9. How great is my royal order? It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition. Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

10. So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard. And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly. Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it. The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.

11. You must take seriously with whole your heart my command and fulfill it, even through tears. I let myself rule state affairs with painstaking efforts and I can't let my people fall into the net of destruction. The prosperity of the kingdom is a task of everyone and the merits will not remain hidden. Do not say that the royal throne is high and all the posts are low. Ruler and magistrates can only go together. The spirits of our forefathers are magnificent and the sky above is clearly blue. How you could be not afraid! How you could not worry! Every one of you, listen carefully and follow my instructions!

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

(2) Chenghao (程顥, 1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. He was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. See: 《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”
|-
|}



=='''Discussion Questions'''==
1. What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

2. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

3. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

4. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

5. To whom the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits). What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

6. Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime? How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

7. What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, do you think that King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

8. Yeongjo amnestied all criminals, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number of drinking people the real motivation?

9. How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects? Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

10. In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy? Is this a unique Korean tradition?

11. What do you think is King Yeongjo’s personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

12. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

13. Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Prince Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----
King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
御製戒酒綸音

King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音:

To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:

嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼!

Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!

昔人云

Once it was said:

“宮中好高髻四方高一尺”

“If the virtue of the royal court is one bun higher, the virtue of the people of the four direction will become one foot higher”. (1)

昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎.

So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it.

今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠.

People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

因此而上負陟降下閼霈典.

Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules.

寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself.

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

Question:
----What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 何謂上負陟降, 一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止, 甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

Discussion Questions:

1. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

2. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

3. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁, 一竝不赦, 今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百, 若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.
What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"? Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law. <br />

Questions: To whom was the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits) What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也,
If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

Discussion Questions:
(1) Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime?
(2) How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

Then, how can I face my ancestors, when doing ritual at the Hyosojon [Hall of the Luminosity of Filial Piety] on the first day of a lunar month, and bowing to ancestors at the Chinjon [Hall of Royal Portraits] at dawn? Alas! Drinking is a tricky thing. That's why I could not avoid proclaiming in front of the masses to touch their minds. Nonetheless, it involves mere citizens and elderly, but does not cover high-ranking officials. Then, how can one say, "The court serves for the justice of the people?"

Discussion questions: What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也

The king and his subjects [should] abstain from drinking together and set an example for the petty people with all sincerity. But, for all that, even the sage Chenghao<ref> Chenghao (程顥,1032-1085) was a neo-Confucian philosopher in the Song dynasty. </ref> could not abandon his old habit easily, <ref>程子觀獵之悔: Chenghao was addicted to hunting when he was young, but he abstained the habit after he devoted himself to study. However, it is said that he still felt itching when he saw others hunting even after 12 years. see:《二程遗书》卷七：“猎，自谓今无此好。周茂叔曰：‘何言之易也，但此心潜隐未发，一日萌动，复如前矣。’后十二年。因见，果知未。”注云：“明道（即程颢）年十六七时，好田猎。十二年，暮归，在田野间见田猎者，不觉有喜心。”</ref> not to mention the uncultivated people.

<references />

Questions:
Yeongjo amnestied all criminals by implementing 패전, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number the real motivation?

==='''Student 7 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. But my heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant. After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

Discussion question:
#How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects?
#Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知,庶民雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉，奏于列朝

Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), even if the commoners and populace are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), (the violation of prohibition) will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, (it would be as clear )as if reflected in mirror. Should (I and the following kings that succeed me) violate it, it will be reported to the (ancestral spirits of) various preceding kings.

Discussion question:
In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy?
Is this a unique Korean tradition?

==='''Student 9 : Martin Gehlmann'''===
----

明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

(How great is their royal order?) It comes to an end with me, if among the group of ministers, some know of this, but do not remonstrate or some themselves violated this prohibition, (also a great order?) Let my subjects have no attitude of disguise, if they remonstrate and the king does not listen, the fault is also with the king, how can the fault lie with the ministers?

Question:
1. Given the use of alcohol in Confucian rites and drinking ceremonies, how do you view this ban on alcohol?

2. What do you think is King Yeongjos personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

3. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭<br />
So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard.<br />
洞諭予意言雖略意則盡矣.<br />
And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly.<br />
噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社苦心其銘其佩莫替予意至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸必以無刑爲期<br />
Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it.<br />
京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.<br />
The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.<br />

----
Discussion Question:<br />
Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Princess Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee Jeong)'''===
----
必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭,
Certainly, you should conciliate in all your heart and then you should hard to be careful anything amid tears.

使我苦心, 能行於國中,
When I rule country with patience and enduring resolve,

而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾,
I can't let my people fall into humiliation.

非徒邦國之幸, 於羣工亦豈無陰功乎!
How couldn't hidden achievements have not only luck of our country but also all of officer!

其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣,
Do not say that there is only a officer and the king on the stage and in the courtyard.

陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭,
Manes is impressive and blue sky is manifest.

可不懼哉! 可不懍哉!
Aren't you afraid of that! aren't you precarious that!

其各明聽欽遵予諭!
Every one of you listen carefully and follow my instructions.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

[[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf]]

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-19T01:09:32Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-19T01:06:08Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng used the title 棄別夫人 whose literal meaning is the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable title for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-19T00:16:35Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

A petition of an unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝做其好容巧其言笑以挑其心則視而不見爲臥乎所今宵明宵枕席流泉房帷之中便成楚越夫婦之間有若仇敵琴瑟之樂吾未見之也關雎之興吾未知之也

I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
身上新衣自然而緩頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所所謂郎子以外皃見之則面目肌髥太似人矣而至於房事有同僧流具體未達徒大無力則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫人皆曰無用將軍.

Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
將軍無用武之術則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎乘夜渡盧深入不毛者諸葛征伐立策而髥婦良君不知合變之術則已矣已矣不去何俟女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶望其矣衣乎耶望其食耶非衣非食

If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet.

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

生不如死是乎厼
then life is worse than death

且以天生之物理言之
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven

則禽有䲶鴦
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1

木有連理
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2

雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna

連枝交柯草木之情也
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora

男兒情欲稟於陰陽
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature

可以人不如禽鳥草木乎
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna?

1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples

2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is considered as couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man who has no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format for legal document or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----
一女抱怨飛霜夜擊內無怨女文王之治男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下遂物理宜千萬望良爲只爲

if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-19T00:12:16Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 『里鄕見聞錄』 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. On the flat stone, Tolmong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were literate slaves just being disregarded throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Tolmong fail the exam?

2. What caused his serious depression?

3. Tolmong, realizing himself to be the master of life yet a nobi in reality, how did he cope with the discrepancy between the life of idea and that of reality of his own?

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-18T23:28:41Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person
|Chinese = 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 龍山書院首奴禹發
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文

右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報

償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲

二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文

拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣

爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記

告官卞正事

父先岩外

證庫直龍奉

筆執色金萬九

||

Middle Part (by Kim Young): Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 and to this academy I 영영방매 them....
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#2 A Document of Selling One's Person
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?

#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban

1. In this document,

#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse

1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea?

2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves?

Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this?

Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history?

How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?

2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文

2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]

2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-18T23:26:38Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person
|Chinese = 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 龍山書院首奴禹發
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文

右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報

償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲

二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文

拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣

爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記

告官卞正事

父先岩外

證庫直龍奉

筆執色金萬九

||

Middle Part (by Kim Young): Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 and to this academy I 영영방매 them....
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#2 A Document of Selling One's Person
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?

#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban

1. In this document,

#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse

1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea?

2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves?

Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this?

Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history?

How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?

2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文

2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]

2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in the English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his two daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-18T23:19:34Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person
|Chinese = 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 龍山書院首奴禹發
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文

右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報

償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲

二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文

拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣

爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記

告官卞正事

父先岩外

證庫直龍奉

筆執色金萬九

||

Middle Part (by Kim Young): Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 and to this academy I 영영방매 them....
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#2 A Document of Selling One's Person
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?

#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban

1. In this document,

#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse

1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea?

2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves?

Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this?

Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history?

How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?

2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文

2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]

2-2. The culture of Chosŏn society selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in the English translation. Actually the translated word misleads and hardly convey the implications in that word. In particular the rare case as this one [a father giving away his two daughters] the translation of the word 賣 might need more cautious consideration. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文

2017-07-18T14:06:38Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1910년 박해명 매몽명문.JPG
|English = A Document of Selling a Dream
|Chinese = 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1910.0000-20101008.B043a_065_00537_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1910.0000-20101008.B043a_065_00537_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1910년 박해명 매몽명문(''Pak Haemyŏng Maemongmyeongmun'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 朴海溟
|Year = 1910
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Jong Woo Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction''' (Irina)
In Korea since ancient times omens has played an important role. Often significant state decisions or family affairs have been resolved by the emergence of divine signs that have been interpreted by a professional fortune teller. One of these signs is the dream. Every great event is thought to be preceded by an auspicious dream. In folk culture the dreams of conception, which precede the birth of a son, are particularly important. Until recently in Korea, the main role and task of the woman was to give birth to a son who would continue the lineage. Respectively the inability of a woman to give birth to a son was the main cause of anxiety. So, a number of superstitions were practiced to help conceiving a son, including buying an auspicious conception dream. Usually the woman or her husband buys the dream of someone who has dreamed an auspicious conception dream, most often a dragon or a tiger. Dreaming a dragon or tiger precedes the conception of a great and heroic son. It is considered that the “deal” is valid only if the buyer pays with money or some object.

We can trace the tradition of buying and selling dreams back in time, when the story of the Munhui, sister of the great commander Kim Yu-shin (595 – 673), was recorded. Munhui buys her sister's dream and thanks to it she marries the future ruler King Taejong Muyeol ((604 – 661) and gives birth to a great son. In return she pays with silk skirt (Samguk Yusa, Book 1, Taejong Kim Ch’un-ch’u).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
隆熙四年四月三日前明文

右明文事切有用處故陰

二月二十三日夜夢見龍虎

必有禎祥右夢放賣於右

前而錢文千兩依數捧用是

遣右前永永放賣爲去乎

日後若有雜談以此文記

憑考事

夢主朴海溟

證崔柄日

筆李紀鎬
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

In Korea faith in auspicious dreams has a long tradition and this tradition is still alive. Which are the dreams regarded most auspicious in modern Korea?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. This document does not specify the buyer's name, and there is no space to fill in the buyer's name. Given this, is it possible that the writer of this document was not actually looking for a buyer, but was being playfully satirical about something?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What is the significance of dreaming about dragons and tigers? Why it was considered auspicious? What did they stand for?<br />
2. Could the date of the dream be of any significance?<br />
3. What does it tell us about the spread of bureaucratization and commodification at the time where even dreams could become part of a contract agreement?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Chosŏn government often tries to control and "rectify" the so-called evil custom. Was there any governmental interference in the transaction of dream?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
1. If they sold their dreams based on contract, was there any standard as to measuring the value of them?

2. Koreans seem to have a long-standing tradition of selling one's dreams to others, which is still being passed down on to this day. What are some of the factors that make it possible? And is it something unique only in Korean culture?

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# What does this document tell us about the legal practice of commercial activities in the late Choson period? How does it different or not different from previous period?
# Why would a person sell his/her dream? And why would one buy it? What does the practice of selling dream tell us about the religious and social aspect of Choson society?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. What is the historical significance of Dragon-Tiger dreams? What does it stand for and why is it considered auspicious?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Dreams could be meaningful at times for many people for some mysterious reasons or visions. What is the basis of this dream seller? Is he selling superstition, faith, a vision, or a comfort?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:

1. Since dream is intangible, how can people verify whether the seller actually had an auspicious dream? Couldn't someone simply make up dream to make money?
2. Does this dream selling activity have any support from any religion or local believes?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1) Did joseon people generally believe that they could buy and sell dreams? 2) Why do you think this document does not bear the name of the person who buys the dream? 3) Let's say someone bought this dream, what roles would this document have played?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T07:41:06Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

A petition of an unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝做其好容巧其言笑以挑其心則視而不見爲臥乎所今宵明宵枕席流泉房帷之中便成楚越夫婦之間有若仇敵琴瑟之樂吾未見之也關雎之興吾未知之也

I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
身上新衣自然而緩頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所所謂郎子以外皃見之則面目肌髥太似人矣而至於房事有同僧流具體未達徒大無力則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫人皆曰無用將軍.

Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
將軍無用武之術則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎乘夜渡盧深入不毛者諸葛征伐立策而髥婦良君不知合變之術則已矣已矣不去何俟女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶望其矣衣乎耶望其食耶非衣非食

If a general didn't exert his military talents, by no means would the Hangu Pass open the gate itself. Zhuge Liang [led the troops,] crossed the Lu River and went deep into badlands. That was his strategy for the conquest. However, my husband is almost same as a bearded woman, without knowing the strategy to treat a woman. Forget it. What should I wait for If I don't end this relationship? As a woman, what I am expecting is merely my husband. I don't look forward to the clothing and diet.

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon female were allowed to propose a divorce, which seems to go against the three cardinal guides of Confucian(三纲). How could that happen in the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by sexual discontent. Was it common for women to file for a divorce?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention the dress I wear does not amount to be expensive, and the food I eat does not amount to be exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

生不如死是乎厼
then life is worse than death

且以天生之物理言之
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven

則禽有䲶鴦
Then among the birds there are pairs mandarin ducks#1

木有連理
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2

雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna

連枝交柯草木之情也
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora

男兒情欲稟於陰陽
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature

可以人不如禽鳥草木乎
Can it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna?

1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples

2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. That the woman should follow her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. If a human should have emotions, concerning the relationship, the woman should not be willing to follow a man with no emotions. It is definitely in accordance with Nature's law.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----
一女抱怨飛霜夜擊內無怨女文王之治男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下遂物理宜千萬望良爲只爲

if woman bear regrets, There is frost at night. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed natural laws. I hope so a ten thousand times.

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T07:22:13Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 『里鄕見聞錄』 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. On the flat stone, Tolmong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were literate slaves just being disregarded throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

Where can I go to earn some more income to pay the military taxes? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Tolmong fail the exam?

2. What caused his serious depression?

3. Tolmong, realizing himself to be the master of life yet a nobi in reality, how did he cope with the discrepancy between the life of idea and that of reality?

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:20:56Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

A petition of an unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝做其好容巧其言笑以挑其心則視而不見爲臥乎所今宵明宵枕席流泉房帷之中便成楚越夫婦之間有若仇敵琴瑟之樂吾未見之也關雎之興吾未知之也

I have spent useless long nights and have painfully waited for next days. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
身上新衣自然而緩頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所所謂郎子以外皃見之則面目肌髥太似人矣而至於房事有同僧流具體未達徒大無力則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫人皆曰無用將軍.

Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim published a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

生不如死是乎厼
then life is not as good as death

且以天生之物理言之
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven

則禽有䲶鴦
Then among the birds there are mandarin ducks#1

木有連理
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2

雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna

連枝交柯草木之情也
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora

男兒情欲稟於陰陽
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature

可以人不如禽鳥草木乎
Could it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna?

1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples

2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which woman follows her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely by the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----
一女抱怨飛霜夜擊內無怨女文王之治男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下遂物理宜千萬望良爲只爲

Hell hath no fury. in this country, a woman no bear a grudge that is king Wen's government. Very small personal relations with man and woman complain of you who habitual doing of good deeds. Should not let young lady to put old needless general at home. Should succeed physics. I hope so a ten thousand times.

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:12:55Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

Pouring out the feelings of one unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been 6-7 years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝做其好容巧其言笑以挑其心則視而不見爲臥乎所今宵明宵枕席流泉房帷之中便成楚越夫婦之間有若仇敵琴瑟之樂吾未見之也關雎之興吾未知之也

I have spent useless long nights and have waited eagerly for mornings. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

生不如死是乎厼
then life is not as good as death

且以天生之物理言之
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven

則禽有䲶鴦
Then among the birds there are mandarin ducks#1

木有連理
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2

雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna

連枝交柯草木之情也
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora

男兒情欲稟於陰陽
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature

可以人不如禽鳥草木乎
Could it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna?

1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples

2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which woman follows her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely according to the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:08:14Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

Pouring out the feelings of one unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been 6-7 years, but have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝做其好容巧其言笑以挑其心則視而不見爲臥乎所今宵明宵枕席流泉房帷之中便成楚越夫婦之間有若仇敵琴瑟之樂吾未見之也關雎之興吾未知之也

I have spent useless long nights and have waited eagerly for mornings. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which woman follows her husband is the sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely by the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:05:54Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (YoungSuk) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

Pouring out the feelings of one unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been 6-7 years, but have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having a harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which a woman follows her husband is the sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely by the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:04:15Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

Pouring out the feelings of one unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having a harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which a woman follows her husband is the sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely by the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T05:48:10Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T04:01:52Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 󰡔里鄕見聞錄󰡕 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop the fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed reciting from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. There were a lot of rough stones there. Tolmong took off his hat, and put it on a fixed rock there. After putting up his pants, and sitting down there, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface of the Elementary Learning, so it seeped into the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were literate slaves just being disregarded throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The childe of Minister Cho, who was going spring outing in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The childe yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the childe esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live in idle and indulge yourself, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

How can I bring more income to pay the military tax? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about returning to the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Tolmong fail the exam?

2. What caused his serious depression?

3. Tolmong, realizing himself to be the master of life yet a nobi in reality, how did he cope with the discrepancy of his life?

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geometric geography. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, He resigned on the ground of illness, and shut up his door to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T03:04:30Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 󰡔里鄕見聞錄󰡕 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop the fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed reciting from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later on, his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. There were a lot of rough stones there. Tolmong took off his hat, and put it on a fixed rock there. After putting up his pants, and sitting down there, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface of the Elementary Learning, so it seeped into the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were slaves with literacy just being neglected throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The childe of Minister Cho, who was going spring outing in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The childe yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the childe esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live in idle and indulge yourself, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status, however the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

How can I bring more income to pay the military tax? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about returning to the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1.

2.

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geometric geography. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, He resigned on the ground of illness, and shut up his door to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T02:53:15Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 󰡔里鄕見聞錄󰡕 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop the fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed reciting from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The childe of Minister Cho, who was going spring outing in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The childe yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could there be a household servant who has learnt about the classicas and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. Furthermore, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my old lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. I cannot leave my old lord out of righteousness". [By hearing this], the childe esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live in idle and indulge yourself, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

How can I bring more income to pay the military tax? He by chance joined the provincial examination for the selection of the local military service men. Although he passed the test with fire arms, he did not pass the main test. He became severly depressed and thought about returning to the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geometric geography. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, He resigned on the ground of illness. And after shutting door and he had taught students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T02:39:21Z

Yeoreum: /* Student 10 : (Write your name) */

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-17T13:18:32Z

Yeoreum: /* VI-10. 無衣子詩集 "茶泉" by Youngsuk Park */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾民願文書|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. 蛇福不言 From 『三國遺事』

V-2. 洛山二大聖 From 『三國遺事』

V-3. ｢元曉傳｣ From 『宋高僧傳』

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|Text translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|Text translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|Text translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-17T13:17:15Z

Yeoreum: /* VI-10. */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾民願文書|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. 蛇福不言 From 『三國遺事』

V-2. 洛山二大聖 From 『三國遺事』

V-3. ｢元曉傳｣ From 『宋高僧傳』

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|Text translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|Text translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|Text translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[無衣子詩集 "茶泉" by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-17T13:16:27Z

Yeoreum: /* VI-10. 無衣子詩集 "茶泉" by Youngsuk Park */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾民願文書|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. 蛇福不言 From 『三國遺事』

V-2. 洛山二大聖 From 『三國遺事』

V-3. ｢元曉傳｣ From 『宋高僧傳』

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|Text translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|Text translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|Text translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[ ]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-17T13:11:28Z

Yeoreum: /* VI-10. 無衣子詩集 "過故鄕" by Youngsuk Park */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾民願文書|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. 蛇福不言 From 『三國遺事』

V-2. 洛山二大聖 From 『三國遺事』

V-3. ｢元曉傳｣ From 『宋高僧傳』

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|Text translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|Text translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|Text translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[ 無衣子詩集 "茶泉" by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"

파일:한국불교전서.jpg

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 元曉傳

(Translation) 元曉傳

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1758年 賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年 賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年 賣妾文券

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1910年 朴海溟 賣夢明文

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文