{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 성현 용재총화(문명론).jpg
|English = Comprehensive Commentaries of Yongjae (On civilization)
|Chinese = 慵齋叢話 (文明論)
|Korean = 문명론(''Munmyeongnon'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type =
|Author = 成俔
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_GO_1306A_0090_000_0010_2004_001_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Year = 1525
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = Samuel Chan Sai Hay 陳世熙 진세희
|Editor = Samuel Chan Sai Hay 陳世熙 진세희
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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我國與中朝不類。我人讀書。有音布釋口訣。故人未易學。中朝所言皆文字。無音釋口訣。故其學易就。
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Our country is different from the Central Dynasty (1). When people of our country study, we have to study [Classical Chinese texts] with Kugyŏl (2). This is why we do not learn easily. People of the Central Dynasty speak what they write and do not need Kugyŏl. That is why they learn easily.
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我人奸巧多疑。常不信人。故人亦不信我。中朝人純厚無疑。雖與外人交賣。而不甚爭詰。
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People of our country are treacherous and distrustful. We always do not believe in others. This is why people do not believe in me as well. People of the Central Dynasty are good-natured and trustful. Even when they trade with foreigners, they seldom quarrel with others.
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我人雖臨小事輕躁喧鬧。故人多而不能就。中朝人靜默無言。人雖少而事易成。
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Even when simply confronted with trivial matters, people of our country become agitated and vociferous easily. Therefore, we fail to achieve even with a large number of people. People of the Central Dynasty are reticent and do not speak much. Even when they have a small number of people, they could achieve.
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我人多食飮。苟失一時。枵腹無所措。細民貸於富屋。猶糜費而不知節用。以至於困。貴者多列酒食而不知厭。
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People of our country eat and drink a lot. We only focus on the present. If our stomach is empty, we do not know what to do. Petty commoners take loans to buy luxurious houses, but still they do not know thrift when they spend on food. They are therefore beleaguered by poverty. Rich people always hold feasts and banquets and never get tired of doing so.
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若起軍兵。則飛輓過半。行者出數里之程。而輜重塞途。中朝人不多食。一時所食只一燒餠。猶可度朝夕。不必啖飯。軍卒掛乾粮於馬鞍。以備飢餒。行者雖千萬里之遠。只齎銀錢。求飯卽食。求酒卽飮。求馬卽騎。求僕卽率。居有宇而宿有婦。故無難行之處。
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When our military go on an expedition, over half of the cohort are supply wagons. Every few li of journey, the wagons are so heavy that the whole army become stranded. People of the Central Dynasty do not eat much. Sometimes, they can just eat a flatbread and last for a day and night. They do not need to have rice. When hungry, their soldiers carry their rations in the saddles. Although they travel thousands of li, they only need to bring silver coins. When they ask for food, there is immediately food to eat. When they ask for alcohol, there is immediately alcohol to drink. When they ask for a horse, there is immediately a horse to ride. When they ask for a servant, there is immediately a servant to command. Every house they go to stay has a roof; every hostel they go to lodge has a married woman. Therefore, nowhere that they go is difficult.
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我人居官者。有早飯朝飯晝飯。或有無時會飮。侵軼僕隷。務要盛饌。句小失差。必加鞭扑。中朝人居官者雖公卿大夫。其家美備。飯肉一器。送于其司而饋之。
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Our officials eat in the morning, at noon and in the evening. Some of them drink all the time. They assault their servants and slaves and demand sumptuous meals. If the servants and slaves misspeak a word, they will be whipped and beaten. Although some officials of the Central Dynasty are from the ranks of chief ministers and grand masters, their homes are only modestly decorated (3). They sometimes even take rice and meat in a pot and gift it to their offices (4).
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我人出使外方者。則官吏迎送于境。先備酒食。其入邑也。邀留數日。大開宴席。務祟沈酗。無日蘇醒。因此得疾而廢者無算。其送別也。張幙於佳山勝水之間。挽袖不放。終日不已。故拙者耗敗官資。而日就頹廢。能者多營助利。而因售己私。官家日蕭。吏民日瘁。而不勝其苦矣。
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When our envoys go on foreign missions, local officials would go and welcome them at the borders with wine and food prepared. After they go into town, they would invite the envoys to stay for an extra few days, hold lavish banquets, and immerse themselves in drunkenness. They are never sober during the day; because of [their debauchery], countless of the envoys become ill and give up on their duties. When local officials see the envoys off, they camp before picturesque mountains and celebrated waters, holding on each other’s sleeves and not letting go for a whole day. Therefore, the obtuse squanders the official treasury and idle all day. The able siphons public fund to their self-benefits. As days go by, the government become destitute. Clerks and people are also worn out and cannot bear the bitterness of life.
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中朝人出使者。萬騎前導。節鉞輝煌。可謂盛矣。其入邑也。官吏拜于堂下。使人入房。只啖豚蹄糲飯。與伴從同宿一榻。明日卽行。官吏出五里之外。餞三杯而送之。官吏欲修人情。私備酒食。稱下程而饋之。故使不留連。官無費物。而州縣常足也。
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When envoys of the Central Dynasty go on foreign missions, ten thousand horsemen lead the way with splendid tallies and battle-axes. It is such a grandiose view. When they go into town, local clerks and officials prostrate before the hall and usher the envoys to their rooms. The envoys only eat pig trotters and plain rice and sleep with their followers in the same bed. The next day, they immediately set off without delay. To see the envoys off, local clerks and officials only go 5 li out of town and have three tea cups of drink (5). If some clerks and officials want to cultivate a relationship with the envoys and bring their own food and alcohol, the envoys would say they would come back for them. Therefore, the envoys never linger around and the officials never waste resources. This is why the prefectures and counties are always plentiful.
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我國人物。奴婢居半。故雖名州鉅邑。而軍卒鮮少。中朝則人皆國人。戶皆精兵。雖小小僻邑。數萬之衆。可以猝辦。我人輕佻不定。民不畏吏。吏不畏士。士不畏大夫。大夫不畏公卿。上下相陵思相傾軋。中朝則下民畏吏如豺虎。吏畏公卿大夫如鬼神。公卿大夫畏上如天。故莅事則能就。出令則易從也。
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Half of people of our country are slaves. Thus, although there are well-known prefectures and enormous counties, few soldiers can be recruited. In the Central Dynasty, everyone is a citizen. And in every household, there is a crack trooper. Even a small and remote village has a few ten-thousands people to be recruited. People of our country are frivolous and ungovernable. Commoners do not fear government clerks. Clerks do not fear scholars. Scholars do not fear grand masters. Grand masters do not fear chief ministers. High and low overstep and struggle with each other. In contrast, in the Central Dynasty, commoners fear government clerks as if they are dholes and tigers. Clerks fear grand masters and chief ministers as if they are ghosts and gods. Grand masters and chief ministers fear the Emperor as if he is the Heaven. Therefore, they are able to govern and their orders are to be followed readily.
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(1) The phrase “中朝” in the original text might be best translated as “The Central Dynasty” here. It is tempting to simply translate the phrase as “China” or “the Central Kingdom.” But there are two reasons discouraging me from doing so. First, “China” is a modern neologism, so to use the term is to run into the danger of anachronism. Second, “the Central Kingdom” is usually translated from the term “中國.” And the word “kingdom” normally refers to 王國 in Chinese. However, in the original text, the author did not use 國 and instead employ 中朝 to describe the political entity/community west of his own country. Considering that the issues of nationhood and formation of nationalism are highly contested subjects still in, especially East Asian, historiography, the author’s choice could be telling and thus I decide to simply literally translate the term as “the Central Dynasty” and let historians decide the significance of a 16th century person using such language.
(2) Kugyŏl 口訣 is a system for rendering Classical Chinese texts into understandable Korean. It was commonly used by Korean scholars during the Choson Dynasty. In Kugyŏl, additional markers or words are inserted into a text written in Classical Chinese in order to help Korean readers better comprehend the text. These markers or words are usually Korean grammatical particles added between Chinese phrases.
(3) I rely my translations of official titles on Charles Hucker’s A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China. While I am aware that Korean and Chinese official titles are different, I take that Sŏng was referring to a hierarchy of Confucian society/officialdom, which originated in China, rather than actual official positions in Choson Korea.
The term 公卿 in the original document does not correspond to any actual official title in Hucker’s dictionary. But the title 卿 is generally used, particularized with prefixes, for eminent officials and translated as “Chief Minister.” I understand the phrase 公 here is simply a prefix attached to the title 卿 for the purpose of honorification. The most direct translation for公卿, therefore, would be “Honorable Chief Minister.” For simplicity, I simply write “Chief Minister” in the translated text.
The term 大夫 is commonly translated as “Grand Masters.”

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

-As this article takes China as an idealized model, how did people during the 15th-16th century Joseon understand their own culture? Are there any other literati writings which could give us further information?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What do you think is the point of 成俔 tried to make in the essay? Is his depiction of China and Korea fair and trustworthy? If not, what is the reason of him depicting the two countries in such ways?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Were the author's representations towards China and Korea widely spread among Korean scholars? Even across the opposite political factions of the time?

What would have been the king's reaction if he could have read this text?

Who compiled this text, when and for what purpose? What kinds of texts precede and follow it in that compilation?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Sŏng Hyŏn (Seong Hyeon) write an essay comparing the Chosŏn (Joseon) people and the Chinese people? What did he want to achieve with this writing?

==='''Student 5 : (신동조)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How reasonable or compelling of his writing? Is his statement on the cases of the Ming acceptable, apart from its effect as a writing strategy? Is it a philosophical thesis or rhetorical leaflet?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What were the motivations behind this piece? Do you think the author is equally critical and reverent of Choson and Ming China, respectively, or is he idealising one in order to create a greater contrast?

Describe the relationship between China and Choson during the time of this text.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Seong Hyeon's criticism of the social/political organization of Joseon, compared to the Ming, seems to me to echo Gim Siseup's emphasis on the importance of 'myeongbun' 名分. Both Seong Hyeon and Gim Siseup believe a strictly enforced system of distinctions between various social ranks & positions is necessary for a country to be properly governed. I'd like to do some more looking into how important this concept was & how widely it circulated among literati during this period.

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
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*Discussion Questions:
Entertaining the possibility that all of our authors may be writing with intended ambiguities or hidden agenda. In case of 성현, what would be the reasonable limit of research determining or eliminating the possibility of such hidden agenda?

==='''Student 9 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

1. how the title “文明論” can be translated? (discussion of the civilization?)

2. why he only writes about the difference between choseon and ming dynasty? when we see the articles of 燕行使(usually 燕行錄), there are lots of contents dealing with the folk customs. are there some limitations to 朝天使 at early choseon period?

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
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How accurate are Song Hyon's observations of China vis-a-vis the real China at the time?

Is it really a good rhetorical strategy to draw upon such a black and white logic to criticize one's own society?

How prevalent was it, among Choson literati, to utilize the idealized portrayal of China in order to criticize Choson society?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 成俔文明論

2020-03-18T14:21:03Z

Samscnp: /* Original Script */

(Translation) 成俔文明論

2020-03-06T12:40:27Z

Samscnp:

(Translation) 成俔文明論

2020-03-06T12:03:35Z

Samscnp: /* Original Script */

(Translation) 成俔文明論

2020-03-06T12:01:52Z

2020-03-04T12:13:08Z

Samscnp: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 정철 계주문1.jpg
|English = An Essay on Quitting Alcohol
|Chinese = 戒酒文
|Korean = 계주문(''Gyejumun'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 雜著
|Author = 鄭澈
|Year = 1578
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0203A_0040_010_0020_2002_A046_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = Samuel Chan 陳世熙 진세희
|Editor = Samuel Chan 陳世熙 진세희
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:정철 계주문2.jpg|鄭澈戒酒文(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“An Essay on Quitting Alcohol” was written by the famous Chŏng Ch'ŏl (鄭澈 정철, 1536-1593) in 1578 and later compiled into a literary collection called Songgang's Prose Poetry Book (松江集) in 1894. Chŏng is regarded as one of the most prominent statemen and literati in Korean history. His poetry, in particular, is celebrated for its high literary value and still studied by many Koreans today.

Besides the familiar story of his literary success, Chŏng is known for his fondness for alcohol. Among the many poems he wrote, there are some which can be categorized as “Poems of the Joy of Drinking (醉樂詩).” His fondness for alcohol, however, at times led him to major troubles in life. In 1591, Chŏng was implicated in a political struggle with the Easterners, Chŏng’s rival faction in the Chosŏn court, surrounding the issue of installing the new crown prince. The political struggle not only ended unfavorably for Chŏng and his political allies, but also incurred the wrath of the Korean King Sŏnjo. Sŏnjo reportedly censured Chŏng for “incapable of doing anything other than indulging in alcohol and women and ruining the affairs of the state.” Chŏng was subsequently dismissed from his post and banished to the remote Myŏngch'ŏn (明川).

The above episode is just one of the many others in Chŏng’s life-long grapple with the notoriously vicious factional politics in Chosŏn history. Chŏng’s own father was twice banished to remote places in the kingdom when Chŏng was just 10 and 12. Chŏng’s elder brother was even brutally killed in one such political struggle after receiving the punishment of beating with heavy bamboo.

It is difficult to determine whether the harsh reality of the Chosŏn politics contributed to Chŏng’s alcoholism, but “An Essay on Quitting Alcohol” offers a precious account of how this alcoholism was manifested in Chŏng’s life. Written in 1578, just one year after Chŏng decided to retreat back to his hometown Ch'angp'yŏng (昌平) from the Chosŏn court, the essay revealed Chŏng’s regret and shame in his alcoholic problems which likely had led to his decision to withdraw from politics a year earlier.

Other than its valuable insight into Chŏng’s own narration of his alcoholism, “An Essay on Quitting Alcohol” also provides a rare perspective into drinking culture in Chosŏn Korea, which many would say still have an implication in Korean society today.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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某之嗜酒有四。不平一也。遇興二也。待客三也。難拒人勸四也。不平則理遣可也。遇興則嘯詠可也。待客則誠信可也。人勸雖苛。吾志旣樹。則不以人言撓奪可也。然則捨四可。而就一不可之中。終始執迷。以誤一生。何也。余休官退處。五承恩旨。到今年春。迫不得已。力疾趨召。陳疏乞退。志在丘壑。則當杜門斂跡。愼言與行可也。
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There are four reasons that I indulge in alcohol. First, it is that I encounter injustice. Second, it is that I am in a jolly mood. Third, it is that I have to receive guests. Fourth, it is that I find it difficult to turn down people’ offer to drink. When I encounter injustice, I can just resolve [my grievances] with reasons. When I am in a jolly mood, I can just sing songs. When I have to receive guests, I can just treat them with sincerity. Although it is difficult to turn down people’s offer to drink, if my will is strong as a tree, I can just not be tempted and submitted to people’s words. However, if one abandons these four ways [to resist alcoholism] and gives in one time, he or she would fall into obsession and ruin his or her life. How is this so? I had taken a break from my office and retreated to my home. Five times had I received imperial edicts [that requested me to go back to the court.] In Spring this year, I suffered from an unmanageable illness and had no choice but to memorialize and plead for retirement. My will was as unmovable as mountains. All that I had to do was withdrawing into my home, limiting my presence and being mindful of my words and actions.
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而動靜無常。言語失宜。千邪萬妄。皆從酒出。方其醉時。甘心行之。及其醒也。迷而不悟。人或言之。則初不信然。旣得其實。則羞媿欲死。今日如是。明日又如是。尤悔山積。補過無時。親者哀之。疏者唾之。褻天命。慢人紀。見棄於名敎者不淺焉。月之初吉。辭家廟。出國門。臨江將濟。送者滿舟。回首洛中。追思旣往。則恰似穿窬之人。抽身鋒鏑。白日對人。惶駭窘迫。無地自容。終日踧踖。如負大罪。
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However, odd actions and indecent words, all kinds of evils and audacities, all begin from alcohol. When I was drunk, I did whatever my heart told me to. When I later became sober, I was confused and did not understand [what happened]. When people told me what happened, I did not believe them at first. Then I began to realize the truth and was embarrassed to death. Today I made this kind of mistake. Tomorrow I would too make this kind of mistake. People close to me were sorrowful. People distant from me scorned me. I have desecrated Heaven’s will, disturbed human’s relations and abandoned the way of the Grand Masters (1). In the beginning of this month, I bid farewell to my home and ancestral hall, walked out of the capital’s gate and was about to board by the riverside (2). The boat was full of people who came to see me off. I looked back to the capital and reminisced about the past. I was like a disdained man who had to evade from the onslaught of blades and arrows (3). When I met people in broad daylight, I felt anxious and shamed and had nowhere to hide my face. All day I walked crouchingly as if I committed a great crime.
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及去而更來于江上也。先忌適臨。嗚咽呑聲。哀慘之中。善端萌露。遂慨然自訟曰。

喜獵何到於明道。而萌動於十年之後。

好色何到於澹菴。而繫戀於動忍之餘。

難操者心。易失者志。心兮志兮。孰主張之。主人翁兮。常惺惺兮。苟不如此言。吾何以更見江水兮。

萬曆五年丁丑四月七日。書于西湖亭舍。
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I departed and [the boat] was [already] on the river. It was my father's death anniversary and I wept piteously. In the midst of grieve and sorrow, a seed of goodness in my heart sprouted up (4). I then lamented and sang a poem:

When it comes to the love of hunting, who can compare to Mingdao? His urge to hunt still lingered after ten years (5).

When it comes to the love of women, who can compare to Danan? His fondness of women still persisted after attempts to self-control (6).

What is hard to control is human heart.

What is easy to lose is will (7).

Oh, human heart.

Oh, will.

Who may master you.

Oh my father,

I pledge to remain sober.

If I fail to live up to these words, how can I see the river again?

Written at a hostel at the West Lake on the 7th day of the 4th month of the 5th year of Wanli (the year of Dingchou)
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Notes:

(1) Grand Masters here refer to the Grand Masters of Confucianism

(2) The phrase “初吉” in the original text refers to the first to the seventh day of a month. For simplicity, the phrase is translated as “the beginning of this month.”

(3) The phrase “穿窬之人” in the original text literally means “a person who sneaked through a hole in the wall” and commonly refer to thieves or, in broader interpretation of the word, any undesirable individual in society. For simplicity, the phrase is translated as “a disdained man.”

(4) The phrase “善端” in the original text literally means “the beginning or inkling of goodness.” The author likely invokes the phrase here to refer to the “Four Beginnings of Goodness(四端),” an fundamental concept in Neo-Confucianism.

(5) This line of the poem refers to a well-known story at that time about Cheng Hao (程顥), one of the leading thinkers of Neo-Confucianism and who took on the courtesy name of Mingdao. Cheng was said to be particularly fond of hunting since he was sixteen or seventeen. Later Cheng became immersed in his study and official career that he slowly quitted hunting. One time he told his friends lamentably that he no longer had the urge to hunt.

One of his friends named Zhou Mao Shu (周茂叔) heard this and told Cheng, “Your words might not be true. I think you are not quitting hunting. It is just that you have buried this habit somewhere. Perhaps one day, your urge to hunt would be triggered again. And you would immediately return to hunting as you were in your youth.” Cheng listened to this but did not think much. He simply laughed along.

12 years later, the words of Zhou came true. One time, Cheng went out to the countryside and saw someone hunting. He was immediately tempted to hunt again. But he remembered the words of Zhou and decided to suppress his urge. He then simply went home.

The story was recorded by many contemporaries, including Zhu Xi, and commonly cited as an allegory of a person who is able to control his or her desire and maintain his or her moral integrity.

Reference:

晉宋朱熹＜近思錄＞：「明道先生年十六、十七時，好畋獵。十二年，暮歸，在田野間見畋獵者，不覺有喜心。」

“見獵心喜,” 關西國小成語教學網, http://163.19.66.6/idiom/4-54.htm

(6) This line of the poem refers to a story about He Quan (胡铨), a renowned minister in the Southern Song and who took on the courtesy name of Danan (澹庵). At one point of his career, He was involved in a fractional struggle with the infamous Qin Gui (秦檜), an influential power broker in the Song court. He was demoted and transferred to the remote South for more than 10 years. When he later returned to the court, he fell in love with a courtesan and was once again implicated in much controversy.

Zhu Xi heard of He’s deeds and composed a poem to warn people of the danger of sexual temptation. The poem is cited as followed: 十年浮海一身輕，歸對梨渦卻有情。世上無如人欲險，幾人到此誤平生。

Reference:
“世上无如人欲险,” 人民報, https://m.renminbao.com/rmb/articles/2007/1/26/43004m.html

(7) This is a reference to a famous teaching in ''The Works of Mencius (孟子)'' in which the Confucius was quoted to say, "操則存，舍則亡."

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
# Why did Chŏng Ch'ŏl write the essay? Who were the readers? How was the essay distributed and circulated? Was it commercially exchanged?
# What did the essay tell us about Korean culture? In particular, what did it tell us about alcohol consumption in pre-modern Korea? What was the incentive of encouraging people to take on a more healthy drinking habit? Neo-confucianism emphasizes personal cultivation. Do you think the call to restrain oneself from drinking excessively was related to the rise of Neo-Confucianism in Choson Korea?# Numbered list item
# Did the essay tell us anything about the factional conflicts in 16th century Korea? Try thinking about the relationship between Did the essay tell us anything about the factional conflicts in 16th century Korea? Try thinking about the relationship between Chŏng Ch'ŏl's career and the writing of this essay.

=='''Further Readings'''==

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=='''References'''==

"정철 鄭澈 [Chŏng Ch'ŏl]" Han'gung Minjong Munhwa Daebaek kwa Sajŏn 한국민족문화대백과사전 [Encyclopedia of Korean Culture]. http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/SearchNavi?keyword=%EC%A0%95%EC%B2%A0&ridx=0&tot=81 (accessed 9 Sept 2019)

"Songgang's Prose Poetry Book (松江集)." Han'gung Minjong Munhwa Daebaek kwa Sajŏn 한국민족문화대백과사전 [Encyclopedia of Korean Culture]. http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/SearchNavi?keyword=%EC%86%A1%EA%B0%95%EC%A7%91&ridx=0&tot=4 (accessed 9 Sept 2019)

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=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
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*Discussion Questions:
-Does the action of drinking wine represent the writer's political standpoint?

-What can the abstinence of drinking reveal to us, such as the struggles between the ideality and the real life of the writer?

-In a large picture, how should we understand the wine-politics relationship during the 16th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

Why did 鄭澈 write the essay? Who were the readers? How was the essay distributed and circulated? Was it commercially exchanged?

What did the essay tell us about Korean culture? In particular, what did it tell us about alcohol consumption in pre-modern Korea? What was the incentive of encouraging people to take on a more healthy drinking habit? Neo-confucianism emphasizes personal cultivation. Do you think the call to restrain oneself from drinking excessively was related to the rise of Neo-Confucianism in Choson Korea?

Did the essay tell us anything about the factional conflicts in 16th century Korea? Try thinking about the relationship between 鄭澈's career and the writing of this essay.

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

Is this essay intended to anyone? Is it something that the author wrote for himself? If so, was it a common practice among scholars?

Would it be possible that the author was trying to avoid having any link with the king of the time?

Has the author written anything related to his father's death in another manuscript?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
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ing
*Discussion Questions:
Considering the political situation of Chŏng Ch'ŏl (Jeong Cheol), why did he wrote this prose? What are the points he was try to make?

==='''Student 5 : (신동조)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:
Why does 정철 come up with this idea of quitting drinking at this particular time? Can we think of any political and/or private conditions that led him to this resolution? The year of 1577 was when he was purged in a factional fighting after his father and mother dies in 1571 and 1574, respectively.

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
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*Discussion Questions:
What was Chŏng Ch'ŏl's position in the central government? Why was he so desperate to leave?

Do you think alcohol is used as a wider analogy for socio-political issues?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
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*Discussion Questions:
# The piece flows between admonitions against drinking and a personal narrative about Jeong Cheol's personal misfortunes. Many of his misfortunes seem to have more to do with political infighting, etc., than with drinking. So are they mentioned just to elicit sympathy? Or does he consider alcohol partly responsible for the problems he sees in Joseon political culture more broadly?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
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*Discussion Questions: Would it be more appropriate to translate this text as a personal essay regretting his drinking habits with multiple footnotes offering possibly alternate readings referencing many deaths caused by his politics, or should we try to create a text in which words and phrases are chosen to hint that the actions he claims not to remember resulted in not only "terrible behavior" but murderous ones?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

1. <戒酒文> has specific date according to the author’s writing. When his father actually is died(maybe can check their 족보) Was there any commemorating writings for his father in his anthology? Could we compare that?

2. 정철 is very known for his poems(or rhapsody), also he writes “장진주(將進酒)” comparing to 이백(李白)’s 장진주(將進酒). This writing is exactly the opposite side of <戒酒文>. Can we assume when 將進酒 was written?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺 北學議序

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 成俔 文明論

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈 戒酒文

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 徐命膺北學議序

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 成俔文明論

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文

(Translation) 鄭澈戒酒文