장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-21T00:36:33Z

Renzhijun: /* VI-8. 燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|烈女徐氏抱竹圖 (Chaste Woman Madam Seo Embraces Bamboo) translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 象院題語|象院題語 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

<gallery>
Example.jpg|说明1
Example.jpg|说明2
</gallery>
==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

<gallery>
[[:File:0001.jpg]]Example.jpg|说明1
Example.jpg|说明2
</gallery>
==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

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2017-07-21T00:36:19Z

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2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-21T00:31:31Z

Renzhijun: /* VI-7. 麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|烈女徐氏抱竹圖 (Chaste Woman Madam Seo Embraces Bamboo) translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 象院題語|象院題語 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

<gallery>
Example.jpg|说明1
Example.jpg|说明2
</gallery>
==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-21T00:28:57Z

Renzhijun: /* VI-8. 燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|烈女徐氏抱竹圖 (Chaste Woman Madam Seo Embraces Bamboo) translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 象院題語|象院題語 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

<gallery>
Example.jpg|说明1
Example.jpg|说明2
</gallery>
==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

[[File:0001.jpg|400px]]==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

파일:0001.jpg

2017-07-21T00:28:43Z

Renzhijun: Renzhijun님이 파일:0001.jpg의 새 판을 올렸습니다

基于MsUpload的文件上传

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-21T00:24:22Z

Renzhijun: /* VI-7. 麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|烈女徐氏抱竹圖 (Chaste Woman Madam Seo Embraces Bamboo) translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 象院題語|象院題語 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

<gallery>
Example.jpg|说明1
Example.jpg|说明2
</gallery>
==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-21T00:23:16Z

Renzhijun: /* VI-8. 燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|烈女徐氏抱竹圖 (Chaste Woman Madam Seo Embraces Bamboo) translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 象院題語|象院題語 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

<gallery>
[[File:0001.jpg|400px]]Example.jpg|说明1
Example.jpg|说明2[[File:0001.jpg|400px]]
</gallery>
==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

파일:0001.jpg

2017-07-21T00:22:41Z

Renzhijun: 基于MsUpload的文件上传

基于MsUpload的文件上传

파일:1.pdf

2017-07-21T00:10:24Z

Renzhijun: 基于MsUpload的文件上传

基于MsUpload的文件上传

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-19T05:29:20Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

正郞

正郞

正郞

佐郞

佐郞 (手決)

佐郞
||
1. (Masha): [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the 10th year of Wanli (1583), 12th month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wrecking havoc, border defense is at critical stage and both troops and supplies are lacking.<br />

3.(Zhijun): student Yi Jun has contributed eighty seok edible grain to Anbyeon Prefecture. In accordance with the (above-mentioned) article, his existing and future offspring should be allowed to enter the officialdom.

the eleventh year of Wanli, twelfth month day

certificate of appointment granted

minister (signature)

deputy minster

third minster (signature)

section chief

section chief

section chief

assistant section chief

assistant section chief (signature)

assistant section chief
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-19T05:28:27Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

正郞

正郞

正郞

佐郞

佐郞 (手決)

佐郞
||
1. (Masha): [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the 10th year of Wanli (1583), 12th month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wrecking havoc, border defense is at critical stage and both troops and supplies are lacking.<br />

3.(Zhijun): student Yi Jun has contributed eighty seok edible grain to Anbyeon Prefecture. In accordance with the (above-mentioned) article, his existing and future offspring should be allowed to enter the officialdom.

the eleventh year of Wanli, twelfth month day

certificate of appointment granted

minister (signature)

deputy minster (signature)

third minster (signature)

section chief

section chief

section chief

assistant section chief

assistant section chief

assistant section chief
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-19T05:27:42Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞
||
1. (Masha): [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the 10th year of Wanli (1583), 12th month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wrecking havoc, border defense is at critical stage and both troops and supplies are lacking.<br />

3.(Zhijun): student Yi Jun has contributed eighty seok edible grain to Anbyeon Prefecture. In accordance with the (above-mentioned) article, his existing and future offspring should be allowed to enter the officialdom.

the eleventh year of Wanli, twelfth month day

certificate of appointment granted

minister (signature)

deputy minster (signature)

third minster (signature)

section chief

section chief

section chief

assistant section chief

assistant section chief

assistant section chief
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-19T05:25:56Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞
||
1. (Masha): [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the 10th year of Wanli (1583), 12th month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wrecking havoc, border defense is at critical stage and both troops and supplies are lacking.<br />

3.(Zhijun): student Yi Jun has contributed eighty seok edible grain to Anbyeon Prefecture. In accordance with the (above-mentioned) article, his existing and future offspring should be allowed to enter the officialdom.

the eleventh year of Wanli, twelfth month day

certificate of appointment granted

minister (signature)

deputy minster (signature)

third minster (signature)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-19T05:24:50Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞
||
1. (Masha): [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the 10th year of Wanli (1583), 12th month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wrecking havoc, border defense is at critical stage and both troops and supplies are lacking.<br />

3.(Zhijun): student Yi Jun has contributed eighty seok edible grain to Anbyeon Prefecture. In accordance with the (above-mentioned) article, his existing and future offspring are allowed to enter the officialdom.

the eleventh year of Wanli, twelfth month day

certificate of appointment granted

minister (signature)

deputy minster (signature)

third minster (signature)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-19T05:24:31Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞
||
1. (Masha): [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the 10th year of Wanli (1583), 12th month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wrecking havoc, border defense is at critical stage and both troops and supplies are lacking.<br />
3.(Zhijun): student Yi Jun has contributed eighty seok edible grain to Anbyeon Prefecture. In accordance with the (above-mentioned) article, his existing and future offspring are allowed to enter the officialdom.

the eleventh year of Wanli, twelfth month day

certificate of appointment granted

minister (signature)

deputy minster (signature)

third minster (signature)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

2017-07-19T05:13:11Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1669년김명열전후문기.JPG
|English = Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution
|Chinese = 1669年金命說傳後文記
|Korean = 1669년 김명열 전후문기(''Kim Myŏngyŏl Jeonhumungi'')
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金命說
|Year = 1669
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
己酉十一月十一日傳後文書

右文爲宗家奉祀之法昭在禮文旣重且嚴多出奉祀

田民全行祭祀於宗家不爲輪行於衆子矣我國宗家之法廢

壞已久輪行衆子士夫家皆成規例此則不可變易至於女子則

出嫁之後便作他門之人從夫之義重故聖人制禮亦爲降殺情義

俱輕世間士夫家祭祀輪行於女婿家者此比有之而甞觀人之

女婿及外孫等推諉闕祭者多矣雖或爲之物非精潔禮闕

誠敬反不如不行之爲愈也吾家則曾以此事禀定於先人吾兄

弟質定己熟斷不輪行於女婿外孫之家使之定式世世遵行父子情

理則雖無間於男女而生前無奉養之道死後無行祭之禮則何獨

以田民與男子等分乎女子則以田民三分之一分分給揆諸情義少無不

可女子及外孫等何敢有越厥相爭之心乎見此文而推其意則可知

其善處誰謂其異常䂓而不可乎本宗子孫貧賤則闕祭猶可若不

遵而輪行則其肯曰吾有

自筆通訓大夫行平山府使命說〔着名〕

宣敎郞用說〔着名〕

通德郞惟說〔着名〕

||
(By Kim Young)

A Letter to be Transmitted to Posterity Written on the Eleventh Day of the Eleventh Month of Giyou Year (1669)

This document concerns the law of upholding sacrificial rites by the leading family of the clan, which is made clear in Zhu Xi's ''Family Rituals'' with grave importance. [It is appropriate to] numerously allocate land and slaves for the purpose of sacrificial rites, and let them devote themselves to the rites at the leading family of the clan, and not perform the rites in rotation among various sons' families.

The family rituals of our country have been discarded and collapsed for so long, and to perform the rites in rotation among various sons have become the regular code of conduct for the families of the literati. This I cannot change, but as for the female heirs, after they get married they turn into a person of someone else's family. Because the loyalty of following one's own husband is heavy, therefore the sages of the past, when they made the rites, [as for woman's duty to her native family] they reduced it and eradicated it. [It is because] their attachment and loyalty to their parents are both light. As I watched people's daughters, son-in-laws, and other maternal descendants, many among them postponed, missed, or clumsily performed the rites. Even if they perform the sacrificial rites, if the food is not clean, and the ritual lacks sincerity, then it is worse than not performing the rites at all.

In our family, early on we had the matter decided by our father. As our brothers' habits already formed, they have never performed the sacrificial rites in rotation at son-in-laws' and other maternal descendants' houses. And our family fixed this as a regulation to be respectfully followed.

As for the attachment between parents and children, there is no different between sons and daughters. However, when parents are alive a daughter cannot perform the way of supporting them, and when parents are dead she cannot perform the ritual of sacrificial rites. So how could a daughter get equal division with sons only regarding land and slaves? Making a daughter's share only one-third of a son's share has nothing that goes against common sense of feelings and justice. [If you descendants] read this writing and guess its meaning, you would be able to know that this is the fine resolution. Who could say that just because it is different from the common practices of the literati, it cannot work?

If the descendants of this leading family of the clan fall into poverty and low status, then it is possible to miss the sacrificial rites; but if they do not respect [this admonition] and perform the rites in rotation, then how could I say I have an heir?

Self-scribed by Grand Master for Thorough Instruction and provisional Magistrate of Pyeongsan, Myeongseol 【signature】

Court Gentleman for Instruction, Yongseol 【signature】

Court Gentleman for Thorough Virtue, Yuseol 【signature】

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#10

Are there cases in the Korean tradition of adopting daughters?

What is the practice of adopting children in modern Korea? When a couple can not have children, do they adopt a relative's child as it was in the past?

#

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young 김영)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document #9 (Kim Myeongyeol, 1669)

1. What is Kim Myeongyeol's reasoning for prohibiting married daughters' household from organizing sacrificial rites for her ancestors? How compelling is the reasoning? (For example, how compelling is the rhetoric of hair in the food, given that even in the first son's household it was actually the wife who prepared all the food?) How did such family prohibitions against daughters organizing sacrificial rites affect the socio-economic status of women in 17th-century Joseon Korea?

2. In Kim Myeongyeol's document of property distribution, we can find a direct connection between the responsibility of organizing sacrificial rites and the right to claim greater share of inheritance. Does the neo-Confucian classics state that family property should be divided in proportion to each family's contribution to continuing the lineage, or was it a Korean invention during the Joseon dynasty?

3. Kim Myeongyeol emphasizes many times that his way of dividing the property is different from what other elite families commonly did at the time. What is he implying by saying this? By interpreting and following the neo-Confucian regulations and doctrines more strictly, was he trying to make a statement that his family was more cultivated than other elite families?

Document #10 (Kim Beon, 1688)

1. Kim Beon did not bear a son until his first wife died, but instead of taking a concubine he adopted his nephew as the son to carry on the lineage. What could have motivated him to make such a choice? Between taking a concubine and adopting a nephew, which do you think is the better way?

Document #11 (Jeong Misu Myeongmun, 1493)

1. In this document, the concubine Geunbi is described as a demoralized, licentious person. Can we take such words at face-value? If not, why?

Document #12 (Jeong Misu Yuseo, 1509)

1. Jeong Misu atones for his taking of concubine by asserting that she was only to play with, and he never brought her home to live with him and his wife. In the standards of the early Joseon dynasty, was there a significant (legal and moral) difference between affairs happening away from the household and inside household? Do you think there is any fundamental difference between the two?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. Documents 11 and 12. It seems like that concubines, despite their low status, possessed certain power and threat to yangban families in cases of property division and lineage of their children. At the same time, the content of the document did not reflect the concubine's position and reflected negatively on her so it might or might not be true. Is it possible to say what would have happened if documents such as 11 and 12 were not composed? How strong was the voice of concubine, especially vs the representatives of the noble families? <br />
2. Document 9. The idea for unequal property distribution between man and woman was a new predilection that started to appear at that time. The author goes into many details and explanations to support the idea which means it was not a common sense at the time. At the same time it might have been the case that the idea was in the air yet there was no strong justification for it until Zhu Xi's ideas. Are there are any other sources or documents that support the idea of unequal property distribution yet with alternative justification?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Read Document no. 9. How does a male ''yangban'' from a prominent local family rationalize the unequal inheritance? Given his descriptions of other families whose custom is different from his, why do you think that he needs to rationalize his plan for the unequal inheritance?

Read Document no. 10. Why do you think that the institution of adoption is crucial in the maintenance and development of the ''yangban'' society of Chosǒn?

Read Document no. 11 and 12. What might be the intention behind this document? Why do you think the author, Mr. Chǒng, wrote these documents? What kind of benefits can his legitimate wife obtain from these documents? How does the legitimate wife think about her husbands concubinage?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

10. Seemingly, the custom of adopting children of one's deceased siblings became rather common in late Choson. Then, didn't it bring about any sort of disputes (or lawsuits) between biological children and adopted ones in that period? Are there any sources for that?

11. Are there any documents clearly referring to the social status of concubines (chop) in Choson society? If the dispute between first wives and concubines led to lawsuits, how did Choson's local (or central) governments deal with it?

12. What if the kisaeng's child was his real biological son/daughter? What did the Choson government think of this kind of issue?

9. What are some other factors than Neo-Confucianism that deteriorated the socio-economic status of women in late Choson? Martina Deuchler argued in her book [The Confucian Transformation of Korea] that Zhu Xi's philosophy was the only meaningful variable of shifting Korean society as a whole, and this led to the unified worldview of late Choson. Was it really so?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Q-11: As we know, a contract is sort of an agreetment between two individuals. But when Jeong Misu wrote the contract to his wife, we cannot find his wife's name at the end of the document. Was it still valid?

Q-11&12: In the Joseon dynasty, was it a convention to invite witnesses when making the document? What kind of people could be the witness? It seems the witnesses conventionally consist of the person writing the documents himself, close relatives, and local literati with high reputation.

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:
# In general, what is the relationship between the lineage heir (the one who continue the main lineage) and his brothers? How did the responsible of sacrificial rite matter in this regard? What benefits did it bring to the lineage heir?
# For Document No.9, what were the reasons for the Choson society to change the inheritance practice in line with that of the Confucian ideal promoted bu Zhu Xi?
# In the case of Document No.10, where the lineage heir was an adoptive son, while the biological son became the successor of the deceased younger brother, would it cause confusion and conflict to future generations as to who or which branch should continue the main lineage? Or in other words, did biological relations matter? How effective was the legal document to ensure the maintenance of lineage?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. During Choson period, what type of social institutions enforced the distribution of properties described in these compacts?

2. In the case of dispute, what were the higher authority people could appeal to?

3. how does the use of idu in these private compacts minimize misunderstanding of the texts?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

'''Document 8:'''

1. Is the author of this document gaining something from monopolizing the sacrificial rites in the primary line of family succession? Consider economic, social and cultural capital

'''Document 9:'''

1. What can you tell about Choson customs and attitudes toward the role of sons, considering the author division of wealth between his adopted son and his own sons (with secondary wife)?

2. The names of the slaves are transcribed with hanja chosen by their masters, however could the slaves choose their own names(sounds) in the first place?

'''Document 10&11:'''

1. Slave women/Kisaeng at the court were aware of the wealth enjoyed by their patrons, what strategies of elevation their children’s status can you discern from this document? And what strategies were employed to deny rights?

2. The author employs “hearsay” in a legal document, can this be legally binding?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document 9:

1. Kim Myŏng-yŏl claims that daughters are not as closely related to their parents as sons are, thus less important and valued one third as much as sons for the distribution of inheritance. What is the basis of his statement of historical "turning point" in terms of equality? With such new trends of thinking at that time, what did they (Neo-Confucian scholar-officials) expect to gain?

2. Kim describes that women are untidy [as they could drop hair onto the sacrificial food] therefore undeserved for the task of ancestral worship [any longer]. In fact women cared for cleaning, cooking, and preparing good food for their families and ancestors. Kim's renouncement of women sounds barely reasonable. Is he merely seeking for an excuse to enforce gender inequality?

Document 10.

There is no description about Sujong's characteristics. However, the fact that Kim Bŏn rather hurriedly adopted the boy might tell us something about the boy, and Kim's desire for something other than family lineage. Would Kim have adopted Sujong if he was not a clever and charming boy?

Document 11-12.

1. In the triangular relationship each person plays one's own capacity or justice to straighten up the entangled situation. Did the courtesan do anything wrong? Is she really deceitful? Or isn't she rather deceived? [She is in the position to be abused no matter what] Is Mr. Chŏng cheating himself and abandoning his own lovely daughter? How about Madam Lee [Mrs. Chŏng] who had to force her husband to write the documents as the only solution to protect her own children? Is she the winner? Of what?

2. This document of early Chosŏn period likewise reflects the high standard of women's status of the previous dynasty. How can we evaluate the women's status and its influence on the vicissitudes of Korean history?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
9. According to Kim Myeonryoel women have weaker emotional bonds(情義) with their parents when compared to men. Do you think this is a legitimate claim? Or is it just a groundless one designed to justify the unequal property distribution between men and women?

12. Since genetic testing was not available at that time, the biological father of the daughter in question was hard to identify. What other measures could be taken to confirm paternity? For example, according to ''[http://health.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2013/02/07/2013020702303.html?Dep0=twitter Sinjumuwonrok]'' (Newly Annotated Record of Eliminating Unfairness), if two persons drop their blood into a bowl of water at the same time and the blood clots together, they are biologically father and son, and vice versa.

==='''Student 12 : (Do-hee Jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

All these documents #9-12 are related to women's social status. In the middle of Joseon dynasty there occurred tremendous social changes caused by Hideyoshi's invasion, purges of literati and others. Those changes include the shift of political power and social status of the people. How did the ruling class then influence the shift in women's social status?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Jaeyoon Song)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document #9:
1.How do you think the principle of primogeniture served the interests of the Kim family?
2. Why do you think the Kims accepted Zhu Xi's family rituals?
3. According to the document, how were the sacrificial rites generally practiced in late 17th century Joseon?
4. How are we to understand the grave social changes that took place in 17th century Korea? Was it merely the Confucianization of Korea? Or do we have another term to identify such changes?

Document # 10:
1. Why did Kim Beon adopt the son of his diseased brother in the first place?
2. Given the ways in which the family properties were distributed among the three children of his (one adopted, the other two biological), what do you think was the most important principle of property division at this time of Joseon?
3. What can we make of the sacrificial rites they practiced? What were social, economic, and religious roles of the sacrificial rites at the time?

Document #11 and #12:
1. Why do you think Jeong Misu created this document?
2. How does this document serve Jeong's legitimate wife?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

2017-07-19T05:12:50Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1669년김명열전후문기.JPG
|English = Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution
|Chinese = 1669年金命說傳後文記
|Korean = 1669년 김명열 전후문기(''Kim Myŏngyŏl Jeonhumungi'')
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金命說
|Year = 1669
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
己酉十一月十一日傳後文書

右文爲宗家奉祀之法昭在禮文旣重且嚴多出奉祀

田民全行祭祀於宗家不爲輪行於衆子矣我國宗家之法廢

壞已久輪行衆子士夫家皆成規例此則不可變易至於女子則

出嫁之後便作他門之人從夫之義重故聖人制禮亦爲降殺情義

俱輕世間士夫家祭祀輪行於女婿家者此比有之而甞觀人之

女婿及外孫等推諉闕祭者多矣雖或爲之物非精潔禮闕

誠敬反不如不行之爲愈也吾家則曾以此事禀定於先人吾兄

弟質定己熟斷不輪行於女婿外孫之家使之定式世世遵行父子情

理則雖無間於男女而生前無奉養之道死後無行祭之禮則何獨

以田民與男子等分乎女子則以田民三分之一分分給揆諸情義少無不

可女子及外孫等何敢有越厥相爭之心乎見此文而推其意則可知

其善處誰謂其異常䂓而不可乎本宗子孫貧賤則闕祭猶可若不

遵而輪行則其肯曰吾有

自筆通訓大夫行平山府使命說〔着名〕

宣敎郞用說〔着名〕

通德郞惟說〔着名〕

||
(By Kim Young)

A Letter to be Transmitted to Posterity Written on the Eleventh Day of the Eleventh Month of Giyou Year (1669)

This document concerns the law of upholding sacrificial rites by the leading family of the clan, which is made clear in Zhu Xi's ''Family Rituals'' with grave importance. [It is appropriate to] numerously allocate land and slaves for the purpose of sacrificial rites, and let them devote themselves to the rites at the leading family of the clan, and not perform the rites in rotation among various sons' families.

The family rituals of our country have been discarded and collapsed for so long, and to perform the rites in rotation among various sons have become the regular code of conduct for the families of the literati. This I cannot change, but as for the female heirs, after they get married they turn into a person of someone else's family. Because the loyalty of following one's own husband is heavy, therefore the sages of the past, when they made the rites, [as for woman's duty to her native family] they reduced it and eradicated it. [It is because] their attachment and loyalty to their parents are both light. As I watched people's daughters, son-in-laws, and other maternal descendants, many among them postponed, missed, or clumsily performed the rites. Even if they perform the sacrificial rites, if the food is not clean, and the ritual lacks sincerity, then it is worse than not performing the rites at all.

In our family, early on we had the matter decided by our father. As our brothers' habits already formed, they have never performed the sacrificial rites in rotation at son-in-laws' and other maternal descendants' houses. And our family fixed this as a regulation to be respectfully followed.

As for the attachment between parents and children, there is no different between sons and daughters. However, when parents are alive a daughter cannot perform the way of supporting them, and when parents are dead she cannot perform the ritual of sacrificial rites. So how could a daughter get equal division with sons only regarding land and slaves? Making a daughter's share only one-third of a son's share has nothing that goes against common sense of feelings and justice. [If you descendants] read this writing and guess its meaning, you would be able to know that this is the fine resolution. Who could say that just because it is different from the common practices of the literati, it cannot work?

If the descendants of this leading family of the clan fall into poverty and low status, then it is possible to miss the sacrificial rites; but if they do not respect [this admonition] and perform the rites in rotation, then how could I say I have an heir?

Self-scribed by Grand Master for Thorough Instruction and provisional Magistrate of Pyeongsan Myeongseol 【signature】

Court Gentleman for Instruction, Yongseol 【signature】

Court Gentleman for Thorough Virtue, Yuseol 【signature】

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#10

Are there cases in the Korean tradition of adopting daughters?

What is the practice of adopting children in modern Korea? When a couple can not have children, do they adopt a relative's child as it was in the past?

#

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young 김영)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document #9 (Kim Myeongyeol, 1669)

1. What is Kim Myeongyeol's reasoning for prohibiting married daughters' household from organizing sacrificial rites for her ancestors? How compelling is the reasoning? (For example, how compelling is the rhetoric of hair in the food, given that even in the first son's household it was actually the wife who prepared all the food?) How did such family prohibitions against daughters organizing sacrificial rites affect the socio-economic status of women in 17th-century Joseon Korea?

2. In Kim Myeongyeol's document of property distribution, we can find a direct connection between the responsibility of organizing sacrificial rites and the right to claim greater share of inheritance. Does the neo-Confucian classics state that family property should be divided in proportion to each family's contribution to continuing the lineage, or was it a Korean invention during the Joseon dynasty?

3. Kim Myeongyeol emphasizes many times that his way of dividing the property is different from what other elite families commonly did at the time. What is he implying by saying this? By interpreting and following the neo-Confucian regulations and doctrines more strictly, was he trying to make a statement that his family was more cultivated than other elite families?

Document #10 (Kim Beon, 1688)

1. Kim Beon did not bear a son until his first wife died, but instead of taking a concubine he adopted his nephew as the son to carry on the lineage. What could have motivated him to make such a choice? Between taking a concubine and adopting a nephew, which do you think is the better way?

Document #11 (Jeong Misu Myeongmun, 1493)

1. In this document, the concubine Geunbi is described as a demoralized, licentious person. Can we take such words at face-value? If not, why?

Document #12 (Jeong Misu Yuseo, 1509)

1. Jeong Misu atones for his taking of concubine by asserting that she was only to play with, and he never brought her home to live with him and his wife. In the standards of the early Joseon dynasty, was there a significant (legal and moral) difference between affairs happening away from the household and inside household? Do you think there is any fundamental difference between the two?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. Documents 11 and 12. It seems like that concubines, despite their low status, possessed certain power and threat to yangban families in cases of property division and lineage of their children. At the same time, the content of the document did not reflect the concubine's position and reflected negatively on her so it might or might not be true. Is it possible to say what would have happened if documents such as 11 and 12 were not composed? How strong was the voice of concubine, especially vs the representatives of the noble families? <br />
2. Document 9. The idea for unequal property distribution between man and woman was a new predilection that started to appear at that time. The author goes into many details and explanations to support the idea which means it was not a common sense at the time. At the same time it might have been the case that the idea was in the air yet there was no strong justification for it until Zhu Xi's ideas. Are there are any other sources or documents that support the idea of unequal property distribution yet with alternative justification?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Read Document no. 9. How does a male ''yangban'' from a prominent local family rationalize the unequal inheritance? Given his descriptions of other families whose custom is different from his, why do you think that he needs to rationalize his plan for the unequal inheritance?

Read Document no. 10. Why do you think that the institution of adoption is crucial in the maintenance and development of the ''yangban'' society of Chosǒn?

Read Document no. 11 and 12. What might be the intention behind this document? Why do you think the author, Mr. Chǒng, wrote these documents? What kind of benefits can his legitimate wife obtain from these documents? How does the legitimate wife think about her husbands concubinage?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

10. Seemingly, the custom of adopting children of one's deceased siblings became rather common in late Choson. Then, didn't it bring about any sort of disputes (or lawsuits) between biological children and adopted ones in that period? Are there any sources for that?

11. Are there any documents clearly referring to the social status of concubines (chop) in Choson society? If the dispute between first wives and concubines led to lawsuits, how did Choson's local (or central) governments deal with it?

12. What if the kisaeng's child was his real biological son/daughter? What did the Choson government think of this kind of issue?

9. What are some other factors than Neo-Confucianism that deteriorated the socio-economic status of women in late Choson? Martina Deuchler argued in her book [The Confucian Transformation of Korea] that Zhu Xi's philosophy was the only meaningful variable of shifting Korean society as a whole, and this led to the unified worldview of late Choson. Was it really so?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Q-11: As we know, a contract is sort of an agreetment between two individuals. But when Jeong Misu wrote the contract to his wife, we cannot find his wife's name at the end of the document. Was it still valid?

Q-11&12: In the Joseon dynasty, was it a convention to invite witnesses when making the document? What kind of people could be the witness? It seems the witnesses conventionally consist of the person writing the documents himself, close relatives, and local literati with high reputation.

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:
# In general, what is the relationship between the lineage heir (the one who continue the main lineage) and his brothers? How did the responsible of sacrificial rite matter in this regard? What benefits did it bring to the lineage heir?
# For Document No.9, what were the reasons for the Choson society to change the inheritance practice in line with that of the Confucian ideal promoted bu Zhu Xi?
# In the case of Document No.10, where the lineage heir was an adoptive son, while the biological son became the successor of the deceased younger brother, would it cause confusion and conflict to future generations as to who or which branch should continue the main lineage? Or in other words, did biological relations matter? How effective was the legal document to ensure the maintenance of lineage?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. During Choson period, what type of social institutions enforced the distribution of properties described in these compacts?

2. In the case of dispute, what were the higher authority people could appeal to?

3. how does the use of idu in these private compacts minimize misunderstanding of the texts?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

'''Document 8:'''

1. Is the author of this document gaining something from monopolizing the sacrificial rites in the primary line of family succession? Consider economic, social and cultural capital

'''Document 9:'''

1. What can you tell about Choson customs and attitudes toward the role of sons, considering the author division of wealth between his adopted son and his own sons (with secondary wife)?

2. The names of the slaves are transcribed with hanja chosen by their masters, however could the slaves choose their own names(sounds) in the first place?

'''Document 10&11:'''

1. Slave women/Kisaeng at the court were aware of the wealth enjoyed by their patrons, what strategies of elevation their children’s status can you discern from this document? And what strategies were employed to deny rights?

2. The author employs “hearsay” in a legal document, can this be legally binding?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document 9:

1. Kim Myŏng-yŏl claims that daughters are not as closely related to their parents as sons are, thus less important and valued one third as much as sons for the distribution of inheritance. What is the basis of his statement of historical "turning point" in terms of equality? With such new trends of thinking at that time, what did they (Neo-Confucian scholar-officials) expect to gain?

2. Kim describes that women are untidy [as they could drop hair onto the sacrificial food] therefore undeserved for the task of ancestral worship [any longer]. In fact women cared for cleaning, cooking, and preparing good food for their families and ancestors. Kim's renouncement of women sounds barely reasonable. Is he merely seeking for an excuse to enforce gender inequality?

Document 10.

There is no description about Sujong's characteristics. However, the fact that Kim Bŏn rather hurriedly adopted the boy might tell us something about the boy, and Kim's desire for something other than family lineage. Would Kim have adopted Sujong if he was not a clever and charming boy?

Document 11-12.

1. In the triangular relationship each person plays one's own capacity or justice to straighten up the entangled situation. Did the courtesan do anything wrong? Is she really deceitful? Or isn't she rather deceived? [She is in the position to be abused no matter what] Is Mr. Chŏng cheating himself and abandoning his own lovely daughter? How about Madam Lee [Mrs. Chŏng] who had to force her husband to write the documents as the only solution to protect her own children? Is she the winner? Of what?

2. This document of early Chosŏn period likewise reflects the high standard of women's status of the previous dynasty. How can we evaluate the women's status and its influence on the vicissitudes of Korean history?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
9. According to Kim Myeonryoel women have weaker emotional bonds(情義) with their parents when compared to men. Do you think this is a legitimate claim? Or is it just a groundless one designed to justify the unequal property distribution between men and women?

12. Since genetic testing was not available at that time, the biological father of the daughter in question was hard to identify. What other measures could be taken to confirm paternity? For example, according to ''[http://health.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2013/02/07/2013020702303.html?Dep0=twitter Sinjumuwonrok]'' (Newly Annotated Record of Eliminating Unfairness), if two persons drop their blood into a bowl of water at the same time and the blood clots together, they are biologically father and son, and vice versa.

==='''Student 12 : (Do-hee Jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

All these documents #9-12 are related to women's social status. In the middle of Joseon dynasty there occurred tremendous social changes caused by Hideyoshi's invasion, purges of literati and others. Those changes include the shift of political power and social status of the people. How did the ruling class then influence the shift in women's social status?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Jaeyoon Song)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document #9:
1.How do you think the principle of primogeniture served the interests of the Kim family?
2. Why do you think the Kims accepted Zhu Xi's family rituals?
3. According to the document, how were the sacrificial rites generally practiced in late 17th century Joseon?
4. How are we to understand the grave social changes that took place in 17th century Korea? Was it merely the Confucianization of Korea? Or do we have another term to identify such changes?

Document # 10:
1. Why did Kim Beon adopt the son of his diseased brother in the first place?
2. Given the ways in which the family properties were distributed among the three children of his (one adopted, the other two biological), what do you think was the most important principle of property division at this time of Joseon?
3. What can we make of the sacrificial rites they practiced? What were social, economic, and religious roles of the sacrificial rites at the time?

Document #11 and #12:
1. Why do you think Jeong Misu created this document?
2. How does this document serve Jeong's legitimate wife?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

2017-07-19T02:18:17Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English = A Document of Selling a Concubine
|Chinese = 1758年賣妾文券
|Korean = 1758년 매첩문권
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 李之栢
|Year = 1758
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
乾隆二十三年戊寅二月十二日幼學金彦猷前明文

右文爲有美一人兮

年方二八色是傾國價直千金雖盡水陸之美傾天下之羞

不足以稱其人佳麗病疲遠客乏錢難辧不時之需三葉壹蚨換却少妾

典此沽酒以助一座之歡日後如有雜談者持此文告官卞正事

酒字非實際語禁令至嚴豈有沽酒之事乎

聊所以形容其齊家(務)也一笑

||
( By Zhijun Ren

The 23rd year of Qianlong, second month, twelfth day, the document to the degreeless scholar Kim Eonyu

As to what this document pertains, I have a beautiful girl

Her age is merely sixteen, her beauty is such as to topple a country and worth ten thousand taels of gold. Her gorgeousness could not be adequately described even when exhausting the lavish praise from land and sea, and giving all the words of admiration under heaven.

I have drifted from afar and now tired and ill. Lacking money, I could not meet the unexpected emergent need. (I am willing) to exchange my young concubine with a small amount of money.

Sell her to buy liquor, to liven up the spirits of the party. Should there be a dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

“Buying liquor” is not a serious and factual statement. With such a strict prohibition, how could anyone buy liquor?

This is only meant to manifest her value, just for laugh.
)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

2017-07-19T02:12:03Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English = A Document of Selling a Concubine
|Chinese = 1758年賣妾文券
|Korean = 1758년 매첩문권
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 李之栢
|Year = 1758
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
乾隆二十三年戊寅二月十二日幼學金彦猷前明文

右文爲有美一人兮

年方二八色是傾國價直千金雖盡水陸之美傾天下之羞

不足以稱其人佳麗病疲遠客乏錢難辧不時之需三葉壹蚨換却少妾

典此沽酒以助一座之歡日後如有雜談者持此文告官卞正事

浩酒字非實際語禁令至嚴豈有沽酒之事乎

聊所以形容其齊家(務)也一笑

||
(The 23rd year of Qianlong, second month, twelfth day, the document to the degreeless scholar Kim Eonyu
As to what this document pertains, I have a beautiful girl
Her age is merely sixteen, her beauty is such as to topple a country and worth ten thousand taels of gold. Her gorgeousness could not be adequately described even when exhausting the lavish praise from land and sea, and giving all the words of admiration under heaven.
I have drifted from afar and now tired and ill. Lacking money, I could not meet the unexpected emergent need. (I am willing) to exchange my young concubine with a small amount of money.
sell her to buy liquor, to liven up the spirits of the party.
should there be a dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.
“buying liquor” is not a serious and factual statement. With such a strict prohibition, how could anyone buy liquor?
this is only meant to manifest her value, just for laugh.
)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

2017-07-19T02:10:29Z

Renzhijun: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English = A Document of Selling a Concubine
|Chinese = 1758年賣妾文券
|Korean = 1758년 매첩문권
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 李之栢
|Year = 1758
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
乾隆二十三年戊寅二月十二日幼學金彦猷前明文

右文爲有美一人兮

年方二八色是傾國價直千金雖盡水陸之美傾天下之羞

不足以稱其人佳麗病疲遠客乏錢難辧不時之需三葉壹蚨換却少妾

典此沽酒以助一座之歡日後如有雜談者持此文告官卞正事

浩酒字非實際語禁令至嚴豈有沽酒之事乎

聊所以形容其齊家(務)也一笑

||
(The 23rd year of Qianlong, second month, twelfth day, the document to the degreeless scholar Kim Eonyu)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:01:24Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T05:44:23Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T02:50:59Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 󰡔里鄕見聞錄󰡕 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop the fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed reciting from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live in idle and indulge yourself, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geometric geography. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office. Before getting too old, He resigned on the ground of illness. And after shutting door and he had taught students.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T02:42:31Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 󰡔里鄕見聞錄󰡕 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live in idle and indulge yourself, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-17T06:53:08Z

Renzhijun: /* VI-8. Text translated by Zhijun Ren */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏngmisu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏngmisu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. 朴突夢

IV-2. A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. 蛇福不言 From 『三國遺事』

V-2. 洛山二大聖 From 『三國遺事』

V-3. 『宋高僧傳』｢元曉傳｣

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|Text translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|Text translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|Text translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) Text10|Text translated by Student 10]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-17T06:51:58Z

Renzhijun: /* VI-8. Text translated by Zhijun Ren */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏngmisu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏngmisu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. 朴突夢

IV-2. A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. 蛇福不言 From 『三國遺事』

V-2. 洛山二大聖 From 『三國遺事』

V-3. 『宋高僧傳』｢元曉傳｣

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|Text translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|Text translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(燕行錄節選) Text8|Text translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|Text translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) Text10|Text translated by Student 10]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-17T06:02:17Z

Renzhijun: /* Part VI. Text translated by Students Project */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏngmisu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏngmisu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. 朴突夢

IV-2. A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. 蛇福不言 From 『三國遺事』

V-2. 洛山二大聖 From 『三國遺事』

V-3. 『宋高僧傳』｢元曉傳｣

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]]

VI-1. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Irina]]

VI-2. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Kim Young]]

VI-3. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Masha]]

VI-4. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Jong Woo Park]]

VI-5. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Kanghun Ahn]]

VI-6. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Hu Jing]]

VI-7. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by King Kwong Wong]]

VI-8. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Zhijun Ren]]

VI-9. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Student 9]]

VI-10. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Student 10]]

VI-11. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Student 11]]

VI-12. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Student 12]]

VI-13. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Student 13]]

VI-14. [[(Translation) Text|Text translated by Student 14]]

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-17T02:52:30Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-14T07:04:59Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person
|Chinese = 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 龍山書院首奴禹發
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文

右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報

償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲

二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文

拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣

爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記

告官卞正事

父先岩外

證庫直龍奉

筆執色金萬九

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#2 A Document of Selling One's Person
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?

#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban

1. In this document,

#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse

1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which made Joseon dynasty still a society of flexible class movement?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea?

2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves?

Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this?

Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history?

How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?

2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document 2:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

2017-07-14T02:56:04Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1522년박영기토지매매명문.JPG
|English = A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master
|Chinese = 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX-IMG.jpg 1522년 박영기(朴榮基) 토지매매명문(土地賣買明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 私奴朴今
|Year = 1522
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉靖元年參月拾陸日朴榮基上典前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段奴矣身亦貧寒所致以還上

積納不得奴矣母邊傳來未今員路上路下兩畓

荒租參斗落只庫乙折木綿柒疋半捧上爲

遣永永放賣爲白去乎鎭長耕作敎矣後次奴

矣同生族類等亦爭望隅有去等此明文內

用良告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

畓主私奴朴今孫

證保依父司直韓玉同

證保班中奴金同

筆執私奴尹

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===

In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units are different from Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. This document proves that a slave could own and sell his own property. It seems contradictory at a glance that a slave was a property of the master but at the same time he could own his private property. Does this mean that the master had limited legal rights over his slaves? What does this document tell us about the rights of slaves as economic agents?

2. When they took this contract to the local office for notarization, did the office make a copy of it? Also, did each party make and get a copy of the same contract?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
- What could be the potential benefits for a private slave to sell land aside from the one he mentioned in the document? What could be his other motivations? What were the benefits to keep the land? Could private slaves purchase land?<br />
- Is it possible that, because of his status, a private slave had no choice but to sell the land to the one of a higher status upon the latter's request?<br />

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Pak Kŭmson had to sell out his land because he could not pay back the grain loan (hwan'gok). Would it be common at that time that commoners or slaves were forced to sell out their means of production to repay their debt while rich ''yangban'' families accumulated wealth by taking advantage of this situation? Or would there be any cases that poor ''yangban'' had to sell out their properties to repay their debt to rich commoners or slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
1) In the second line, Doctor Jung read the term 환상 as 환자. How did it come about? And how can I figure out such "variants" of pronunciation in the Idu system?

2) The person who wrote down this contract was another private slave. And two witnesses of this deal are also slaves. Then, how can we re-appraise the social status of slaves in Choson Korea?

3)In this passage, a private slave is selling his land to his master. Was it a common case in early Choson? Then, were slaves allowed to keep their private property? If so, to what extent?

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:

In my impression, the "slaves" should be in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# As far as I know, the land belong to the master while the private slave acted as a tenant of the land. This transaction suggests that 1) the land was actually owned by the slave or 2) the slave sold the right to farm in the land to a third party. Which was the case?
# If it is the former then slave had the economic power to purchase and own land. Was there any law to regulate land-ownership of slave or land-ownership in general?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Given that in the conventional sense of slavery, the slave himself is a piece of property owned by the master, if a Korean slave could own property and freely transact what he owns, what does this tell us about the nature of Choson slavery from the perspective of property ownership?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. There at least two slaves involved in the draft of the document. Are there hints concerning the relation between the selling slave and the buying yangban? (master and slave, distant family members, cases of tax fraud?)

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Assuming English-speaking readership, can we reorganize and translate this document in a [https://www.lawdepot.com/contracts/sales-agreement-form/#.WWgxIYjyg2x typical English sale contract format] that comprises of title, nonoperative part, operative part, and signature, etc.

==='''Student 12 : (dohee joeng)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
how did slaves learn Chinese character

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

2017-07-13T05:55:39Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (임치균Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#10

Are there cases in the Korean tradition of adopting daughters?

What is the practice of adopting children in modern Korea? When a couple can not have children, do they adopt a relative's child as it was in the past?

#

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young 김영)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document #9 (Kim Myeongyeol, 1669)

1. What is Kim Myeongyeol's reasoning for prohibiting married daughters' household from organizing sacrificial rites for her ancestors? How compelling is the reasoning? (For example, how compelling is the rhetoric of hair in the food, given that even in the first son's household it was actually the wife who prepared all the food?) How did such family prohibitions against daughters organizing sacrificial rites affect the socio-economic status of women in 17th-century Joseon Korea?

2. In Kim Myeongyeol's document of property distribution, we can find a direct connection between the responsibility of organizing sacrificial rites and the right to claim greater share of inheritance. Does the neo-Confucian classics state that family property should be divided in proportion to each family's contribution to continuing the lineage, or was it a Korean invention during the Joseon dynasty?

3. Kim Myeongyeol emphasizes many times that his way of dividing the property is different from what other elite families commonly did at the time. What is he implying by saying this? By interpreting and following the neo-Confucian regulations and doctrines more strictly, was he trying to make a statement that his family was more cultivated than other elite families?

Document #10 (Kim Beon, 1688)

1. Kim Beon did not bear a son until his first wife died, but instead of taking a concubine he adopted his nephew as the son to carry on the lineage. What could have motivated him to make such a choice? Between taking a concubine and adopting a nephew, which do you think is the better way?

Document #11 (Jeong Misu Myeongmun, 1493)

1. In this document, the concubine Geunbi is described as a demoralized, licentious person. Can we take such words at face-value? If not, why?

Document #12 (Jeong Misu Yuseo, 1509)

1. Jeong Misu atones for his taking of concubine by asserting that she was only to play with, and he never brought her home to live with him and his wife. In the standards of the early Joseon dynasty, was there a significant (legal and moral) difference between affairs happening away from the household and inside household? Do you think there is any fundamental difference between the two?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. Documents 11 and 12. It seems like that concubines, despite their low status, possessed certain power and threat to yangban families in cases of property division and lineage of their children. At the same time, the content of the document did not reflect the concubine's position and reflected negatively on her so it might or might not be true. Is it possible to say what would have happened if documents such as 11 and 12 were not composed? How strong was the voice of concubine, especially vs the representatives of the noble families? <br />
2. Document 9. The idea for unequal property distribution between man and woman was a new predilection that started to appear at that time. The author goes into many details and explanations to support the idea which means it was not a common sense at the time. At the same time it might have been the case that the idea was in the air yet there was no strong justification for it until Zhu Xi's ideas. Are there are any other sources or documents that support the idea of unequal property distribution yet with alternative justification?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Read Document no. 9. How does a male ''yangban'' from a prominent local family rationalize the unequal inheritance? Given his descriptions of other families whose custom is different from his, why do you think that he needs to rationalize his plan for the unequal inheritance?

Read Document no. 10. Why do you think that the institution of adoption is crucial in the maintenance and development of the ''yangban'' society of Chosǒn?

Read Document no. 11 and 12. What might be the intention behind this document? Why do you think the author, Mr. Chǒng, wrote these documents? What kind of benefits can his legitimate wife obtain from these documents? How does the legitimate wife think about her husbands concubinage?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Q-11: As we know, a contract is sort of an agreetment between two individuals. But when Jeong Misu wrote the contract to his wife, we cannot find his wife's name at the end of the document. Was it still valid?

Q-11&12: In the Joseon dynasty, was it a convention to invite witnesses when making the document? What kind of people could be the witness? It seems the witnesses conventionally consist of the person writing the documents himself, close relatives, and local literati with high reputation.

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:
# In general, what is the relationship between the lineage heir (the one who continue the main lineage) and his brothers? How did the responsible of sacrificial rite matter in this regard? What benefits did it bring to the lineage heir?

# For no.9, what were the reasons for the Choson society to change the inheritance practice in line with that of the Confucian ideal promoted bu Zhu Xi?

# In the case of no.10, where the lineage heir was an adoptive son, while the biological son became the successor of the deceased younger brother, would it cause confusion and conflict to future generations as to who or which branch should continue the main lineage? Or in other words, did biological relations matter? How effective was the legal document to ensure the maintenance of lineage?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. During Choson period, what type of social institutions enforced the distribution of properties described in these compacts?

2. In the case of dispute, what were the higher authority people could appeal to?

3. how does the use of idu in these private compacts minimize misunderstanding of the texts?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

'''Document 8:'''

1. Is the author of this document gaining something from monopolizing the sacrificial rites in the primary line of family succession? Consider economic, social and cultural capital

'''Document 9:'''

1. What can you tell about Choson customs and attitudes toward the role of sons, considering the author division of wealth between his adopted son and his own sons (with secondary wife)?

2. The names of the slaves are transcribed with hanja chosen by their masters, however could the slaves choose their own names(sounds) in the first place?

'''Document 10&11:'''

1. Slave women/Kisaeng at the court were aware of the wealth enjoyed by their patrons, what strategies of elevation their children’s status can you discern from this document? And what strategies were employed to deny rights?

2. The author employs “hearsay” in a legal document, can this be legally binding?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document 9:

1. Kim Myŏng-yŏl claims that daughters are not as thickly attached to their parents as sons are, and therefore they are less important, or their value is one third of that of sons. This sounds foreign probably even early Chosŏn Korean families, let alone the tradition of the former dynasties. What is the basis of his thinking in such a discriminative way? If this is the new trend of thinking at that time, what did they (those Neo-Confucian scholar-officials) expect to gain?

2. One of the reasons that women were treated as undeserved for participating in the ancestral worship is described as that they could drop hair in the sacrificial food. This sounds only an excuse to lower their status, as in fact women cared for cleaning, cooking, and preparing good food for their families and ancestors. So, is this one of the convenient excuses to establish gender inequality by the male gender of human race?

Document 11.

1. This document of early Chosŏn likewise reflects the former dynasty tradition of women's status. These periods seem nearly as advanced as the contemporary time in terms of equality. How can we evaluate the women's status and its influence in nation's ups and downs in Korean history?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Do-hee Jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
all about documents is related women's social status. in the middle of joeseon dynasty, when was big changes, for example, invasions of Korea by Japan’s Hideyoshi, literati purge, etc. the changed cause to transfer of political power. the women's social status is influenced by the ruling forces then?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Jaeyoon Song)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document #9:
1.How do you think the principle of primogeniture served the interests of the Kim family?
2. Why do you think the Kims accepted Zhu Xi's family rituals?
3. According to the document, how were the sacrificial rites generally practiced in late 17th century Joseon?
4. How are we to understand the grave social changes that took place in 17th century Korea? Was it merely the Confucianization of Korea? Or do we have another term to identify such changes?

Document # 10:
1. Why did Kim Beon adopt the son of his diseased brother in the first place?
2. Given the ways in which the family properties were distributed among the three children of his (one adopted, the other two biological), what do you think was the most important principle of property division at this time of Joseon?
3. What can we make of the sacrificial rites they practiced? What were social, economic, and religious roles of the sacrificial rites at the time?

Document #11 and #12:
1. Why do you think Jeong Misu created this document?
2. How does this document serve Jeong's legitimate wife?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

2017-07-13T05:29:58Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#10

Are there cases in the Korean tradition of adopting daughters?

What is the practice of adopting children in modern Korea? When a couple can not have children, does they adopt a relative's child as it was in the past?

#

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. Documents 11 and 12. It seems like that concubines, despite their low status, possessed certain power and threat to yangban families in cases of property division and lineage of their children. At the same time, the content of the document did not reflect the concubine's position and reflected negatively on her so it might or might not be true. Is it possible to say what would have happened if documents such as 11 and 12 were not composed? How strong was the voice of concubine, especially vs the representatives of the noble families? <br />
2. Document 9. The idea for unequal property distribution between man and woman was a new predilection that started to appear at that time. The author goes into many details and explanations to support the idea which means it was not a common sense at the time. At the same time it might have been the case that the idea was in the air yet there was no strong justification for it until Zhu Xi's ideas. Are there are any other sources or documents that support the idea of unequal property distribution yet with alternative justification?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Read Document no. 9. How does a male ''yangban'' from a prominent local family rationalize the unequal inheritance? Given his descriptions of other families whose custom is different from his, why do you think that he needs to rationalize his plan for the unequal inheritance?

Read Document no. 10. Why do you think that the institution of adoption is crucial in the maintenance and development of the ''yangban'' society of Chosǒn?

Read Document no. 11 and 12. What might be the intention behind this document? Why do you think the author, Mr. Chǒng, wrote these documents? What kind of benefits can his legitimate wife obtain from these documents? How does a legitimate wife think about her husbands concubinage?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Q-11: As we know, a contract is sort of an agreetment between two individuals. But when Jeong Misu wrote the contract to his wife, we cannot find his wife's name at the end of the document. Was it still valid?

Q-11&12: In the Joseon dynasty, was it a convention to invite witnesses when making the document? What kind of people could be the witness? It seems the witnesses conventionally consist of the person writing the documents himself, close relatives, and local literati with high reputation.

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:
# In general, what is the relationship between the lineage heir (the one who continue the main lineage) and his brothers? How did the responsible of sacrificial rite matter in this regard? What benefits did it bring to the lineage heir?

# For no.9, what were the reasons for the Choson society to change the inheritance practice in line with that of the Confucian ideal promoted bu Zhu Xi?

# In the case of no.10, where the lineage heir was an adoptive son, while the biological son became the successor of the deceased younger brother, would it cause confusion and conflict to future generations as to who or which branch should continue the main lineage? Or in other words, did biological relations matter? How effective was the legal document to ensure the maintenance of lineage?

==='''Student 8 : (임치균Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. During Choson period, what type of social institutions enforced the distribution of properties described in these compacts?

2. In the case of dispute, what were the higher authority people could appeal to?

3. how does the use of idu in these private compacts minimize misunderstanding of the texts?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

'''Document 8:'''

1. Is the author of this document gaining something from monopolizing the sacrificial rites in the primary line of family succession? Consider economic, social and cultural capital

'''Document 9:'''

1. What can you tell about Choson customs and attitudes toward the role of sons, considering the author division of wealth between his adopted son and his own sons (with secondary wife)?

2. The names of the slaves are transcribed with hanja chosen by their masters, however could the slaves choose their own names(sounds) in the first place?

'''Document 10&11:'''

1. Slave women/Kisaeng at the court were aware of the wealth enjoyed by their patrons, what strategies of elevation their children’s status can you discern from this document? And what strategies were employed to deny rights?

2. The author employs “hearsay” in a legal document, can this be legally binding?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Kim Myŏng-yŏl claims that daughters are not as thickly attached to their parents as sons are, and therefore they are less important, or their value is one third of that of sons. This sounds foreign probably even early Chosŏn Korean families, let alone the tradition of the former dynasties. What is the basis of his thinking in such a discriminative way? If this is the new trend of thinking at that time, what did they (those Neo-Confucian scholar-officials) expect to gain?

2. One of the reasons that women were treated as undeserved for participating in the ancestral worship is described as that they could drop hair in the sacrificial food. This sounds only an excuse to lower their status, as in fact women cared for cleaning, cooking, and preparing good food for their families and ancestors. So, is this one of the convenient excuses to establish gender inequality by the male gender of human race?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Jaeyoon Song)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Document #9:
1.How do you think the principle of primogeniture served the interests of the Kim family?
2. Why do you think the Kims accepted Zhu Xi's family rituals?
3. According to the document, how were the sacrificial rites generally practiced in late 17th century Joseon?
4. How are we to understand the grave social changes that took place in 17th century Korea? Was it merely the Confucianization of Korea? Or do we have another term to identify such changes?

Document # 10:
1. Why did Kim Beon adopt the son of his diseased brother in the first place?
2. Given the ways in which the family properties were distributed among the three children of his (one adopted, the other two biological), what do you think was the most important principle of property division at this time of Joseon?
3. What can we make of the sacrificial rites they practiced? What were social, economic, and religious roles of the sacrificial rites at the time?

Document #11 and #12:
1. Why do you think Jeong Misu created this document?
2. How does this document serve Jeong's legitimate wife?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

2017-07-13T05:27:17Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 文憲書院學規

2017-07-12T06:58:22Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')
|Genre = Literati writings
|Type = Regulations
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷李珥]
|Year = 1578
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
文憲書院學規

1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。

2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。

3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。

4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾頭巾袍團領詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。

5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。

6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。

7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。

8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)

9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院黜院者。削其籍。

10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。

11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。

*Discussion Questions:
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? Given the high-handed nature of the regulations, how do they reflect the quality of students?
# Why do the regulations forbid discussion of politics? Is it a consequence of the literati purges during the Chosŏn period?

==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
一。擇鄕人謹幹(diligent and hardworking)者爲院監overseers(二員)。Select two diligent and hardworking persons from the locals, let them be the overseers of the academy.
備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。they are appointed by the local governor. they would be in charge of the matters of income and expenditure.
三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。they will alternate every three years. they have to maintain bookkeeping for what they are in charge.
若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。
若不能察。則諸生僉議(public discussion)。告官論遞。

*Discussion Questions:
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?

==='''Student 4 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Considering that students of different (yangban-) backgrounds could enter the academies, do you think Yulgoks emphasis on the order of seniority could have been problematic at times? What times could that be?

2. Looking at modern school systems some of this rules seem quite obvious, check your schools regulations for similarities and differences?

==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===
----
a
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
10.

一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。

一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。

一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。

*Discussion Questions:
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?

(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes in this document universal--shared by Confucian societies in other parts of the world--or specific to Korea?

==='''Student 11 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

Discussion questions: How was the life of Choson's Confucian students in conjunction with such regulations? Were these rules kept well? If not, are there any records showing the Choson Confucians' deviation from their tightly structured routine?

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 文憲書院學規

2017-07-12T06:52:45Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 문헌서원학규1.JPG
|English = The Regulations of the Munheon Academy
|Chinese = 文憲書院學規
|Korean = 문헌서원학규(''Munheonseowon hakgyu'')
|Genre = Literati writings
|Type = Regulations
|Author = [https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%EC%9D%B4%EC%9D%B4 栗谷李珥]
|Year = 1578
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:문헌서원학규2.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(2)
파일:문헌서원학규3.JPG|* 文憲書院學規 문헌서원학규(''Jin simucha'') 1578(3)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
文憲書院學規

1. 一。取士之法。勿論長少。取其有志學業。名行無汚者。院儒僉議許入。會者未滿十員。則不得定議。(曾參初試者。備三員許入。) 生員進士。則直許入勿議。若有儒生或挾勢求入。或欲因而干謁道主州官者。皆勿許入。

2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。

3. 一。擇鄕人謹幹者爲院監(二員)。備三望。受差于牧使。掌供饋出納之事。三年相遞。必以所掌。作簿傳授。若斂散之穀有逋欠。則勿許遞。若不能察。則諸生僉議。告官論遞。

4. 一。每月朔望。諸生具巾頭巾袍團領詣廟。開中門。焚香年最長者焚香再拜。雖非朔望。諸生若自他處初到。或自院歸家時。必於廟庭再拜。不開中門。不焚香。

5. 一。每日晨起。整疊寢具。少者持箒埽室中。使齋直埽庭。盥櫛正衣冠。平明時。分立東西庭序齒。相向行相揖。禮畢。還就齋室。

6. 一。常時。恒整衣服冠帶。拱手危坐。如對尊長。毋得以褻服自便。必著直領且不得著華美近奢之服。凡几案書冊筆硯之具。皆整置其所。毋或亂置不整。作字必楷正。毋得書于窓戶壁上。

7. 一。凡居處必以便好之地。推讓長者。毋或自擇其便。年十歲以長者出入時。少者必起。
一。凡食時。長幼齒坐。於飮食不得揀擇取舍。常以食無求飽爲心。

8.。讀書時。必端拱危坐。專心致志。務窮義趣。毋得相顧談話。. 一。凡言語必愼重。非文字禮法則不言。毋談淫褻悖亂神怪之事。毋談他人過惡。毋談朝廷政事。毋說州縣官員得失。一。朋友務相和敬。相規以失。相責以善。毋得挾貴挾賢挾才挾父兄挾多聞見。以驕于儕輩。且不得譏侮儕輩。以相戲謔。違者黜座。(卽損徒也。解損時。必滿座面責。)

9. 一。自晨起至夜寢。一日之閒。必有所事。或讀書。或製述。或講論義理。或請業請益。無非學業。至於暇時或游泳川上。亦皆從容齊整。長幼有序。昏必明燈。夜久就寢。若不遵學規。威儀放曠。學業怠惰者黜座。不悛則黜院黜院者。削其籍。

10. 一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。
一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。
一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。

11. 一。四孟之月。掌議會諸生于院。講議學規。檢察諸生得失。無故不參者黜座。有故則必具單子。告其由。凡初入院者。必使先讀學規。

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 一。擇諸生有識者爲掌議(二員)。凡院中議論。斯二人者主之。(無掌議。則不可定議。) 二年相遞。又定有司。以主書冊。

*Discussion Questions:
# How did Yi I and his academy enforce its regulations? How does the regulations reflect the quality of students?

==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Yi I seems to place great emphasis on individual cultivation and the proper relation between peers. What does it tell us about Yi I’s envisioning of an ideal academy?

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Young Suk)'''===
----
a
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
10.

一。院中書冊。毋得出于院門。違則罰其主者。重則黜院。輕則黜座。

一。春秋祭。無故不參者黜座。

一。寄名院籍。或有失身毀行。玷辱儒風者。則僉議削籍。

*Discussion Questions:
(1) What kind of Confucian culture or values do these regulations represent?

(2) Is what Yi I emphasizes universal in the Confucian world or specific to Korean culture?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 哀絶陽

2017-07-11T02:27:11Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 여유당전서애절양.jpg
|English = A male lamenting his self-imposed castration
|Chinese = 哀絶陽
|Korean = 애절양(''Aejeoryang'')
|Genre = Literati writings
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeong_Yakyong 茶山丁若鏞]
|Year = 1803
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:다산황상시(夜能不痛否).jpg|link=(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|*茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否) 다산이 황상에게 보낸 시 -
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|

蘆田少婦哭聲長。哭向縣門號穹蒼。

夫征不復尙可有。自古未聞男絶陽。

舅喪已縞兒未澡。三代名簽在軍保。

薄言往愬虎守閽。里正咆哮牛去皁。

磨刀入房血滿席。自恨生兒遭窘厄。

蠶室淫刑豈有辜。閩囝去勢良亦慽。

生生之理天所予。乾道成男坤道女。

騸馬豶豕猶云悲。況乃生民思繼序。

豪家終歲奏管弦。粒米寸帛無所捐。

均吾赤子何厚薄。客窓重誦鳲鳩篇。

此嘉慶癸亥秋, 余在康津作也. 時蘆田民有兒生三日, 入於軍保, 里正奪牛, 民拔刀自割其陽莖曰, 我以此物之故, 受此困厄. 其妻持其莖, 詣官門, 血猶淋淋, 且哭且訴. 閽者拒之. 余聞而作此詩.
||
(translation)
|-
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

Young bride laments loudly in the reed field

Facing the village gate, her voice rises up into the sky

I have heard for men, who went to war and never came back

But for the first time I heard for someone castrated himself.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----
蘆田少婦哭聲長。哭向縣門號穹蒼。
In the Reed Field town, a young lady's haul goes on and on.
Crying to the county gate, she calls for the blue sky.

夫征不復尙可有。自古未聞男絶陽。
Husbands who were drafted and never made it back, there were many as such.
But from old times, I have not heard of a man who castrated himself [to avoid being drafted].

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
1.
In Nojŏn village, a wailing sound of a young lady endures
Wailing toward the gate of the county seat, crying out to the lofty blue sky
It is possible that a husband who went to a war cannot return
But since the old days, have never heard of a male cutting off his penis.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
蘆田少婦哭聲長。哭向縣門號穹蒼。
In the field of reeds, the wailing sound of a young wife lasted long,
She wailed to the heaven, facing the gate of the government building.
夫征不復尙可有。自古未聞男絶陽。
There are instances where husband never returned from conscription,
(But) since antiquity, I have never heard a man castrating himself.

==='''Student 9 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
蘆田少婦哭聲長。哭向縣門號穹蒼。
In the village of Weed Field, there is young lady crying with long sounds;
She cries to the local court/yamen howling “heaven.”

夫征不復尙可有。自古未聞男絶陽。
It is seen that men went to the battle field without returning;
From time immemorial, I’ve never heard a man castrating himself.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : Martin'''===
----

蘆田少婦哭聲長。哭向縣門號穹蒼。
In the village of Nojŏn a young lady cries out long, crying to the county seat declaring to the heavens

夫征不復尙可有。自古未聞男絶陽。
Husbands fighting may not return, since the ancient times I never heard of male castrating himself.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

1. In the reeding field, the wailing sound of a young lady endures
Crying toward the gate of the country sea she shouts at deep blue skies,
Many is those who went to war but could not return
Never ever has a married man cut off his genitalia.

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 哀絶陽

2017-07-11T02:24:12Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren) */

(Translation) 哀絶陽

2017-07-11T02:23:45Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 여유당전서애절양.jpg
|English = A male lamenting his self-imposed castration
|Chinese = 哀絶陽
|Korean = 애절양(''Aejeoryang'')
|Genre = Literati writings
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeong_Yakyong 茶山丁若鏞]
|Year = 1803
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:다산황상시(夜能不痛否).jpg|link=(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|*茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否) 다산이 황상에게 보낸 시 -
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|

蘆田少婦哭聲長。哭向縣門號穹蒼。

夫征不復尙可有。自古未聞男絶陽。

舅喪已縞兒未澡。三代名簽在軍保。

薄言往愬虎守閽。里正咆哮牛去皁。

磨刀入房血滿席。自恨生兒遭窘厄。

蠶室淫刑豈有辜。閩囝去勢良亦慽。

生生之理天所予。乾道成男坤道女。

騸馬豶豕猶云悲。況乃生民思繼序。

豪家終歲奏管弦。粒米寸帛無所捐。

均吾赤子何厚薄。客窓重誦鳲鳩篇。

此嘉慶癸亥秋, 余在康津作也. 時蘆田民有兒生三日, 入於軍保, 里正奪牛, 民拔刀自割其陽莖曰, 我以此物之故, 受此困厄. 其妻持其莖, 詣官門, 血猶淋淋, 且哭且訴. 閽者拒之. 余聞而作此詩.
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=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
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==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
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==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
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==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
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==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
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#1
蘆田少婦哭聲長。哭向縣門號穹蒼。
In the field of reeds, the wailing sound of a young wife lasted long,
She wailed to the heaven, facing the gate of the government building.
夫征不復尙可有。自古未聞男絶陽。
There are instances where husband never returned from conscription,
(But) since antiquity, I have never heard a man castrating himself.

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
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1. In the reeding field, the wailing sound of a young lady endures
Crying toward the gate of the country sea she shouts at deep blue skies,
Many is those who went to war but could not return
Never ever has a married man cut off his genitalia.

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-11T01:57:46Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 진시무차1.JPG
|English = Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs
|Chinese = “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)
|Korean = 진시무차(''Jin simucha'')
|Genre = [[Literati writings]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryu_Seong-ryong 西厓柳成龍]
|Year = 1594
|Key Concepts= Imjin War, Japan-Korea Relations
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:진시무차2.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(2)
파일:진시무차3.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(3)
파일:진시무차4.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(4)
파일:진시무차5.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(5)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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1. [豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

2. 今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

3. 臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

4. 且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。

5. 凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。有司卽日施行。以應古人賞不踰時之義。又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。官不得推。人不得奪。愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。

6. 竊聞方伯之臣。或有捕賊所得者。如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。若不滿元報之數。則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。故傳相戒勑。不復捕賊云。臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。

9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

12.而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

13. 騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期。

2-1. 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞"其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

2-3. 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。

2-4. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。

2-5. 不能因勢利導。每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。約日徐趨。而瞭望不審。斥候不遠。賊之間諜甚多。耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。故我軍每戰每敗。
臣之愚意。當精抄銳軍。混其服色。自相誌別。散布遠近。潛相約束。或晝或夜。出沒無定。隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。又不定處所。

2-6. 使賊莫測多少。如京城四面數十里之內。無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

2-8. 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

2-11.且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

2-13. 臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)

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=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Martin'''===
----
[豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

[The Great Lord of P'ungwŏn, your minister humbly considers] Todays state of affairs has already reached extreme danger and urgency. There is nothing we can do anymore. Daily we look towards the Ming Army,#1 but they retreat and do not come. The end of the year is already pressing closer. Our country has shown allegiance towards China#2 to the farthest degree. If today we are befallen by disaster; this is also due to China.#3 However China does not rush towards our rescue, letting the world come to chaos. If there are [talented] people in China dealing with the affairs it would surely not be like this.

2/1 - 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

In Old Tang-times there were men that rose up righteously, men like Xun#1 and Yuan#2. Firmly the generals obeyed the control of Li#3 and Guo#4 without one doubt. How could the righteous army alone be the righteous army, and how the official military by itself be the official military? Today’s woe is that we don’t have Li and Guo, Yet with the forces dispersed and difficult to merge, we cannot but not take care of this. Since the outbreak of the war, not one minister died a martyr, all think of running as a good strategy, worse even they assemble the elite forces of the provinces,

1 Zhang Xun 張巡 (709-757), A Tang-Dynasty general during the An Lu Shan Rebellion. Involved in the defense of Suiyang, was eventually killed by Yan-Forces

2 Xu Yuan 許遠 (709-757) a Tang-Dynasty general, commander of Suiyang Commandery, was captured during the siege of Suiyang and was later killed.

3 Li Guangbi 李光弼 (708-764), a Tang-Dynasty general involved in the suppression of the An Lu Shan Rebellion. Served as military commander of Hedong, (modern day Shanxi) at the outbreak of the Rebellion.

4 Guo Ziyi 郭子儀 (697-781), a Tang-Dynasty general credited with the successful suppression of the An Lu Shan Rebellion.

1. lit. Tang-Soldiers, ...

2. lit. China...

3.

*Discussion Questions:
1. As a civil official Ryu Sŏng-ryong is providing detailed knowledge of military and organizational matters, from where does his insight originate?

==='''Student 2 : YoungSuk'''===
----
今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

Now from Sunan to Yongch'ŏn the accumulated grains of both the official and private collections amount to several tens of thousand sŏk. I am afraid that one morning suddenly the Japanese soldiers will come down and our food collection will end up in their stomach. Not to mention our own troops just sitting and eating, daily consumption of food will be enormous. Men carrying things on their backs and women on their heads, the roads are filled with lines of people carrying all the resources to be utilized for the military provision to the point that there is not even a single thread left in the province. In this situation how could it [the Chinese aid] be delayed any further?

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞 "其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

Such person cares for none but himself and runs far away as soon as he hears the news of enemy approaching. [Those strong soldiers and courageous scholars convened under the general command are sitting around with nothing on earth to do but to grasp their own arms and moan] This is another vice to be urgently dealt with. Not until the awards and punishments are regulated, people's mind will not possibly move to become serious and encouraged. The region of Kyŏngsang Province is swarming with enemies. I have heard that "the people of the region have quite remarkable morale with which to subjugate enemies. Deplorably however, due to the bad harvest of the year the storage for military provision and for people is so empty as hardly any grain is left."

*Discussion Questions:
1. It sounds the Chosŏn people that time are so extremely demoralized. What are the causes which led their attitude to be such a way? Or is this the author's personal expression of despair?

2. The author mentions that there is not a single soul who would die to save the country from such the dire situation. However, historical records contain a number of patriots including Confucian scholars and Buddhist monks who were willing to sacrifice their lives to save the country. So, what does the author's statement regarding this issue mean to be more precise?

==='''Student 3 : (Jinsook)'''===
----
臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

Therefore, I wish I could explain this situation clearly to the Ming General and obtain his decisive remark so that he could direct the multiple of his high-ranking military generals to centralize the control of military; to remove any intention of delay/retreat; and to carry out a strategy to save lives from the threat of death.

[2-3] 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。<br />

If the left side of Gyeongsang- province collapses, then the right side of Gyeongsang-province cannot sustain itself. If the right side of Geongsang-province tumbles down, then Honam cannot survive. If Honam collapses, then Chungcheong-province is subsequently be invaded and there will be no single inch of intact land in the eight provinces. This year, there has been a pretty good harvest in Jeolla-do. [Your subject] wishes [your Highness] may make a decree that the crops of Homan be delivered in a sequential manner to the right side of Yeongnam for relief; and the left and right sides help each other. In addition, please appoint special officials to collect grains. There is no time to waste in handling the famine to relieve the famine and deliver [the people] from the rather urgent crisis. Only then, can the Southern area be protected.

*Discussion Questions:
What roles did Neo-Confucian scholars play in mobilizing the righteous army in Imjin war?

==='''Student 4 : (Soyun Lee)'''===
----
4-1.且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。
Also, your minister has this to say: The state of affairs is so risky and urgent as this. What can be relied on, if any, is that we can hope for the minds of people. If people's minds are divided, then there is nothing to be done further.

4-2. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。
In four directions, the front lines are reporting on the engagements and counter attacks. With every moment, it is getting more urgent than ever. During Qin Dynasty, the man who would report the situation had stayed oustside of the gate of the court for three days, and the knowledgeable people knew the Qin Dynasty would collapse.
It is your minister's wish if it could be possible from today to make a strategy upon receiving the reports from the front lines and immediately implement it. If the strategy is not formulated for one day or two, and days are not enough, then extending it through the night would be proper. In general, the bandits are fierce and aggressive, lowly born, and good at surprise attacks. The lances, swords all become sharp weapons. Our military cannot match [them]. In all areas, your majesty's military soldiers...

*Discussion Questions:
How were the conditions of the war when he wrote this memorials?
What effect did Ryu expect his memorials to have in practical terms? As a prime minister, what capacity did he have to handle the state affairs in the war time?
What did the Ming troops do in response to the Japanese campaign in 1572?
How do you think the strategy that he suggested? Do you think it is a great strategy?

==='''Student 5 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
1-5
凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。
Any these things, a meritorious service in war, to give government post for prize, to be exempt from base status, to be exempted from military service, all makes standardized rule.

有司卽日施行。
It should be started immediately.

以應古人1)賞不踰時之義。
It should respond that the ancients said “when give the prize, do not exceed the time.”

又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。
And what the troops and the people won by catching the enemy, don’t talk about more or less.

雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。
no matter which gold, jade, silk, cow, horse give to the person who won by catching the enemy.

官不得推。人不得奪。
don't should push away his job and rob by another person.

愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。
If so ignorant people will know benefit oneself, they strive be to kill the enemy first and shooting to the enemy

則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。
Then the strength of the enemy will become to decrease and to decline

2-5
四方主兵之人不能因勢利導。
The man who control the troops everywhere is unable to guide or channel action according to circumstances.

每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。
they all the time assemble disorderly mob, in order to important a large troops

約日徐趨。
On the appointed day, they go to there very slowly.

而瞭望不審。
And they not search the enemy in watchtower.

斥候不遠。
the enemy scout is not far from.

賊之間諜甚多。
the number of the enemy spy is very much.

耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。
because the enemy ears and eyes are everywhere. They all know our movements first.

故我軍每戰每敗。
Therefore, whenever our fight the enemy, we always lose

臣之愚意。
In my humble opinion,

當精抄銳軍。
we should hire seasoned troops.

混其服色。自相誌別。
as their clothes mix color so they know each other only

散布遠近。潛相約束。
let spread them from far to near, secretly control each other.

或晝或夜。出沒無定。
At the daytime or at the night, don’t set an appearing and a disappearing,

隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。
if they meet the enemy, immediately they must attack the enemy.

又不定處所。
And do not set the their dwelling place.

1) 漢書(Han Shu) - 翟方進傳[Biography of Jeok Bang-Jin who prime minister of han dynasty(B.C.202~A,D.8)]
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Irina)'''===
Questions:

1. In this memorial, Minister Ryu offers several strategies and changes in state policy. Have some of these been implemented in the course of the war?

2. (not related to the text)
Ryu Seong-ryong was the founder of the Ryu lineage of Hahoe village, Andong. Once the village was a center of Confucian culture and elite, and nowadays it became a symbol of the folk culture. Try to explain this transformation considering South Korean policy of popularizing Korean "traditional" culture.

1.
竊聞方伯之臣。

I have heard that local magistrates

或有捕賊所得者。

sometimes catch bandits.

如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。

And every time when it happens, they have to sent them the capital.

若不滿元報之數。

And If the booty is not big enough

則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。

they know that after catch the bandit, people will have to pay the rest.

故傳相戒勑。
???

不復捕賊云。

And they no longer will catch bandits.

臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

Your humble minister would like to ask you as quickly as possible to descent an official decree and spread it across the country.

2.
使賊莫測多少。

Let bandits fall into ignorance how many [fighters we have].

如京城四面數十里之內。

[Let them thing] that [our soldiers] are surrounding the capital in tens of lee

無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。

So if they come to the capital with plan to burn and loot

使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。

let’s disturb them, day and night not allow them to rest.

則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。

In less than ten days the [fighting] spirit of the bandits will be subdued and they will decide to don’t fight.

如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。

As like volunteer units and the army of Ganghwa province entered the field afloat.

虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

Your humble minister things that in this way the wasting of provisions will stop and in the end of the year we will avoid to come out in a fierce battle.

==='''Student 7 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

Gangwon Province links Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong Provinces. The mountains and forests there are rough and steep. Although there are not many soldiers in the province, but within the mountains and caves, those who live by hunting and make name for themselves as mountain men, are not small in number. If we rewarded them handsomely to summon them, gave good treatment to their wives and family, and dispatched them as ambush for day or night to come out and catch the bandits off-guard, then the bandits' northern route will be severed from its head to tail, and our eastern and southern forces could be connected.

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

This was eventually an army that hid from danger, it was not a strategy for restoration. Moreover, in Choi Won's army, the soldiers carried stacks of straw on their bodies [to feed the horses].[1] Their faces turned pale with fright, and for several months they suffered hunger and cold. Like zombies they looked at each other. Since Choi Won was useless and untalented, so the soldiers could not hope for him to make things work. But the court also did not take measures, causing the innocent soldiers to wear out, and yet no one took pity on them. Everywhere people have heard about this. So how could people all the more have the heart to diligently serve the king?

[1] Choi Won (崔遠, active 1580-1600) was a military officer of the mid-Joseon period. In 1592, he led a troop of 1,000 to fight against the Japanese invaders in Yeosan (modern day Iksan in Jeollabuk-do).

*Discussion Questions:

1. Throughout Ryu Seongryong's memorial, the question of administering the righteous / private army seems to be a matter of critical concern. What are Ryu Seongryong's suggestions for using the righteous army to the maximum effect? How are we to fully understand the rise and role of the righteous army during the Imjin War?

2. Ryu Seongryong gives different roles to people of each provinces to help with the war effort. What does his instructions tell us about the nature of this war and the role of common people in it?

3. Ryu Seongryong's memorial is deeply concerned about food supply for the troops. What does it tell us about the nature of pre-modern warfare?

==='''Student 8 : (Masha)'''===
----
8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。<br />

Your Subject thinks that the military forces for retrieval of the capital should be separated into three lines. The troops of Yangju, Pocheon, Jeokseon, Yongpyeong, Gapyeong and other counties would belong to one Commanding General. Like what [General] Ko Ŏnbaek did they will block the eastern frontier.<br />

8.2 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。<br />

Moreover, the bandits at the capital, likewise, have definitely heard that and laughed and made fun of it. Your Subject's heart was deeply hurt because of that. Before I have heard that Jeolla Inspector Kwon Yul1 likewise had already stationed troops at Asan2 for a long time. I heard that there were bandits in Suwon3, and they could not advance forward. Lately I have heard that they moved army westward. The inspector is the official-in-charge of the province. Leaving the post and departing far away is undoubtedly an ill-conceived strategy. But this is what I presented.(?) We should still follow what Your Subject has explained. First, recruit the crack troops and divide and assign them to valiant generals to exterminate the bandits at the capital. Because of strong troops' reputation, it would likewise be one of the contributions in serving the king with loyalty. But it seems like that there is no big difference with the previous measures. This is a mistake of not knowing/neglecting the situation and military affairs.<br />

1 Kwon Yul 權慄 (1537-1599), Korean Army General and Commander-in-chief. He is known for the Battle of Haengju 幸州大捷, one of the greatest Korean victories during the Imjin war, where with army of approximately 3,000 soldiers he defeated more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers.<br />

2 A city in South Chungcheong province, 90 km south of Seoul.<br />

3 Gyeonggi province, 30 km south of Seoul.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. How does the memorial reflect the state of Korean military preparation and organization at the time from geographical and tactical perspectives? How can this document (what particular details) be helpful in learning about the first year of Imjin war and its causes? <br />
2. By what means does Ryu Seong-ryong obtain detailed information about each region, the people who lived there and the current situation? How did information channels work? <br />
3. How does the memorial reflect on the personalities and strategies of the generals and military leaders at the time? What is Ryu Seong-ryong's criticism? Judging from the memorial's content would the military leaders had had access to it?

==='''Student 9 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

The military garrisons in Kyŏdong, Kanghwa, Koyang, Kyoha, and others[1] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can surround and guard [the capital] from four different directions. The military garrisons in the south of the Han River such as Kwangju, Kwach’ŏn, Suwŏn and others[2] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can block [the road] from the south.

[1] These towns were located in the west of the capital. Currently, they belong to Kanghwa County and Koyang City.
[2] Kwangju was located in the southeast of the capital. Kwach’ŏn and Suwŏn were located in the south of the capital.

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

In your minister’s view, among all the generals, only Ko Ŏnbaek (? - 1609) has the strong mind of serving the country. Even though he has [good] strategies in his mind, the roles and responsibility that he holds are insignificant. He is in charge of the military of only one county, Yangju. He, thereupon, has not yet achieved anything. Now, among the military generals who have already held the high posts, many [only] value themselves and occupy the easy posts. They are not willing to undertake tasks for serving the country. [Your Majesty] should not stick to the regulations of ordinary days. [Rather, Your Majesty] should follow what people of the past said: “select a man among common soldiers and appoint him as a general.” A man like Hong Kyenam (1564∼1597) has already become a high-level official (tangsang). [Your Majesty] should confer the temporally title of the auxiliary defense officer (chobangjang) on him (Ko Ŏnbaek) and have him unite military forces and make an assert on the bandits. Then, there will be nothing that cannot be done. The bandits and our people are mixed and reside together inside the walled city (Seould) so [the enemy] almost lost sense of who us are and who others are.

[3] Tangsang refers to ministers of senior third rank (''chŏng-sam-p’um'') or above who eligible to participate in discussions with the king at the palace hall.

*Discussion Questions:
1. Scholars often attribute Chosŏn's failure of preventing/defending itself from the Japanese invasions to its long-lasting factional stripe. Is there any part in this document that reflects the influence of factionalism?

2. Some argue that nationalism (or proto-nationalism) in Korea was shaped during the Hideyoshi Invasion in its collective process of fending off Japanese. Is there any part in this document that evidences the existence of (proto-)nationalism in Korea?

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

We should merge the three teams. First, they should work on shifts, and fight tirelessly against the enemies. When the bandits are small in numbers, we should divide them, so they can lurk in ambush. When they are in large numbers, on the other hand, we should bring them together, so they can fight relentlessly. Also, have high-ranking officials be on patrol constantly [to see what is going on], and put forward timely (and pertinent) policies, so that voluntary (lit.righteous) armies and official troops are not to be separate from each other. Advance and retreat should be slow and speedy respectively, and hence not be treated equally. In so doing, their robust and stout energies can be enhanced, and thereby be integrated into the whole (military) system.

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

Hence, we can take advantage of this situation. Likewise, we can design proper strategies accordingly. In this regard, the best scenario is to attack [enemies] in the nighttime. To this end, inner and outer soldiers (local residents/bandits) should collaborate with each other, and the prefectures should rise up [against Japanese soldiers] simultaneously. Indeed, there are several nests and caves (enemies' hideouts) in Hamhung, and we should subdue them. In this way, minor agendas can also be put into order. Currently, however, this is not the case. [In principle], our priority is to capture Japanese soldiers. And we should have bandits be aware of this, always be prepared accordingly (combat readiness), and thereby integrate each of them into the official military system. Nonetheless, they are merely sitting in a circle, looking askance at each other, and further not willing to fight desperately [against the enemies]. How pathetic!

Discussion questions: In this passage, Ryu Song-ryong attempts to mobilize a group of bandits from various regions into Choson's regular military system. This represents that the Choson dynasty army was extremely weak and debilitating at the time. What was the most serious problem inherent in Choson's military system in the 16th century? Further, why was the Choson government so unprepared for the Japanese invasion as such?

==='''Student 11 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

Thereafter, merge the Gangwon troops with the eastern troops, join the forces of the Ganghwa troops with the western troops, and unite the Chungcheong troops with the southern troops. In this way, （our troops can) look for (good) opportunity (to launch offensive attack), by luring the bandits to the front or pushing them back. (As thus) every troop unifies the mind and converges in crowds from several directions, and eventually the bandits (will be put to rout as easy as capturing) a rabbit trapped in a net.

2-11 且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

Moreover, your minister has heard that when Song Eonsin *1 was assigned to the south [Hamgyeong] province at first, countless people gathered from far and near when they heard about the inspector’s arrival. But before long, Song Eonsin was dismissed for the conviction. As the local people lost their backer, they bawled and wailed in lamentation, and dissolved soon after ten days. Your minister is not capable to judge whether Eonsin had dealt with the affairs appropriately. However, the people in the north [Hamgyeong] province have been invaded by the bandits for a long time. [Assumedly] their forces would be united as long as the court appoints an official to the province. But now the inspector was ousted not long after the appointment, and there is no alternate to repalce him. Even though there are defender officiers[in the frontier], their lowness of the position is not able to pacify the people. Your minister could not help but deplore.

*1 宋言愼 (1542∼1612) was the border inspector of Hamkyeong Province and Pyeongan Province during the Japanese invasion.

*Discussion Questions:
1. There were two military forces during the war, namely private amies (義兵) and official troops (官軍). How was the relationship between these two forces and how did they associate with each other?

2. From the perspective of geography, how should we evaluate the importance of Honam area during the Japanese invasion?

==='''Student 12 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
12. 而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

And inside the capital, there must also have people who respond from within and butcher [the Japanese]. Now, I heard that the voluntary soldiers of various places, each loves their hometown, and each gathered in separate garrison. But on each day they only capture several scattered bandits.

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

Ŏnsin<ref>Song Ŏnsin 宋言愼 (1542-1612) was concurrently the sunch’alsa 巡察使 (Mobile Inspector) of both P'yŏng'an 平安道 and Hamgyŏng 咸鏡道 Provinces when the Imjin War broke out.</ref> was previously in Hŭich'ŏn<ref>in modern day southern part of Chagang Province 慈江道, North Korea</ref>. He was late, hesitating for several months. Certainly, he was not without guilt. But regarding his dismissal and replacement, they should happen when he was delaying at Hŭich'ŏn, not after when he was in the province<ref>Hamgyŏng Province</ref>. A [good] moment is hard to come by, yet easy to lose. An opportunity is easy to slip through, yet difficult to seize. The timing between success and failure is separated apart by a day's distance. As for the handling of such matters, the court should wholeheartedly investigate and calculate, and should not miss [any] opportunity. This is also what your minister looking forward to.

<references/>

*Discussion Questions:
# What were the weaknesses of the Chosŏn government in dealing with this national crisis? Considering what Yu Sŏng-nyong writes in his memorial, why did the Chosŏn army fail to defend its country?

==='''Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期

They galloped to report their victory. But they have never confronted the bandits in large numbers.in addition, the government army and righteous/private army are distinguished from each other. The marching (of the two armies) are not coordinated. (If one side was defeated), they would not come to the other’s rescue. For this reason, the militaristic momentum is isolated and inept. Every day (the army is) dissolving and deserting. There will never be a day that the bandits could be eradicated.

discussion question:

1. Being a prominent Confucian literato, how practical are Ryu Seong-ryong’s proposed strategies to defend Korea against the Japanese?

2. In an utmost national crisis like the Imjin Waeran, how the conventional distinctions between 문and 무 changed in Chosŏn society?

3. Scholars like JaHyun Kim Haboush have argued that the spontaneous resistance organized by the righteous army marked the beginning of a prototype Korean nationalism. How is Ryu Seong-ryong’s assessment of the righteous army compare to this view?

2-13
臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡陳。謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)
I am an insolent person, and ashamed to once hold the important post of minster. Making the national matters into this circumstance, I would not regret even if die ten thousand times. What I have blindly stated above are all inappropriate. The court must have already acted on (the matters that I proposed on), but I have not become aware of (the court’s action). Observing the current matters, the crisis is more urgent day by day. (The sorrow) punctures my heart and carves on my bone, I shed tears day and night. The trivial matters are not touched on, I prudently gathered the principal matters, prepared in case you would want select from it. I hope you would scrutinize my humble sincerity with some sympathy.

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">

</div>

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-11T01:54:53Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 진시무차1.JPG
|English = Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs
|Chinese = “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)
|Korean = 진시무차(''Jin simucha'')
|Genre = [[Literati writings]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryu_Seong-ryong 西厓柳成龍]
|Year = 1594
|Key Concepts= Imjin War, Japan-Korea Relations
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:진시무차2.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(2)
파일:진시무차3.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(3)
파일:진시무차4.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(4)
파일:진시무차5.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(5)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. [豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

2. 今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

3. 臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

4. 且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。

5. 凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。有司卽日施行。以應古人賞不踰時之義。又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。官不得推。人不得奪。愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。

6. 竊聞方伯之臣。或有捕賊所得者。如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。若不滿元報之數。則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。故傳相戒勑。不復捕賊云。臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。

9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

12.而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

13. 騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期。

2-1. 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞"其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

2-3. 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。

2-4. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。

2-5. 不能因勢利導。每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。約日徐趨。而瞭望不審。斥候不遠。賊之間諜甚多。耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。故我軍每戰每敗。
臣之愚意。當精抄銳軍。混其服色。自相誌別。散布遠近。潛相約束。或晝或夜。出沒無定。隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。又不定處所。

2-6. 使賊莫測多少。如京城四面數十里之內。無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

2-8. 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

2-11.且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

2-13. 臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)

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(translation)
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=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Martin'''===
----
[豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

[The Great Lord of P'ungwŏn, your minister humbly considers] Todays state of affairs has already reached extreme danger and urgency. There is nothing we can do anymore. Daily we look towards the Ming Army,#1 but they retreat and do not come. The end of the year is already pressing closer. Our country has shown allegiance towards China#2 to the farthest degree. If today we are befallen by disaster; this is also due to China.#3 However China does not rush towards our rescue, letting the world come to chaos. If there are [talented] people in China dealing with the affairs it would surely not be like this.

2/1 - 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

In Old Tang-times there were men that rose up righteously, men like Xun#1 and Yuan#2. Firmly the generals obeyed the control of Li#3 and Guo#4 without one doubt. How could the righteous army alone be the righteous army, and how the official military by itself be the official military? Today’s woe is that we don’t have Li and Guo, Yet with the forces dispersed and difficult to merge, we cannot but not take care of this. Since the outbreak of the war, not one minister died a martyr, all think of running as a good strategy, worse even they assemble the elite forces of the provinces,

1 Zhang Xun 張巡 (709-757), A Tang-Dynasty general during the An Lu Shan Rebellion. Involved in the defense of Suiyang, was eventually killed by Yan-Forces

2 Xu Yuan 許遠 (709-757) a Tang-Dynasty general, commander of Suiyang Commandery, was captured during the siege of Suiyang and was later killed.

3 Li Guangbi 李光弼 (708-764), a Tang-Dynasty general involved in the suppression of the An Lu Shan Rebellion. Served as military commander of Hedong, (modern day Shanxi) at the outbreak of the Rebellion.

4 Guo Ziyi 郭子儀 (697-781), a Tang-Dynasty general credited with the successful suppression of the An Lu Shan Rebellion.

1. lit. Tang-Soldiers, ...

2. lit. China...

3.

*Discussion Questions:
1. As a civil official Ryu Sŏng-ryong is providing detailed knowledge of military and organizational matters, from where does his insight originate?

==='''Student 2 : YoungSuk'''===
----
今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

Now from Sunan to Yongch'ŏn the accumulated grains of both the official and private collections amount to several tens of thousand sŏk. I am afraid that one morning suddenly the Japanese soldiers will come down and our food collection will end up in their stomach. Not to mention our own troops just sitting and eating, daily consumption of food will be enormous. Men carrying things on their backs and women on their heads, the roads are filled with lines of people carrying all the resources to be utilized for the military provision to the point that there is not even a single thread left in the province. In this situation how could it [the Chinese aid] be delayed any further?

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞 "其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

Such person cares for none but himself and runs far away as soon as he hears the news of enemy approaching. [Those strong soldiers and courageous scholars convened under the general command are sitting around with nothing on earth to do but to grasp their own arms and moan] This is another vice to be urgently dealt with. Not until the awards and punishments are regulated, people's mind will not possibly move to become serious and encouraged. The region of Kyŏngsang Province is swarming with enemies. I have heard that "the people of the region have quite remarkable morale with which to subjugate enemies. Deplorably however, due to the bad harvest of the year the storage for military provision and for people is so empty as hardly any grain is left."

*Discussion Questions:
1. It sounds the Chosŏn people that time are so extremely demoralized. What are the causes which led their attitude to be such a way? Or is this the author's personal expression of despair?

2. The author mentions that there is not a single soul who would die to save the country from such the dire situation. However, historical records contain a number of patriots including Confucian scholars and Buddhist monks who were willing to sacrifice their lives to save the country. So, what does the author's statement regarding this issue mean to be more precise?

==='''Student 3 : (Jinsook)'''===
----
臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

Therefore, I wish I could explain this situation clearly to the Ming General and obtain his decisive remark so that he could direct the multiple of his high-ranking military generals to centralize the control of military; to remove any intention of delay/retreat; and to carry out a strategy to save lives from the threat of death.

[2-3] 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。<br />

If the left side of Gyeongsang- province collapses, then the right side of Gyeongsang-province cannot sustain itself. If the right side of Geongsang-province tumbles down, then Honam cannot survive. If Honam collapses, then Chungcheong-province is subsequently be invaded and there will be no single inch of intact land in the eight provinces. This year, there has been a pretty good harvest in Jeolla-do. [Your subject] wishes [your Highness] may make a decree that the crops of Homan be delivered in a sequential manner to the right side of Yeongnam for relief; and the left and right sides help each other. In addition, please appoint special officials to collect grains. There is no time to waste in handling the famine to relieve the famine and deliver [the people] from the rather urgent crisis. Only then, can the Southern area be protected.

*Discussion Questions:
What roles did Neo-Confucian scholars play in mobilizing the righteous army in Imjin war?

==='''Student 4 : (Soyun Lee)'''===
----
4-1.且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。
Also, your minister has this to say: The state of affairs is so risky and urgent as this. What can be relied on, if any, is that we can hope for the minds of people. If people's minds are divided, then there is nothing to be done further.

4-2. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。
In four directions, the front lines are reporting on the engagements and counter attacks. With every moment, it is getting more urgent than ever. During Qin Dynasty, the man who would report the situation had stayed oustside of the gate of the court for three days, and the knowledgeable people knew the Qin Dynasty would collapse.
It is your minister's wish if it could be possible from today to make a strategy upon receiving the reports from the front lines and immediately implement it. If the strategy is not formulated for one day or two, and days are not enough, then extending it through the night would be proper. In general, the bandits are fierce and aggressive, lowly born, and good at surprise attacks. The lances, swords all become sharp weapons. Our military cannot match [them]. In all areas, your majesty's military soldiers...

*Discussion Questions:
How were the conditions of the war when he wrote this memorials?
What effect did Ryu expect his memorials to have in practical terms? As a prime minister, what capacity did he have to handle the state affairs in the war time?
What did the Ming troops do in response to the Japanese campaign in 1572?
How do you think the strategy that he suggested? Do you think it is a great strategy?

==='''Student 5 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
1-5
凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。
Any these things, a meritorious service in war, to give government post for prize, to be exempt from base status, to be exempted from military service, all makes standardized rule.

有司卽日施行。
It should be started immediately.

以應古人1)賞不踰時之義。
It should respond that the ancients said “when give the prize, do not exceed the time.”

又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。
And what the troops and the people won by catching the enemy, don’t talk about more or less.

雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。
no matter which gold, jade, silk, cow, horse give to the person who won by catching the enemy.

官不得推。人不得奪。
don't should push away his job and rob by another person.

愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。
If so ignorant people will know benefit oneself, they strive be to kill the enemy first and shooting to the enemy

則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。
Then the strength of the enemy will become to decrease and to decline

2-5
四方主兵之人不能因勢利導。
The man who control the troops everywhere is unable to guide or channel action according to circumstances.

每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。
they all the time assemble disorderly mob, in order to important a large troops

約日徐趨。
On the appointed day, they go to there very slowly.

而瞭望不審。
And they not search the enemy in watchtower.

斥候不遠。
the enemy scout is not far from.

賊之間諜甚多。
the number of the enemy spy is very much.

耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。
because the enemy ears and eyes are everywhere. They all know our movements first.

故我軍每戰每敗。
Therefore, whenever our fight the enemy, we always lose

臣之愚意。
In my humble opinion,

當精抄銳軍。
we should hire seasoned troops.

混其服色。自相誌別。
as their clothes mix color so they know each other only

散布遠近。潛相約束。
let spread them from far to near, secretly control each other.

或晝或夜。出沒無定。
At the daytime or at the night, don’t set an appearing and a disappearing,

隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。
if they meet the enemy, immediately they must attack the enemy.

又不定處所。
And do not set the their dwelling place.

1) 漢書(Han Shu) - 翟方進傳[Biography of Jeok Bang-Jin who prime minister of han dynasty(B.C.202~A,D.8)]
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Irina)'''===
----

1.
竊聞方伯之臣。

I have heard that local magistrates

或有捕賊所得者。

sometimes catch bandits.

如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。

And every time when it happens, they have to sent them the capital.

若不滿元報之數。

And If the booty is not big enough

則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。

they know that after catch the bandit, people will have to pay the rest.

故傳相戒勑。
???

不復捕賊云。

And they no longer will catch bandits.

臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

Your humble minister would like to ask you as quickly as possible to descent an official decree and spread it across the country.

2.
使賊莫測多少。

Let bandits fall into ignorance how many [fighters we have].

如京城四面數十里之內。

[Let them thing] that [our soldiers] are surrounding the capital in tens of lee

無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。

So if they come to the capital with plan to burn and loot

使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。

let’s disturb them, day and night not allow them to rest.

則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。

In less than ten days the [fighting] spirit of the bandits will be subdued and they will decide to don’t fight.

如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。

As like volunteer units and the army of Ganghwa province entered the field afloat.

虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

Your humble minister things that in this way the wasting of provisions will stop and in the end of the year we will avoid to come out in a fierce battle.

Question on Ryu Seong-ryong (not related to the text)

Ryu Seong-ryong was the founder of the Ryu lineage of Hahoe village, Andong. Once the village was a center of Confucian culture and elite, and nowadays it became a symbol of the folk culture. Try to explain this transformation considering Korean policy of popularizing Korean "traditional" culture.

==='''Student 7 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

Gangwon Province links Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong Provinces. The mountains and forests there are rough and steep. Although there are not many soldiers in the province, but within the mountains and caves, those who live by hunting and make name for themselves as mountain men, are not small in number. If we rewarded them handsomely to summon them, gave good treatment to their wives and family, and dispatched them as ambush for day or night to come out and catch the bandits off-guard, then the bandits' northern route will be severed from its head to tail, and our eastern and southern forces could be connected.

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

This was eventually an army that hid from danger, it was not a strategy for restoration. Moreover, in Choi Won's army, the soldiers carried stacks of straw on their bodies [to feed the horses].[1] Their faces turned pale with fright, and for several months they suffered hunger and cold. Like zombies they looked at each other. Since Choi Won was useless and untalented, so the soldiers could not hope for him to make things work. But the court also did not take measures, causing the innocent soldiers to wear out, and yet no one took pity on them. Everywhere people have heard about this. So how could people all the more have the heart to diligently serve the king?

[1] Choi Won (崔遠, active 1580-1600) was a military officer of the mid-Joseon period. In 1592, he led a troop of 1,000 to fight against the Japanese invaders in Yeosan (modern day Iksan in Jeollabuk-do).

*Discussion Questions:

1. Throughout Ryu Seongryong's memorial, the question of administering the righteous / private army seems to be a matter of critical concern. What are Ryu Seongryong's suggestions for using the righteous army to the maximum effect? How are we to fully understand the rise and role of the righteous army during the Imjin War?

2. Ryu Seongryong gives different roles to people of each provinces to help with the war effort. What does his instructions tell us about the nature of this war and the role of common people in it?

3. Ryu Seongryong's memorial is deeply concerned about food supply for the troops. What does it tell us about the nature of pre-modern warfare?

==='''Student 8 : (Masha)'''===
----
8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。<br />

Your Subject thinks that the military forces for retrieval of the capital should be separated into three lines. The troops of Yangju, Pocheon, Jeokseon, Yongpyeong, Gapyeong and other counties would belong to one Commanding General. Like what [General] Ko Ŏnbaek did they will block the eastern frontier.<br />

8.2 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。<br />

Moreover, the bandits at the capital, likewise, have definitely heard that and laughed and made fun of it. Your Subject's heart was deeply hurt because of that. Before I have heard that Jeolla Inspector Kwon Yul1 likewise had already stationed troops at Asan2 for a long time. I heard that there were bandits in Suwon3, and they could not advance forward. Lately I have heard that they moved army westward. The inspector is the official-in-charge of the province. Leaving the post and departing far away is undoubtedly an ill-conceived strategy. But this is what I presented.(?) We should still follow what Your Subject has explained. First, recruit the crack troops and divide and assign them to valiant generals to exterminate the bandits at the capital. Because of strong troops' reputation, it would likewise be one of the contributions in serving the king with loyalty. But it seems like that there is no big difference with the previous measures. This is a mistake of not knowing/neglecting the situation and military affairs.<br />

1 Kwon Yul 權慄 (1537-1599), Korean Army General and Commander-in-chief. He is known for the Battle of Haengju 幸州大捷, one of the greatest Korean victories during the Imjin war, where with army of approximately 3,000 soldiers he defeated more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers.<br />

2 A city in South Chungcheong province, 90 km south of Seoul.<br />

3 Gyeonggi province, 30 km south of Seoul.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. How does the memorial reflect the state of Korean military preparation and organization at the time from geographical and tactical perspectives? How can this document (what particular details) be helpful in learning about the first year of Imjin war and its causes? <br />
2. By what means does Ryu Seong-ryong obtain detailed information about each region, the people who lived there and the current situation? How did information channels work? <br />

==='''Student 9 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

The military garrisons in Kyŏdong, Kanghwa, Koyang, Kyoha, and others[1] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can surround and guard [the capital] from four different directions. The military garrisons in the south of the Han River such as Kwangju, Kwach’ŏn, Suwŏn and others[2] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can block [the road] from the south.

[1] These towns were located in the west of the capital. Currently, they belong to Kanghwa County and Koyang City.
[2] Kwangju was located in the southeast of the capital. Kwach’ŏn and Suwŏn were located in the south of the capital.

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

In your minister’s view, among all the generals, only Ko Ŏnbaek (? - 1609) has the strong mind of serving the country. Even though he has [good] strategies in his mind, the roles and responsibility that he holds are insignificant. He is in charge of the military of only one county, Yangju. He, thereupon, has not yet achieved anything. Now, among the military generals who have already held the high posts, many [only] value themselves and occupy the easy posts. They are not willing to undertake tasks for serving the country. [Your Majesty] should not stick to the regulations of ordinary days. [Rather, Your Majesty] should follow what people of the past said: “select a man among common soldiers and appoint him as a general.” A man like Hong Kyenam (1564∼1597) has already become a high-level official (tangsang). [Your Majesty] should confer the temporally title of the auxiliary defense officer (chobangjang) on him (Ko Ŏnbaek) and have him unite military forces and make an assert on the bandits. Then, there will be nothing that cannot be done. The bandits and our people are mixed and reside together inside the walled city (Seould) so [the enemy] almost lost sense of who us are and who others are.

[3] Tangsang refers to ministers of senior third rank (''chŏng-sam-p’um'') or above who eligible to participate in discussions with the king at the palace hall.

*Discussion Questions:
1. Scholars often attribute Chosŏn's failure of preventing/defending itself from the Japanese invasions to its long-lasting factional stripe. Is there any part in this document that reflects the influence of factionalism?

2. Some argue that nationalism (or proto-nationalism) in Korea was shaped during the Hideyoshi Invasion in its collective process of fending off Japanese. Is there any part in this document that evidences the existence of (proto-)nationalism in Korea?

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

We should merge the three teams. First, they should work on shifts, and fight tirelessly against the enemies. When the bandits are small in numbers, we should divide them, so they can lurk in ambush. When they are in large numbers, on the other hand, we should bring them together, so they can fight relentlessly. Also, have high-ranking officials be on patrol constantly [to see what is going on], and put forward timely (and pertinent) policies, so that voluntary (lit.righteous) armies and official troops are not to be separate from each other. Advance and retreat should be slow and speedy respectively, and hence not be treated equally. In so doing, their robust and stout energies can be enhanced, and thereby be integrated into the whole (military) system.

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

Hence, we can take advantage of this situation. Likewise, we can design proper strategies accordingly. In this regard, the best scenario is to attack [enemies] in the nighttime. To this end, inner and outer soldiers (local residents/bandits) should collaborate with each other, and the prefectures should rise up [against Japanese soldiers] simultaneously. Indeed, there are several nests and caves (enemies' hideouts) in Hamhung, and we should subdue them. In this way, minor agendas can also be put into order. Currently, however, this is not the case. [In principle], our priority is to capture Japanese soldiers. And we should have bandits be aware of this, always be prepared accordingly (combat readiness), and thereby integrate each of them into the official military system. Nonetheless, they are merely sitting in a circle, looking askance at each other, and further not willing to fight desperately [against the enemies]. How pathetic!

Discussion questions: In this passage, Ryu Song-ryong attempts to mobilize a group of bandits from various regions into Choson's regular military system. This represents that the Choson dynasty army was extremely weak and debilitating at the time. What was the most serious problem inherent in Choson's military system in the 16th century? Further, why was the Choson government so unprepared for the Japanese invasion as such?

==='''Student 11 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

Thereafter, merge the Gangwon troops with the eastern troops, join the forces of the Ganghwa troops with the western troops, and unite the Chungcheong troops with the southern troops. In this way, （our troops can) look for (good) opportunity (to launch offensive attack), by luring the bandits to the front or pushing them back. (As thus) every troop unifies the mind and converges in crowds from several directions, and eventually the bandits (will be put to rout as easy as capturing) a rabbit trapped in a net.

2-11 且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

Moreover, your minister has heard that when Song Eonsin *1 was assigned to the south [Hamgyeong] province at first, countless people gathered from far and near when they heard about the inspector’s arrival. But before long, Song Eonsin was dismissed for the conviction. As the local people lost their backer, they bawled and wailed in lamentation, and dissolved soon after ten days. Your minister is not capable to judge whether Eonsin had dealt with the affairs appropriately. However, the people in the north [Hamgyeong] province have been invaded by the bandits for a long time. [Assumedly] their forces would be united as long as the court appoints an official to the province. But now the inspector was ousted not long after the appointment, and there is no alternate to repalce him. Even though there are defender officiers[in the frontier], their lowness of the position is not able to pacify the people. Your minister could not help but deplore.

*1 宋言愼 (1542∼1612) was the border inspector of Hamkyeong Province and Pyeongan Province during the Japanese invasion.

*Discussion Questions:
1. There were two military forces during the war, namely private amies (義兵) and official troops (官軍). How was the relationship between these two forces and how did they associate with each other?

2. From the perspective of geography, how should we evaluate the importance of Honam area during the Japanese invasion?

==='''Student 12 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
12. 而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

And inside the capital, there must also have people who respond from within and butcher [the Japanese]. Now, I heard that the voluntary soldiers of various places, each loves their hometown, and each gathered in separate garrison. But on each day they only capture several scattered bandits.

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

Ŏnsin<ref>Song Ŏnsin 宋言愼 (1542-1612) was concurrently the sunch’alsa 巡察使 (Mobile Inspector) of both P'yŏng'an 平安道 and Hamgyŏng 咸鏡道 Provinces when the Imjin War broke out.</ref> was previously in Hŭich'ŏn<ref>in modern day southern part of Chagang Province 慈江道, North Korea</ref>. He was late, hesitating for several months. Certainly, he was not without guilt. But regarding his dismissal and replacement, they should happen when he was delaying at Hŭich'ŏn, not after when he was in the province<ref>Hamgyŏng Province</ref>. A [good] moment is hard to come by, yet easy to lose. An opportunity is easy to slip through, yet difficult to seize. The timing between success and failure is separated apart by a day's distance. As for the handling of such matters, the court should wholeheartedly investigate and calculate, and should not miss [any] opportunity. This is also what your minister looking forward to.

<references/>

*Discussion Questions:
# What were the weaknesses of the Chosŏn government in dealing with this national crisis? Considering what Yu Sŏng-nyong writes in his memorial, why did the Chosŏn army fail to defend its country?

==='''Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期

They galloped to report their victory. But they have never confronted the bandits in large numbers.in addition, the government army and righteous/private army are distinguished from each other. The marching (of the two armies) are not coordinated. (If one side was defeated), they would not come to the other’s rescue. For this reason, the militaristic momentum is isolated and inept. Every day (the army is) dissolving and deserting. There will never be a day that the bandits could be eradicated.

discussion question:

1. Being a prominent Confucian literato, how practical are Ryu Seong-ryong’s proposed strategies to defend Korea against the Japanese?
2. In an utmost national crisis like the Imjin Waeran, how the conventional distinctions between 문and 무 changed in Chosŏn society?
3. Scholars like JaHyun Kim Haboush have argued that the spontaneous resistance organized by the righteous army marked the beginning of a prototype Korean nationalism. How is Ryu Seong-ryong’s assessment of the righteous army compare to this view?

2-13
臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)
I am an insolent person, and ashamed to once hold the important post of minster. Making the national matters into this circumstance, I would not regret even if die ten thousand times. What I have blindly stated above are all inappropriate. The court must have already acted on (the matters that I proposed on), but I have not become aware of (the court’s action). Observing the current matters, the crisis is more urgent day by day. (The sorrow) punctures my heart and carves on my bone, I shed tears day and night. The trivial matters are not touched on, I prudently gathered the principal matters, prepared in case you would want select from it. I hope you would scrutinize my humble sincerity with some sympathy.

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">

</div>

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-11T00:46:07Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 진시무차1.JPG
|English = Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs
|Chinese = “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)
|Korean = 진시무차(''Jin simucha'')
|Genre = [[Literati writings]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryu_Seong-ryong 西厓柳成龍]
|Year = 1594
|Key Concepts= Imjin War, Japan-Korea Relations
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:진시무차2.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(2)
파일:진시무차3.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(3)
파일:진시무차4.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(4)
파일:진시무차5.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(5)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. [豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

2. 今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

3. 臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

4. 且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。

5. 凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。有司卽日施行。以應古人賞不踰時之義。又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。官不得推。人不得奪。愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。

6. 竊聞方伯之臣。或有捕賊所得者。如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。若不滿元報之數。則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。故傳相戒勑。不復捕賊云。臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。

9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

12.而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

13. 騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期。

2-1. 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞"其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

2-3. 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。

2-4. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。

2-5. 不能因勢利導。每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。約日徐趨。而瞭望不審。斥候不遠。賊之間諜甚多。耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。故我軍每戰每敗。
臣之愚意。當精抄銳軍。混其服色。自相誌別。散布遠近。潛相約束。或晝或夜。出沒無定。隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。又不定處所。

2-6. 使賊莫測多少。如京城四面數十里之內。無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

2-8. 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

2-11.且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

2-13. 臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)

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(translation)
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=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Martin'''===
----
[豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

[The Great Lord of P'ungwŏn, your minister humbly considers] Todays state of affairs has already reached extreme danger and urgency. There is nothing we can do anymore. Daily we look towards the Ming Army,#1 but they retreat and do not come. The end of the year is already pressing closer. Our country has shown allegiance towards China#2 to the farthest degree. If today we are befallen by disaster; this is also due to China.#3 However China does not rush towards our rescue, letting the world come to chaos. If there are [talented] people in China dealing with the affairs it would surely not be like this.

1. lit. Tang-Soldiers, ...

2. lit. China...

3.

*Discussion Questions:
1. As a civil official Ryu Sŏng-ryong is providing detailed knowledge of military and organizational matters, from where does his insight originate?

==='''Student 2 : YoungSuk'''===
----
今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

Now from Sunan to Yongch'ŏn the accumulated grains of both the official and private collections amount to several tens of thousand sŏk. I am afraid that one morning suddenly the Japanese soldiers will come down and our food collection will end up in their stomach. Not to mention our own troops just sitting and eating, daily consumption of food will be enormous. Men carrying things on their backs and women on their heads, the roads are filled with lines of people carrying all the resources to be utilized for the military provision to the point that there is not even a single thread left in the province. In this situation how could it [the Chinese aid] be delayed any further?

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞 "其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

Such person cares for none but himself and runs far away as soon as he hears the news of enemy approaching. [Those strong soldiers and courageous scholars convened under the general command are sitting around with nothing on earth to do but to grasp their own arms and moan] This is another vice to be urgently dealt with. Not until the awards and punishments are regulated, people's mind will not possibly move to become serious and encouraged. The region of Kyŏngsang Province is swarming with enemies. I have heard that "the people of the region have quite remarkable morale with which to subjugate enemies. Deplorably however, due to the bad harvest of the year the storage for military provision and for people is so empty as hardly any grain is left."

*Discussion Questions:
1. It sounds the Chosŏn people that time are so extremely demoralized. What are the causes which led their attitude to be such a way? Or is this the author's personal expression of despair?

2. The author mentions that there is not a single soul who would die to save the country from such the dire situation. However, historical records contain a number of patriots including Confucian scholars and Buddhist monks who were willing to sacrifice their lives to save the country. So, what does the author's statement regarding this issue mean to be more precise?

==='''Student 3 : (Jinsook)'''===
----
臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

Therefore, I wish I could explain this situation clearly to the Ming General and obtain his decisive remark so that he could direct the multiple of his high-ranking military generals to centralize the control of military; to remove any intention of delay/retreat; and to carry out a strategy to save lives from the threat of death.

[2-3] 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。<br />

If the left side of Gyeongsang- province collapses, then the right side of Gyeongsang-province cannot sustain itself. If the right side of Geongsang-province tumbles down, then Honam cannot survive. If Honam collapses, then Chungcheong-province is subsequently be invaded and there will be no single inch of intact land in the eight provinces. This year, there has been a pretty good harvest in Jeolla-do. [Your subject] wishes [your Highness] may make a decree that the crops of Homan be delivered in a sequential manner to the right side of Yeongnam for relief; and the left and right sides help each other. In addition, please appoint special officials to collect grains. There is no time to waste in handling the famine to relieve the famine and deliver [the people] from the rather urgent crisis. Only then, can the Southern area be protected.

*Discussion Questions:
What roles did Neo-Confucian scholars play in mobilizing the righteous army in Imjin war?

==='''Student 4 : (Soyun Lee)'''===
----
4-1.且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。
Also, your minister has this to say: The state of affairs is so risky and urgent as this. What can be relied on, if any, is that we can hope for the minds of people. If people's minds are divided, then there is nothing to be done further.

4-2. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。
In four directions, the front lines are reporting on the engagements and counter attacks. With every moment, it is getting more urgent than ever. During Qin Dynasty, the man who would report the situation had stayed oustside of the gate of the court for three days, and the knowledgeable people knew the Qin Dynasty would collapse.
It is your minister's wish if it could be possible from today to make a strategy upon receiving the reports from the front lines and immediately implement it. If the strategy is not formulated for one day or two, and days are not enough, then extending it through the night would be proper. In general, the bandits are fierce and aggressive, lowly born, and good at surprise attacks. The lances, swords all become sharp weapons. Our military cannot match [them]. In all areas, your majesty's military soldiers...

*Discussion Questions:
How were the conditions of the war when he wrote this memorials?
What effect did Ryu expect his memorials to have in practical terms? As a prime minister, what capacity did he have to handle the state affairs in the war time?
What did the Ming troops do in response to the Japanese campaign in 1572?
How do you think the strategy that he suggested? Do you think it is a great strategy?

==='''Student 5 : (Dohee jeoung)'''===
----
1-5
凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。
Any these things, a meritorious service in war, to give government post for prize, to be exempt from base status, to be exempted from military service, all makes standardized rule.

有司卽日施行。
It should be started immediately.

以應古人1)賞不踰時之義。
It should respond that the ancients said “when give the prize, do not exceed the time.”

又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。
And what the troops and the people won by catching the enemy, don’t talk about more or less.

雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。
no matter which gold, jade, silk, cow, horse give to the person who won by catching the enemy.

官不得推。人不得奪。
don't should push away his job and rob by another person.

愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。
If so ignorant people will know benefit oneself, they strive be to kill the enemy first and shooting to the enemy

則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。
Then the strength of the enemy will become to decrease and to decline

2-5
四方主兵之人不能因勢利導。
The man who control the troops everywhere is unable to guide or channel action according to circumstances.

每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。
they all the time assemble disorderly mob, in order to important a large troops

約日徐趨。
On the appointed day, they go to there very slowly.

而瞭望不審。
And they not search the enemy in watchtower.

斥候不遠。
the enemy scout is not far from.

賊之間諜甚多。
the number of the enemy spy is very much.

耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。
because the enemy ears and eyes are everywhere. They all know our movements first.

故我軍每戰每敗。
Therefore, whenever our fight the enemy, we always lose

臣之愚意。
In my humble opinion,

當精抄銳軍。
we should hire seasoned troops.

混其服色。自相誌別。
as their clothes mix color so they know each other only

散布遠近。潛相約束。
let spread them from far to near, secretly control each other.

或晝或夜。出沒無定。
At the daytime or at the night, don’t set an appearing and a disappearing,

隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。
if they meet the enemy, immediately they must attack the enemy.

又不定處所。
And do not set the their dwelling place.

1) 漢書(Han Shu) - 翟方進傳[Biography of Jeok Bang-Jin who prime minister of han dynasty(B.C.202~A,D.8)]
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Irina)'''===
----

1.
竊聞方伯之臣。

I have heard that local magistrates

或有捕賊所得者。

sometimes catch bandits.

如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。

And every time when it happens, they have to sent them the capital.

若不滿元報之數。

And If the booty is not big enough

則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。

they know that after catch the bandit, people will have to pay the rest.

故傳相戒勑。
???

不復捕賊云。

And they no longer will catch bandits.

臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

Your humble minister would like to ask you as quickly as possible to descent an official decree and spread it across the country.

2.
使賊莫測多少。

Let bandits fall into ignorance how many [fighters we have].

如京城四面數十里之內。

[Let them thing] that [our soldiers] are surrounding the capital in tens of lee

無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。

So if they come to the capital with plan to burn and loot

使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。

let’s disturb them, day and night not allow them to rest.

則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。

In less than ten days the [fighting] spirit of the bandits will be subdued and they will decide to don’t fight.

如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。

As like volunteer units and the army of Ganghwa province entered the field afloat.

虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

Your humble minister things that in this way the wasting of provisions will stop and in the end of the year we will avoid to come out in a fierce battle.

Question on Ryu Seong-ryong (not related to the text)

Ryu Seong-ryong was the founder of the Ryu lineage of Hahoe village, Andong. Once the village was a center of Confucian culture and elite, and nowadays it became a symbol of the folk culture. Try to explain this transformation considering Korean policy of popularizing Korean "traditional" culture.

==='''Student 7 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

Gangwon Province links Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong Provinces. The mountains and forests there are rough and steep. Although there are not many soldiers in the province, but within the mountains and caves, those who live by hunting and make name for themselves as mountain men, are not small in number. If we rewarded them handsomely to summon them, gave good treatment to their wives and family, and dispatched them as ambush for day or night to come out and catch the bandits off-guard, then the bandits' northern route will be severed from its head to tail, and our eastern and southern forces could be connected.

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

This was eventually an army that hid from danger, it was not a strategy for restoration. Moreover, in Choi Won's army, the soldiers carried stacks of straw on their bodies [to feed the horses].[1] Their faces turned pale with fright, and for several months they suffered hunger and cold. Like zombies they looked at each other. Since Choi Won was useless and untalented, so the soldiers could not hope for him to make things work. But the court also did not take measures, causing the innocent soldiers to wear out, and yet no one took pity on them. Everywhere people have heard about this. So how could people all the more have the heart to diligently serve the king?

[1] Choi Won (崔遠, active 1580-1600) was a military officer of the mid-Joseon period. In 1592, he led a troop of 1,000 to fight against the Japanese invaders in Yeosan (modern day Iksan in Jeollabuk-do).

*Discussion Questions:

1. Throughout Ryu Seongryong's memorial, the question of administering the righteous / private army seems to be a matter of critical concern. What are Ryu Seongryong's suggestions for using the righteous army to the maximum effect? How are we to fully understand the rise and role of the righteous army during the Imjin War?

2. Ryu Seongryong gives different roles to people of each provinces to help with the war effort. What does his instructions tell us about the nature of this war and the role of common people in it?

3. Ryu Seongryong's memorial is deeply concerned about food supply for the troops. What does it tell us about the nature of pre-modern warfare?

==='''Student 8 : (Masha)'''===
----
8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。<br />

Your Subject thinks that the military forces for retrieval of the capital should be separated into three lines. The troops of Yangju, Pocheon, Jeokseon, Yongpyeong, Gapyeong and other counties would belong to one Commanding General. Like what [General] Ko Ŏnbaek did they will block the eastern frontier.<br />

8.2 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。<br />

Moreover, the bandits at the capital, likewise, have definitely heard that and laughed and made fun of it. Your Subject's heart was deeply hurt because of that. Before I have heard that Jeolla Inspector Kwon Yul1 likewise had already stationed troops at Asan2 for a long time. I heard that there were bandits in Suwon3, and they could not advance forward. Lately I have heard that they moved army westward. The inspector is the official-in-charge of the province. Leaving the post and departing far away is undoubtedly an ill-conceived strategy. But this is what I presented.(?) We should still follow what Your Subject has explained. First, recruit the crack troops and divide and assign them to valiant generals to exterminate the bandits at the capital. Because of strong troops' reputation, it would likewise be one of the contributions in serving the king with loyalty. But it seems like that there is no big difference with the previous measures. This is a mistake of not knowing/neglecting the situation and military affairs.<br />

1 Kwon Yul 權慄 (1537-1599), Korean Army General and Commander-in-chief. He is known for the Battle of Haengju 幸州大捷, one of the greatest Korean victories during the Imjin war, where with army of approximately 3,000 soldiers he defeated more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers.<br />

2 A city in South Chungcheong province, 90 km south of Seoul.<br />

3 Gyeonggi province, 30 km south of Seoul.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. How does the memorial reflect the state of Korean military preparation and organization at the time from geographical and tactical perspectives? How can this document (what particular details) be helpful in learning about the first year of Imjin war and its causes? <br />
2. By what means does Ryu Seong-ryong obtain detailed information about each region, the people who lived there and the current situation? How did information channels work? <br />

==='''Student 9 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

The military garrisons in Kyŏdong, Kanghwa, Koyang, Kyoha, and others[1] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can surround and guard [the capital] from four different directions. The military garrisons in the south of the Han River such as Kwangju, Kwach’ŏn, Suwŏn and others[2] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can block [the road] from the south.

[1] These towns were located in the west of the capital. Currently, they belong to Kanghwa County and Koyang City.
[2] Kwangju was located in the southeast of the capital. Kwach’ŏn and Suwŏn were located in the south of the capital.

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

In your minister’s view, among all the generals, only Ko Ŏnbaek (? - 1609) has the mind of serving the country. Even though he has [good] strategies in his mind, a post and responsibility that he holds are insignificant. He is in charge of the military of only one county, Yangju. He, thereupon, has not yet achieved anything. Now, among the military generals who have already held the high posts, many [only] value themselves and sought for convenience. They are not willing to undertake tasks for serving the country. [Your Majesty] should not stick to the regulations of ordinary days. [Rather, Your Majesty] should follow what people of the past said: “select a man among common soldiers and appoint him as a general.” A man like Hong Kyenam (1564∼1597) has already become a high-level official (''tangsang'').[3] [Your Majesty] should temporally confer the title of the auxiliary defense officer (''chobangjang'') on him and have him unite military forces and make an assert on the bandits. Then, there will be nothing that cannot be done. The bandits and our people are mixed and have been residing together inside the walled city so [the enemy] almost lost sense of who us are and who others are.

[3] Tangsang refers to ministers of senior third rank (''chŏng-sam-p’um'') or above who eligible to participate in discussions with the king at the palace hall.

*Discussion Questions:
1. Scholars often attribute Chosŏn's failure of preventing/defending itself from the Japanese invasions to its long-lasting factional stripe. Is there any part in this document that reflects the influence of factionalism?

2. Some argue that nationalism (or proto-nationalism) in Korea was shaped during the Hideyoshi Invasion in its collective process of fending off Japanese. Is there any part in this document that evidences the existence of (proto-)nationalism in Korea?

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

We should merge the three teams. First, they should work on shifts, and fight tirelessly against the enemies. When the bandits are small in numbers, we should divide them, so they can lurk in ambush. When they are in large numbers, on the other hand, we should bring them together, so they can fight relentlessly. Also, have high-ranking officials be on patrol constantly [to see what is going on], and put forward timely (and pertinent) policies, so that voluntary (lit.righteous) armies and official troops are not to be separate from each other. Advance and retreat should be slow and speedy respectively, and hence not be treated equally. In so doing, their robust and stout energies can be enhanced, and thereby be integrated into the whole (military) system.

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

This power can be elevated. Likewise, we can design proper strategies accordingly. In this regard, the best scenario is to attack and kill [enemies] in the nighttime. To this end, inner and outer soldiers should collaborate with each other, and the villages should rise up [against Japanese soldiers] simultaneously. Indeed, there are several nests and caves (enemies' hideouts) in Hamhung, and we should subdue them. In this way, minor agendas can also be put into order. Currently, however, this is not the case. [In principle], our priority is to capture Japanese soldiers. Furthermore, we should have bandits be aware of this, always be prepared accordingly (combat readiness), and thereby integrate each of them into the official military system. Nonetheless, they are merely sitting in a circle, looking askance at each other, and further not willing to fight desperately [against the enemies]. How pathetic!

Discussion questions: In this passage, Ryu Song-ryong attempts to mobilize a group of bandits from various regions into Choson's regular military system. This represents that the Choson dynasty army was extremely weak and debilitating at the time. What was the most serious problem inherent in Choson's military system in the 16th century? Further, why was the Choson government so unprepared for the Japanese invasion as such?

==='''Student 11 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

Thereafter, merge the Gangwon troops with the eastern troops, join the forces of the Ganghwa troops with the western troops, and unite the Chungcheong troops with the southern troops. In this way, （our troops can) look for (good) opportunity (to launch offensive attack), by luring the bandits to the front or pushing them back. (As thus) every troop unifies the mind and converges in crowds from several directions, and eventually the bandits (will be put to rout as easy as capturing) a rabbit trapped in a net.

2-11 且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

Moreover, your minister has heard that when Song Eonsin was assigned to the south [Hamgyeong] province at first, countless people gathered from far and near when they heard about the inspector’s arrival. But before long, Song Eonsin was dismissed for the conviction. As the local people lost their patron, they bawled and wailed in lamentation, and dissolved soon after ten days. Your minister is not capable to judge whether Eonsin had dealt with the affairs appropriately. However, the people in the north [Hamgyeong] province have been invaded by the bandits for a long time. [Assumedly] their forces would be united as long as the court appoints an official to the province. But now the inspector was ousted not long after the appointment. Even though there are defenders [in the frontier], their lowness is not able to pacify [and organize] the people. Your minister could not help but deplore.

*Discussion Questions:
1. There were two military forces during the war, namely private amies (義兵) and official troops (官軍). How was the relationship between these two forces and how did they associate with each other?

2. From the perspective of geography, how should we evaluate the importance of Honam area during the Japanese invasion?

==='''Student 12 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
12. 而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

And inside the capital, there must also have people who respond from within and butcher [the Japanese]. Now, I heard that the voluntary soldiers of various places, each loves their hometown, and each gathered in separate garrison. But on each day they only capture several scattered bandits.

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

Ŏnsin<ref>Song Ŏnsin 宋言愼 (1542-1612) was concurrently the sunch’alsa 巡察使 (Mobile Inspector) of both P'yŏng'an 平安道 and Hamgyŏng 咸鏡道 Provinces when the Imjin War broke out.</ref> was previously in Hŭich'ŏn<ref>in modern day southern part of Chagang Province 慈江道, North Korea</ref>. He was late, hesitating for several months. Certainly, he was not without guilt. But regarding his dismissal and replacement, they should happen when he was delaying at Hŭich'ŏn, not after when he was in the province<ref>P'yŏng'an Province</ref>. A [good] moment is hard to come by, yet easy to lose. An opportunity is easy to slip through, yet difficult to seize. The timing between success and failure is separated apart by a day's distance. As for the handling of such matters, the court should wholeheartedly investigate and calculate, and should not miss [any] opportunity. This is also what your minister looking forward to.

<references/>

*Discussion Questions:
# What were the weaknesses of the Chosŏn government in dealing with this national crisis? Considering what Yu Sŏng-nyong writes in his memorial, why did the Chosŏn army fail to defend its country?

==='''Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期

They galloped to report their victory. But they have never confronted the bandits in large numbers.in addition, the government army and righteous/private army are distinguished from each other. The marching (of the two armies) are not coordinated. (If one side was defeated), they would not come to the other’s rescue. For this reason, the militaristic momentum is isolated and inept. Every day (the army is) dissolving and deserting. There will never be a day that the bandits could be eradicated.

discussion question:

Being a prominent Confucian literato, how practical are Ryu Seong-ryong’s proposed strategies to defend Korea against the Japanese? In an ultimate national crisis like the Imjin Waeran, how the conventional distinctions between 문and 무 changed in Chosŏn society? Scholars like JaHyun Kim Haboush have argued that the spontaneous resistance organized by the righteous army marked the beginning of a prototype Korean nationalism. How is Ryu Seong-ryong’s assessment of the righteous army compare to this view?

2-13
臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)
I am an insolent person, and ashamed to once hold the important post of minster. Making the national matters into this circumstance, I would not regret even if die ten thousand times. What I have blindly stated above are all inappropriate. The court must have already acted on (the matters that I proposed on), but I have not become aware of (the court’s action). Observing the current matters, the crisis is more urgent day by day. (The sorrow) punctures my heart and carves on my bone, I shed tears day and night. The trivial matters are not touched on, I prudently gathered the principal matters, prepared in case you would want select from it. I hope you would scrutinize my humble sincerity with some sympathy.

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">

</div>

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-11T00:35:38Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 진시무차1.JPG
|English = Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs
|Chinese = “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)
|Korean = 진시무차(''Jin simucha'')
|Genre = [[Literati writings]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryu_Seong-ryong 西厓柳成龍]
|Year = 1594
|Key Concepts= Imjin War, Japan-Korea Relations
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:진시무차2.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(2)
파일:진시무차3.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(3)
파일:진시무차4.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(4)
파일:진시무차5.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(5)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

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!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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1. [豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

2. 今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

3. 臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

4. 且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。

5. 凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。有司卽日施行。以應古人賞不踰時之義。又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。官不得推。人不得奪。愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。

6. 竊聞方伯之臣。或有捕賊所得者。如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。若不滿元報之數。則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。故傳相戒勑。不復捕賊云。臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。

9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

12.而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

13. 騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期。

2-1. 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞"其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

2-3. 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。

2-4. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。

2-5. 不能因勢利導。每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。約日徐趨。而瞭望不審。斥候不遠。賊之間諜甚多。耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。故我軍每戰每敗。
臣之愚意。當精抄銳軍。混其服色。自相誌別。散布遠近。潛相約束。或晝或夜。出沒無定。隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。又不定處所。

2-6. 使賊莫測多少。如京城四面數十里之內。無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

2-8. 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

2-11.且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

2-13. 臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)

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(translation)
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=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Martin'''===
----
[豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

[The Great Lord of P'ungwŏn, your minister humbly considers] Todays state of affairs has already reached extreme danger and urgency. There is nothing we can do anymore. Daily we look towards the Ming Army,#1 but they retreat and do not come. The end of the year is already pressing closer. Our country has shown allegiance towards China#2 to the farthest degree. If today we are befallen by disaster; this is also due to China.#3 However China does not rush towards our rescue, letting the world come to chaos. If there are [talented] people in China dealing with the affairs it would surely not be like this.

1. lit. Tang-Soldiers, ...

2. lit. China...

3.

*Discussion Questions:
1. As a civil official Ryu Sŏng-ryong is providing detailed knowledge of military and organizational matters, from where does his insight originate?

==='''Student 2 : YoungSuk'''===
----
今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

Now from Sunan to Yongch'ŏn the accumulated grains of both the official and private collections amount to several tens of thousand sŏk. I am afraid that one morning suddenly the Japanese soldiers will come down and our food collection will end up in their stomach. Not to mention our own troops just sitting and eating, daily consumption of food will be enormous. Men carrying things on their backs and women on their heads, the roads are filled with lines of people carrying all the resources to be utilized for the military provision to the point that there is not even a single thread left in the province. In this situation how could it [the Chinese aid] be delayed any further?

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞 "其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

Such person cares for none but himself and runs far away as soon as he hears the news of enemy approaching. [Those strong soldiers and courageous scholars convened under the general command are sitting around with nothing on earth to do but to grasp their own arms and moan] This is another vice to be urgently dealt with. Not until the awards and punishments are regulated, people's mind will not possibly move to become serious and encouraged. The region of Kyŏngsang Province is swarming with enemies. I have heard that "the people of the region have quite remarkable morale with which to subjugate enemies. Deplorably however, due to the bad harvest of the year the storage for military provision and for people is so empty as hardly any grain is left."

*Discussion Questions:
1. It sounds the Chosŏn people that time are so extremely demoralized. What are the causes which led their attitude to be such a way? Or is this the author's personal expression of despair?

2. The author mentions that there is not a single soul who would die to save the country from such the dire situation. However, historical records contain a number of patriots including Confucian scholars and Buddhist monks who were willing to sacrifice their lives to save the country. So, what does the author's statement regarding this issue mean to be more precise?

==='''Student 3 : (Jinsook)'''===
----
臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

Therefore, I wish I could explain this situation clearly to the Ming General and obtain his decisive remark so that he could direct the multiple of his high-ranking military generals to centralize the control of military; to remove any intention of delay/retreat; and to carry out a strategy to save lives from the threat of death.

[2-3] 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。<br />

If the left side of Gyeongsang- province collapses, then the right side of Gyeongsang-province cannot sustain itself. If the right side of Geongsang-province tumbles down, then Honam cannot survive. If Honam collapses, then Chungcheong-province is subsequently be invaded and there will be no single inch of intact land in the eight provinces. This year, there has been a pretty good harvest in Jeolla-do. [Your subject] wishes [your Highness] may make a decree that the crops of Homan be delivered in a sequential manner to the right side of Yeongnam for relief; and the left and right sides help each other. In addition, please appoint special officials to collect grains. There is no time to waste in handling the famine to relieve the famine and deliver [the people] from the rather urgent crisis. Only then, can the Southern area be protected.

*Discussion Questions:
What roles did Neo-Confucian scholars play in mobilizing the righteous army in Imjin war?

==='''Student 4 : (Soyun Lee)'''===
----
Also, your minister has this to say: The state of affairs is so risky and urgent as this. What can be relied on, if any, is that we can hope for the minds of people. If people's minds are divided, then there is nothing to be done further.

*Discussion Questions:
What effect did he expect his memorials to have in practical terms? As a prime minister, what capacity did he have to handle the state affairs in the war time?
How were the conditions of the war when he wrote this memorials?
What did the Ming troops do in response to the Japanese campaign to the Korean peninsula in 1572?
How do you think his suggestion of measures? Do you think it is a great strategy?

==='''Student 5 : (Dohee jeoung)'''===
----
1-5
凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。
Any these things, a meritorious service in war, to give government post for prize, to be exempt from base status, to be exempted from military service, all makes standardized rule.

有司卽日施行。
It should be started immediately.

以應古人1)賞不踰時之義。
It should respond that the ancients said “when give the prize, do not exceed the time.”

又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。
And what the troops and the people won by catching the enemy, don’t talk about more or less.

雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。
no matter which gold, jade, silk, cow, horse give to the person who won by catching the enemy.

官不得推。人不得奪。
don't should push away his job and rob by another person.

愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。
If so ignorant people will know benefit oneself, they strive be to kill the enemy first and shooting to the enemy

則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。
Then the strength of the enemy will become to decrease and to decline

2-5
四方主兵之人不能因勢利導。
The man who control the troops everywhere is unable to guide or channel action according to circumstances.

每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。
they all the time assemble disorderly mob, in order to important a large troops

約日徐趨。
On the appointed day, they go to there very slowly.

而瞭望不審。
And they not search the enemy in watchtower.

斥候不遠。
the enemy scout is not far from.

賊之間諜甚多。
the number of the enemy spy is very much.

耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。
because the enemy ears and eyes are everywhere. They all know our movements first.

故我軍每戰每敗。
Therefore, whenever our fight the enemy, we always lose

臣之愚意。
In my humble opinion,

當精抄銳軍。
we should hire seasoned troops.

混其服色。自相誌別。
as their clothes mix color so they know each other only

散布遠近。潛相約束。
let spread them from far to near, secretly control each other.

或晝或夜。出沒無定。
At the daytime or at the night, don’t set an appearing and a disappearing,

隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。
if they meet the enemy, immediately they must attack the enemy.

又不定處所。
And do not set the their dwelling place.

1) 漢書(Han Shu) - 翟方進傳[Biography of Jeok Bang-Jin who prime minister of han dynasty(B.C.202~A,D.8)]
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Irina)'''===
----

1.
竊聞方伯之臣。

I have heard that local magistrates

或有捕賊所得者。

sometimes catch bandits.

如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。

And every time when it happens, they have to sent them the capital.

若不滿元報之數。

And If the booty is not big enough

則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。

they know that after catch the bandit, people will have to pay the rest.

故傳相戒勑。
???

不復捕賊云。

And they no longer will catch bandits.

臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

Your humble minister would like to ask you as quickly as possible to descent an official decree and spread it across the country.

2.
使賊莫測多少。

Let bandits fall into ignorance how many [fighters we have].

如京城四面數十里之內。

[Let them thing] that [our soldiers] are surrounding the capital in tens of lee

無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。

So if they come to the capital with plan to burn and loot

使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。

let’s disturb them, day and night not allow them to rest.

則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。

In less than ten days the [fighting] spirit of the bandits will be subdued and they will decide to don’t fight.

如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。

As like volunteer units and the army of Ganghwa province entered the field afloat.

虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

Your humble minister things that in this way the wasting of provisions will stop and in the end of the year we will avoid to come out in a fierce battle.

Question on Ryu Seong-ryong (not related to the text)

Ryu Seong-ryong was the founder of the Ryu lineage of Hahoe village, Andong. Once the village was a center of Confucian culture and elite, and nowadays it became a symbol of the folk culture. Try to explain this transformation considering Korean policy of popularizing Korean "traditional" culture.

==='''Student 7 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

Gangwon Province links Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong Provinces. The mountains and forests there are rough and steep. Although there are not many soldiers in the province, but within the mountains and caves, those who live by hunting and make name for themselves as mountain men, are not small in number. If we rewarded them handsomely to summon them, gave good treatment to their wives and family, and dispatched them as ambush for day or night to come out and catch the bandits off-guard, then the bandits' northern route will be severed from its head to tail, and our eastern and southern forces could be connected.

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

This was eventually an army that hid from danger, it was not a strategy for restoration. Moreover, in Choi Won's army, the soldiers carried stacks of straw on their bodies [to feed the horses].[1] Their faces turned pale with fright, and for several months they suffered hunger and cold. Like zombies they looked at each other. Since Choi Won was useless and untalented, so the soldiers could not hope for him to make things work. But the court also did not take measures, causing the innocent soldiers to wear out, and yet no one took pity on them. Everywhere people have heard about this. So how could people all the more have the heart to diligently serve the king?

[1] Choi Won (崔遠, active 1580-1600) was a military officer of the mid-Joseon period. In 1592, he led a troop of 1,000 to fight against the Japanese invaders in Yeosan (modern day Iksan in Jeollabuk-do).

*Discussion Questions:

1. Throughout Ryu Seongryong's memorial, the question of administering the righteous / private army seems to be a matter of critical concern. What are Ryu Seongryong's suggestions for using the righteous army to the maximum effect? How are we to fully understand the rise and role of the righteous army during the Imjin War?

2. Ryu Seongryong gives different roles to people of each provinces to help with the war effort. What does his instructions tell us about the nature of this war and the role of common people in it?

3. Ryu Seongryong's memorial is deeply concerned about food supply for the troops. What does it tell us about the nature of pre-modern warfare?

==='''Student 8 : (Masha)'''===
----
8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。<br />

Your Subject thinks that the military forces for retrieval of the capital should be separated into three lines. The troops of Yangju, Pocheon, Jeokseon, Yongpyeong, Gapyeong and other counties would belong to one Commanding General. Like what [General] Ko Ŏnbaek did they will block the eastern frontier.<br />

8.2 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。<br />

Moreover, the bandits at the capital, likewise, have definitely heard that and laughed and made fun of it. Your Subject's heart was deeply hurt because of that. Before I have heard that Jeolla Inspector Kwon Yul1 likewise had already stationed troops at Asan2 for a long time. I heard that there were bandits in Suwon3, and they could not advance forward. Lately I have heard that they moved army westward. The inspector is the official-in-charge of the province. Leaving the post and departing far away is undoubtedly an ill-conceived strategy. But this is what I presented.(?) We should still follow what Your Subject has explained. First, recruit the crack troops and divide and assign them to valiant generals to exterminate the bandits at the capital. Because of strong troops' reputation, it would likewise be one of the contributions in serving the king with loyalty. But it seems like that there is no big difference with the previous measures. This is a mistake of not knowing/neglecting the situation and military affairs.<br />

1 Kwon Yul 權慄 (1537-1599), Korean Army General and Commander-in-chief. He is known for the Battle of Haengju 幸州大捷, one of the greatest Korean victories during the Imjin war, where with army of approximately 3,000 soldiers he defeated more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers.<br />

2 A city in South Chungcheong province, 90 km south of Seoul.<br />

3 Gyeonggi province, 30 km south of Seoul.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. How does the memorial reflect the state of Korean military preparation and organization at the time from geographical and tactical perspectives? How can this document (what particular details) be helpful in learning about the first year of Imjin war and its causes? <br />
2. By what means does Ryu Seong-ryong obtain detailed information about each region, the people who lived there and the current situation? How did information channels work? <br />

==='''Student 9 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

The military garrisons in Kyŏdong, Kanghwa, Koyang, Kyoha, and others[1] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can surround and guard [the capital] from four different directions. The military garrisons in the south of the Han River such as Kwangju, Kwach’ŏn, Suwŏn and others[2] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can block [the road] from the south.

[1] These towns were located in the west of the capital. Currently, they belong to Kanghwa County and Koyang City.
[2] Kwangju was located in the southeast of the capital. Kwach’ŏn and Suwŏn were located in the south of the capital.

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

In your minister’s view, among all the generals, only Ko Ŏnbaek (? - 1609) has the mind of serving the country. Even though he has [good] strategies in his mind, a post and responsibility that he holds are insignificant. He is in charge of the military of only one county, Yangju. He, thereupon, has not yet achieved anything. Now, among the military generals who have already held the high posts, many [only] value themselves and sought for convenience. They are not willing to undertake tasks for serving the country. [Your Majesty] should not stick to the regulations of ordinary days. [Rather, Your Majesty] should follow what people of the past said: “select a man among common soldiers and appoint him as a general.” A man like Hong Kyenam (1564∼1597) has already become a high-level official (''tangsang'').[3] [Your Majesty] should temporally confer the title of the auxiliary defense officer (''chobangjang'') on him and have him unite military forces and make an assert on the bandits. Then, there will be nothing that cannot be done. The bandits and our people are mixed and have been residing together inside the walled city so [the enemy] almost lost sense of who us are and who others are.

[3] Tangsang refers to ministers of senior third rank (''chŏng-sam-p’um'') or above who eligible to participate in discussions with the king at the palace hall.

*Discussion Questions:
1. Scholars often attribute Chosŏn's failure of preventing/defending itself from the Japanese invasions to its long-lasting factional stripe. Is there any part in this document that reflects the influence of factionalism?

2. Some argue that nationalism (or proto-nationalism) in Korea was shaped during the Hideyoshi Invasion in its collective process of fending off Japanese. Is there any part in this document that evidences the existence of (proto-)nationalism in Korea?

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

We should merge the three teams. First, they should work on shifts, and fight tirelessly against the enemies. When the bandits are small in numbers, we should divide them, so they can lurk in ambush. When they are in large numbers, on the other hand, we should bring them together, so they can fight relentlessly. Also, have high-ranking officials be on patrol constantly [to see what is going on], and put forward timely (and pertinent) policies, so that voluntary (lit.righteous) armies and official troops are not to be separate from each other. Advance and retreat should be slow and speedy respectively, and hence not be treated equally. In so doing, their robust and stout energies can be enhanced, and thereby be integrated into the whole (military) system.

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

This power can be elevated. Likewise, we can design proper strategies accordingly. In this regard, the best scenario is to attack and kill [enemies] in the nighttime. To this end, inner and outer soldiers should collaborate with each other, and the villages should rise up [against Japanese soldiers] simultaneously. Indeed, there are several nests and caves (enemies' hideouts) in Hamhung, and we should subdue them. In this way, minor agendas can also be put into order. Currently, however, this is not the case. [In principle], our priority is to capture Japanese soldiers. Furthermore, we should have bandits be aware of this, always be prepared accordingly (combat readiness), and thereby integrate each of them into the official military system. Nonetheless, they are merely sitting in a circle, looking askance at each other, and further not willing to fight desperately [against the enemies]. How pathetic!

Discussion questions: In this passage, Ryu Song-ryong attempts to mobilize a group of bandits from various regions into Choson's regular military system. This represents that the Choson dynasty army was extremely weak and debilitating at the time. What was the most serious problem inherent in Choson's military system in the 16th century? Further, why was the Choson government so unprepared for the Japanese invasion as such?

==='''Student 11 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

Thereafter, merge the Gangwon troops with the eastern troops, join the forces of the Ganghwa troops with the western troops, and unite the Chungcheong troops with the southern troops. In this way, （our troops can) look for (good) opportunity (to launch offensive attack), by luring the bandits to the front or pushing them back. (As thus) every troop unifies the mind and converges in crowds from several directions, and eventually the bandits (will be put to rout as easy as capturing) a rabbit trapped in a net.

2-11 且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

Moreover, your minister has heard that when Song Eonsin was assigned to the south [Hamkyeong] province at first, countless people gathered from far and near when they heard about the inspector’s arrival. But before long, Song Eonsin was dismissed for the conviction. As the local people lost their patron, they bawled and wailed in lamentation, and dissolved soon after ten days. Your minister is not capable to judge whether Eonsin had dealt with the affairs appropriately. However, the people in the north [Hamkyeong] province have been invaded by the bandits for a long time. [Assumedly] their forces would be united as long as the court appoints an official to the province. But now the inspector was ousted not long after the appointment. Even though there are defenders [in the frontier], their lowness is not able to pacify [and organize] the people. Your minister could not help but deplore.

*Discussion Questions:
1. There were two military forces during the war, namely private amies (義兵) and official troops (官軍). How was the relationship between these two forces and how did they associate with each other?

2. From the perspective of geography, how should we evaluate the importance of Honam area during the Japanese invasion?

==='''Student 12 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
12. 而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

And inside the capital, there must also have people who respond from within and butcher [the Japanese]. Now, I heard that the voluntary soldiers of various places, each loves their hometown, and each gathered in separate garrison. But on each day they only capture several scattered bandits.

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

Ŏnsin<ref>Song Ŏnsin 宋言愼 (1542-1612) was concurrently the sunch’alsa 巡察使 (Mobile Inspector) of both P'yŏng'an 平安道 and Hamgyŏng 咸鏡道 Provinces when the Imjin War broke out.</ref> was previously in Hŭich'ŏn<ref>in modern day southern part of Chagang Province 慈江道, North Korea</ref>. He was late, hesitating for several months. Certainly, he was not without guilt. But regarding his dismissal and replacement, they should happen when he was delaying at Hŭich'ŏn, not after when he was in the province<ref>P'yŏng'an Province</ref>. A [good] moment is hard to come by, yet easy to lose. An opportunity is easy to slip through, yet difficult to seize. The timing between success and failure is separated apart by a day's distance. As for the handling of such matters, the court should wholeheartedly investigate and calculate, and should not miss [any] opportunity. This is also what your minister looking forward to.

<references/>

*Discussion Questions:
# What were the weaknesses of the Chosŏn government in dealing with this national crisis? Considering what Yu Sŏng-nyong writes in his memorial, why did the Chosŏn army fail to defend its country?

==='''Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期

They galloped to report their victory. But they have never confronted the bandits in large numbers.in addition, the government army and righteous/private army are distinguished from each other. The marching (of the two armies) are not coordinated. (If one side was defeated), they would not come to the other’s rescue. For this reason, the militaristic momentum is isolated and inept. Every day (the army is) dissolving and deserting. There will never be a day that the bandits could be eradicated.

discussion question:

Being a prominent Confucian literato, how practical are Ryu Seong-ryong’s proposed strategies to defend Korea against the Japanese? In an ultimate national crisis like the Imjin Waeran, how the conventional distinctions between 문and 무 changed in Chosŏn society? Scholars like JaHyun Kim Haboush have argued that the spontaneous resistance organized by the righteous army marked the beginning of a prototype Korean nationalism. How is Ryu Seong-ryong’s assessment of the righteous army compare to this view?

2-13
臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)
I am an insolent person, and ashamed to once hold the important post of the minster. Making the national matters into this circumstance, I would not regret even if die ten thousand times. What I have blindly stated above are all inappropriate. The court must have already acted on it, but I have not become aware of (the court’s action). Observing the current matters, the crisis is more urgent day by day. (The sorrow) punctures my heart and carve on my bone, I cry day and night. The trivial matters are not touched on, I prudently gathered the principal matters, present （to you）in case you would select from it. I hope you would scrutinize my humble sincerity with some sympathy.

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">

</div>

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-11T00:21:46Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 진시무차1.JPG
|English = Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs
|Chinese = “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)
|Korean = 진시무차(''Jin simucha'')
|Genre = [[Literati writings]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryu_Seong-ryong 西厓柳成龍]
|Year = 1594
|Key Concepts= Imjin War, Japan-Korea Relations
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:진시무차2.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(2)
파일:진시무차3.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(3)
파일:진시무차4.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(4)
파일:진시무차5.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(5)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

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!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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1. [豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

2. 今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

3. 臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

4. 且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。

5. 凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。有司卽日施行。以應古人賞不踰時之義。又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。官不得推。人不得奪。愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。

6. 竊聞方伯之臣。或有捕賊所得者。如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。若不滿元報之數。則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。故傳相戒勑。不復捕賊云。臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。

9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

12.而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

13. 騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期。

2-1. 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞"其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

2-3. 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。

2-4. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。

2-5. 不能因勢利導。每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。約日徐趨。而瞭望不審。斥候不遠。賊之間諜甚多。耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。故我軍每戰每敗。
臣之愚意。當精抄銳軍。混其服色。自相誌別。散布遠近。潛相約束。或晝或夜。出沒無定。隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。又不定處所。

2-6. 使賊莫測多少。如京城四面數十里之內。無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

2-8. 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

2-11.且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

2-13. 臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)

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(translation)
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=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Martin'''===
----
[豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

[The Great Lord of P'ungwŏn, your minister humbly considers] Todays state of affairs has already reached extreme danger and urgency. There is nothing we can do anymore. Daily we look towards the Ming Army,#1 but they retreat and do not come. The end of the year is already pressing closer. Our country has shown allegiance towards China#2 to the farthest degree. If today we are befallen by disaster; this is also due to China.#3 However China does not rush towards our rescue, letting the world come to chaos. If there are [talented] people in China dealing with the affairs it would surely not be like this.

1. lit. Tang-Soldiers, ...

2. lit. China...

3.

*Discussion Questions:
1. As a civil official Ryu Sŏng-ryong is providing detailed knowledge of military and organizational matters, from where does his insight originate?

==='''Student 2 : YoungSuk'''===
----
今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

Now from Sunan to Yongch'ŏn the accumulated grains of both the official and private collections amount to several tens of thousand sŏk. I am afraid that one morning suddenly the Japanese soldiers will come down and our food collection will end up in their stomach. Not to mention our own troops just sitting and eating, daily consumption of food will be enormous. Men carrying things on their backs and women on their heads, the roads are filled with lines of people carrying all the resources to be utilized for the military provision to the point that there is not even a single thread left in the province. In this situation how could it [the Chinese aid] be delayed any further?

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞 "其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

Such person cares for none but himself and runs far away as soon as he hears the news of enemy approaching. [Those strong soldiers and courageous scholars convened under the general command are sitting around with nothing on earth to do but to grasp their own arms and moan] This is another vice to be urgently dealt with. Not until the awards and punishments are regulated, people's mind will not possibly move to become serious and encouraged. The region of Kyŏngsang Province is swarming with enemies. I have heard that "the people of the region have quite remarkable morale with which to subjugate enemies. Deplorably however, due to the bad harvest of the year the storage for military provision and for people is so empty as hardly any grain is left."

*Discussion Questions:
1. It sounds the Chosŏn people that time are so extremely demoralized. What are the causes which led their attitude to be such a way? Or is this the author's personal expression of despair?

2. The author mentions that there is not a single soul who would die to save the country from such the dire situation. However, historical records contain a number of patriots including Confucian scholars and Buddhist monks who were willing to sacrifice their lives to save the country. So, what does the author's statement regarding this issue mean to be more precise?

==='''Student 3 : (Jinsook)'''===
----
臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

Therefore, I wish I could explain this situation clearly to the Ming General and obtain his decisive remark so that he could direct the multiple of his high-ranking military generals to centralize the control of military; to remove any intention of delay/retreat; and to carry out a strategy to save lives from the threat of death.

[2-3] 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。<br />

If the left side of Gyeongsang- province collapses, then the right side of Gyeongsang-province cannot sustain itself. If the right side of Geongsang-province tumbles down, then Honam cannot survive. If Honam collapses, then Chungcheong-province is subsequently be invaded and there will be no single inch of intact land in the eight provinces. This year, there has been a pretty good harvest in Jeolla-do. [Your subject] wishes [your Highness] may make a decree that the crops of Homan be delivered in a sequential manner to the right side of Yeongnam for relief; and the left and right sides help each other. In addition, please appoint special officials to collect grains. There is no time to waste in handling the famine to relieve the famine and deliver [the people] from the rather urgent crisis. Only then, can the Southern area be protected.

*Discussion Questions:
What roles did Neo-Confucian scholars play in mobilizing the righteous army in Imjin war?

==='''Student 4 : (Soyun Lee)'''===
----
Also, your minister has this to say: The state of affairs is so risky and urgent as this. What can be relied on, if any, is that we can hope for the minds of people. If people's minds are divided, then there is nothing to be done further.

*Discussion Questions:
What effect did he expect his memorials to have in practical terms? As a prime minister, what capacity did he have to handle the state affairs in the war time?
How were the conditions of the war when he wrote this memorials?
What did the Ming troops do in response to the Japanese campaign to the Korean peninsula in 1572?
How do you think his suggestion of measures? Do you think it is a great strategy?

==='''Student 5 : (Dohee jeoung)'''===
----
1-5
凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。
Any these things, a meritorious service in war, to give government post for prize, to be exempt from base status, to be exempted from military service, all makes standardized rule.

有司卽日施行。
It should be started immediately.

以應古人1)賞不踰時之義。
It should respond that the ancients said “when give the prize, do not exceed the time.”

又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。
And what the troops and the people won by catching the enemy, don’t talk about more or less.

雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。
no matter which gold, jade, silk, cow, horse give to the person who won by catching the enemy.

官不得推。人不得奪。
don't should push away his job and rob by another person.

愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。
If so ignorant people will know benefit oneself, they strive be to kill the enemy first and shooting to the enemy

則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。
Then the strength of the enemy will become to decrease and to decline

2-5
四方主兵之人不能因勢利導。
The man who control the troops everywhere is unable to guide or channel action according to circumstances.

每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。
they all the time assemble disorderly mob, in order to important a large troops

約日徐趨。
On the appointed day, they go to there very slowly.

而瞭望不審。
And they not search the enemy in watchtower.

斥候不遠。
the enemy scout is not far from.

賊之間諜甚多。
the number of the enemy spy is very much.

耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。
because the enemy ears and eyes are everywhere. They all know our movements first.

故我軍每戰每敗。
Therefore, whenever our fight the enemy, we always lose

臣之愚意。
In my humble opinion,

當精抄銳軍。
we should hire seasoned troops.

混其服色。自相誌別。
as their clothes mix color so they know each other only

散布遠近。潛相約束。
let spread them from far to near, secretly control each other.

或晝或夜。出沒無定。
At the daytime or at the night, don’t set an appearing and a disappearing,

隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。
if they meet the enemy, immediately they must attack the enemy.

又不定處所。
And do not set the their dwelling place.

1) 漢書(Han Shu) - 翟方進傳[Biography of Jeok Bang-Jin who prime minister of han dynasty(B.C.202~A,D.8)]
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Irina)'''===
----

1.
竊聞方伯之臣。

I have heard that local magistrates

或有捕賊所得者。

sometimes catch bandits.

如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。

And every time when it happens, they have to sent them the capital.

若不滿元報之數。

And If the booty is not big enough

則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。

they know that after catch the bandit, people will have to pay the rest.

故傳相戒勑。
???

不復捕賊云。

And they no longer will catch bandits.

臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

Your humble minister would like to ask you as quickly as possible to descent an official decree and spread it across the country.

2.
使賊莫測多少。

Let bandits fall into ignorance how many [fighters we have].

如京城四面數十里之內。

[Let them thing] that [our soldiers] are surrounding the capital in tens of lee

無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。

So if they come to the capital with plan to burn and loot

使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。

let’s disturb them, day and night not allow them to rest.

則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。

In less than ten days the [fighting] spirit of the bandits will be subdued and they will decide to don’t fight.

如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。

As like volunteer units and the army of Ganghwa province entered the field afloat.

虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

Your humble minister things that in this way the wasting of provisions will stop and in the end of the year we will avoid to come out in a fierce battle.

Question on Ryu Seong-ryong (not related to the text)

Ryu Seong-ryong was the founder of the Ryu lineage of Hahoe village, Andong. Once the village was a center of Confucian culture and elite, and nowadays it became a symbol of the folk culture. Try to explain this transformation considering Korean policy of popularizing Korean "traditional" culture.

==='''Student 7 : (Kim Young)'''===
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7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

Gangwon Province links Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong Provinces. The mountains and forests there are rough and steep. Although there are not many soldiers in the province, but within the mountains and caves, those who live by hunting and make name for themselves as mountain men, are not small in number. If we rewarded them handsomely to summon them, gave good treatment to their wives and family, and dispatched them as ambush for day or night to come out and catch the bandits off-guard, then the bandits' northern route will be severed from its head to tail, and our eastern and southern forces could be connected.

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

This was eventually an army that hid from danger, it was not a strategy for restoration. Moreover, in Choi Won's army, the soldiers carried stacks of straw on their bodies [to feed the horses].[1] Their faces turned pale with fright, and for several months they suffered hunger and cold. Like zombies they looked at each other. Since Choi Won was useless and untalented, so the soldiers could not hope for him to make things work. But the court also did not take measures, causing the innocent soldiers to wear out, and yet no one took pity on them. Everywhere people have heard about this. So how could people all the more have the heart to diligently serve the king?

[1] Choi Won (崔遠, active 1580-1600) was a military officer of the mid-Joseon period. In 1592, he led a troop of 1,000 to fight against the Japanese invaders in Yeosan (modern day Iksan in Jeollabuk-do).

*Discussion Questions:

1. Throughout Ryu Seongryong's memorial, the question of administering the righteous / private army seems to be a matter of critical concern. What are Ryu Seongryong's suggestions for using the righteous army to the maximum effect? How are we to fully understand the rise and role of the righteous army during the Imjin War?

2. Ryu Seongryong gives different roles to people of each provinces to help with the war effort. What does his instructions tell us about the nature of this war and the role of common people in it?

3. Ryu Seongryong's memorial is deeply concerned about food supply for the troops. What does it tell us about the nature of pre-modern warfare?

==='''Student 8 : (Masha)'''===
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8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。<br />

Your Subject thinks that the military forces for retrieval of the capital should be separated into three lines. The troops of Yangju, Pocheon, Jeokseon, Yongpyeong, Gapyeong and other counties would belong to one Commanding General. Like what [General] Ko Ŏnbaek did they will block the eastern frontier.<br />

8.2 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。<br />

Moreover, the bandits at the capital, likewise, have definitely heard that and laughed and made fun of it. Your Subject's heart was deeply hurt because of that. Before I have heard that Jeolla Inspector Kwon Yul1 likewise had already stationed troops at Asan2 for a long time. I heard that there were bandits in Suwon3, and they could not advance forward. Lately I have heard that they moved army westward. The inspector is the official-in-charge of the province. Leaving the post and departing far away is undoubtedly an ill-conceived strategy. But this is what I presented.(?) We should still follow what Your Subject has explained. First, recruit the crack troops and divide and assign them to valiant generals to exterminate the bandits at the capital. Because of strong troops' reputation, it would likewise be one of the contributions in serving the king with loyalty. But it seems like that there is no big difference with the previous measures. This is a mistake of not knowing/neglecting the situation and military affairs.<br />

1 Kwon Yul 權慄 (1537-1599), Korean Army General and Commander-in-chief. He is known for the Battle of Haengju 幸州大捷, one of the greatest Korean victories during the Imjin war, where with army of approximately 3,000 soldiers he defeated more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers.<br />

2 A city in South Chungcheong province, 90 km south of Seoul.<br />

3 Gyeonggi province, 30 km south of Seoul.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. How does the memorial reflect the state of Korean military preparation and organization at the time from geographical and tactical perspectives? How can this document (what particular details) be helpful in learning about the first year of Imjin war and its causes? <br />
2. By what means does Ryu Seong-ryong obtain detailed information about each region, the people who lived there and the current situation? How did information channels work? <br />

==='''Student 9 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
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9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

The military garrisons in Kyŏdong, Kanghwa, Koyang, Kyoha, and others[1] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can surround and guard [the capital] from four different directions. The military garrisons in the south of the Han River such as Kwangju, Kwach’ŏn, Suwŏn and others[2] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can block [the road] from the south.

[1] These towns were located in the west of the capital. Currently, they belong to Kanghwa County and Koyang City.
[2] Kwangju was located in the southeast of the capital. Kwach’ŏn and Suwŏn were located in the south of the capital.

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

In your minister’s view, among all the generals, only Ko Ŏnbaek (? - 1609) has the mind of serving the country. Even though he has [good] strategies in his mind, a post and responsibility that he holds are insignificant. He is in charge of the military of only one county, Yangju. He, thereupon, has not yet achieved anything. Now, among the military generals who have already held the high posts, many [only] value themselves and sought for convenience. They are not willing to undertake tasks for serving the country. [Your Majesty] should not stick to the regulations of ordinary days. [Rather, Your Majesty] should follow what people of the past said: “select a man among common soldiers and appoint him as a general.” A man like Hong Kyenam (1564∼1597) has already become a high-level official (''tangsang'').[3] [Your Majesty] should temporally confer the title of the auxiliary defense officer (''chobangjang'') on him and have him unite military forces and make an assert on the bandits. Then, there will be nothing that cannot be done. The bandits and our people are mixed and have been residing together inside the walled city so [the enemy] almost lost sense of who us are and who others are.

[3] Tangsang refers to ministers of senior third rank (''chŏng-sam-p’um'') or above who eligible to participate in discussions with the king at the palace hall.

*Discussion Questions:
1. Scholars often attribute Chosŏn's failure of preventing/defending itself from the Japanese invasions to its long-lasting factional stripe. Is there any part in this document that reflects the influence of factionalism?

2. Some argue that nationalism (or proto-nationalism) in Korea was shaped during the Hideyoshi Invasion in its collective process of fending off Japanese. Is there any part in this document that evidences the existence of (proto-)nationalism in Korea?

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
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10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

We should merge the three teams. First, they should work on shifts, and fight tirelessly against the enemies. When the bandits are small in numbers, we should divide them, so they can lurk in ambush. When they are in large numbers, on the other hand, we should bring them together, so they can fight relentlessly. Also, have high-ranking officials be on patrol constantly [to see what is going on], and put forward timely (and pertinent) policies, so that voluntary (lit.righteous) armies and official troops are not to be separate from each other. Advance and retreat should be slow and speedy respectively, and hence not be treated equally. In so doing, their robust and stout energies can be enhanced, and thereby be integrated into the whole (military) system.

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

This power can be elevated. Likewise, we can design proper strategies accordingly. In this regard, the best scenario is to attack and kill [enemies] in the nighttime. To this end, inner and outer soldiers should collaborate with each other, and the villages should rise up [against Japanese soldiers] simultaneously. Indeed, there are several nests and caves (enemies' hideouts) in Hamhung, and we should subdue them. In this way, minor agendas can also be put into order. Currently, however, this is not the case. [In principle], our priority is to capture Japanese soldiers. Furthermore, we should have bandits be aware of this, always be prepared accordingly (combat readiness), and thereby integrate each of them into the official military system. Nonetheless, they are merely sitting in a circle, looking askance at each other, and further not willing to fight desperately [against the enemies]. How pathetic!

Discussion questions: In this passage, Ryu Song-ryong attempts to mobilize a group of bandits from various regions into Choson's regular military system. This represents that the Choson dynasty army was extremely weak and debilitating at the time. What was the most serious problem inherent in Choson's military system in the 16th century? Further, why was the Choson government so unprepared for the Japanese invasion as such?

==='''Student 11 : (Hu Jing)'''===
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11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

Thereafter, merge the Gangwon troops with the eastern troops, join the forces of the Ganghwa troops with the western troops, and unite the Chungcheong troops with the southern troops. In this way, （our troops can) look for (good) opportunity (to launch offensive attack), by luring the bandits to the front or pushing them back. (As thus) every troop unifies the mind and converges in crowds from several directions, and eventually the bandits (will be put to rout as easy as capturing) a rabbit trapped in a net.

2-11 且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

Moreover, your minister has heard that when Song Eonsin was assigned to the south province at first, countless local people gathered from far and near when hearing about the inspector’s arrival. But before long, Song Eonsin was dismissed for the conviction. Since the local people lost the patron, they bawled and wailed in lamentation, and dissolved soon after ten days. Your minister is not capable to judge whether Eonsin had dealt with the affairs appropriately [at the moment]. However, the people in the north province have been invaded by the bandits for a long time. [Assumedly] their forces can be united as long as the court appoints one official to the province. But now the inspector has been ousted not long after his appointment. Even though there are defenders [in the frontier], their lowness of the position is not sufficient to subdue and [organize] the local people. Your minister could not help but deplore.

*Discussion Questions:
1. There were two military forces during the war, namely private amies (義兵) and official troops (官軍). How was the relationship between these two forces and how did they associate with each other?

2. From the perspective of geography, how should we evaluate the importance of Honam area during the Japanese invasion?

==='''Student 12 : King Kwong Wong'''===
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12. 而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

And inside the capital, there must also have people who respond from within and butcher [the Japanese]. Now, I heard that the voluntary soldiers of various places, each loves their hometown, and each gathered in separate garrison. But on each day they only capture several scattered bandits.

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

Ŏnsin<ref>Song Ŏnsin 宋言愼 (1542-1612) was concurrently the sunch’alsa 巡察使 (Mobile Inspector) of both P'yŏng'an 平安道 and Hamgyŏng 咸鏡道 Provinces when the Imjin War broke out.</ref> was previously in Hŭich'ŏn<ref>in modern day southern part of Chagang Province 慈江道, North Korea</ref>. He was late, hesitating for several months. Certainly, he was not without guilt. But regarding his dismissal and replacement, they should happen when he was delaying at Hŭich'ŏn, not after when he was in the province<ref>P'yŏng'an Province</ref>. A [good] moment is hard to come by, yet easy to lose. An opportunity is easy to slip through, yet difficult to seize. The timing between success and failure is separated apart by a day's distance. As for the handling of such matters, the court should wholeheartedly investigate and calculate, and should not miss [any] opportunity. This is also what your minister looking forward to.

<references/>

*Discussion Questions:
# What were the weaknesses of the Chosŏn government in dealing with this national crisis? Considering what Yu Sŏng-nyong writes in his memorial, why did the Chosŏn army fail to defend its country?

==='''Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
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騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期

They galloped to report their victory. But they have never confronted the bandits in large numbers.in addition, the government army and righteous/private army are distinguished from each other. The marching (of the two armies) are not coordinated. (If one side was defeated), they would not come to the other’s rescue. For this reason, the militaristic momentum is isolated and inept. Every day (the army is) dissolving and deserting. There will never be a day that the bandits could be eradicated.

discussion question:

Being a prominent Confucian literato, how practical are Ryu Seong-ryong’s proposed strategies to defend Korea against the Japanese? In an ultimate national crisis like the Imjin Waeran, how the conventional distinctions between 문and 무 changed in Chosŏn society? Scholars like JaHyun Kim Haboush have argued that the spontaneous resistance organized by the righteous army marked the beginning of a prototype Korean nationalism. How is Ryu Seong-ryong’s assessment of the righteous army compare to this view?

2-13
臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)
I am an insolent person, and ashamed to once hold the important post of the minster. Making the national matters into this circumstance, I would not regret even if die ten thousand times. What I have blindly stated above are all inappropriate. The court must have already acted on it, but I have not become aware of (the court’s action). Observing the current matters, the crisis is more urgent day by day. (The sorrow) injures my heart and carve on my bone, I cry day and night. The trivial matters are not touched on, I prudently gathered the principal matters, present （to you）in case you would select from it. I hope you would scrutinize my humble sincerity with some sympathy.

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">

</div>

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-10T06:17:07Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-10T06:16:26Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-10T04:38:06Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren) */

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-10T04:36:24Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 13 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

2017-07-09T12:54:28Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 어제계주윤음1.JPG
|English = King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking
|Chinese = 御製戒酒綸音
|Korean = 어제계주윤음(어졔계쥬륜음)
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [[King Yeongjo]]
|Year = [[1757]]
|Key Concepts= King Yeongjo,
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

* '''Download''' : [[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf|御製戒酒綸音.pdf]]

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
諭유大대臣신卿경宰以이下하百官관綸륜音음[丁丑十一月初一日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]惟유我아股고肱굉卿경宰[와]越월我아百僚료[]咸함聽텽予여諭유[라]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]昔셕人인[이]云운[호]宮궁中즁[이]好호高고髻계[니]四方방[이]高고一일尺쳑[이라니]昔셕之지羣군工공之지不불戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]寔식由유寡과躬궁之지咎구[ㅣ어니와]今금之지庶셔民민之지不불遵준令령[도]亦역由유寡과躬궁之지不불誠셩[이라]

因인此而이上샹負부陟쳑降강[오며]下하閼알霈패典뎐[니]寔식予
여之지咎구[ㅣ오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]何하謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강[고]一일自禁금酒쥬之지後후[로] 每承승慈聖셩稱칭美미之지 敎교[ㅣ러니]

因인山산纔訖흘[고]今금歲셰不불盡진[야셔]而이非비徒도不불止지[라]甚심至지會회飮음[니]陟쳑降강[이]有유知지[시면]其기以이寡과躬궁[으로]爲위能능禁금乎호[아]否부乎호[아]此[ㅣ]所소謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강也야[ㅣ오]何하謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐[고]

噫희[라]今금春츈霈패典뎐[은]往왕牒텹所소無무[ㅣ로]而이至지於어犯범酒쥬者쟈[야]恐공或혹弛시禁금[야]一일竝병不불赦샤[ㅣ러니]今금因인處쳐分분而이取츄覽람徒도流류案안[니]則즉其기數수[ㅣ]將쟝近근十십百[이라]若약此不불已이[면]將쟝不불知지至지於어幾긔十십百[이니]此[]卽즉予여[ㅣ]不불敎교而이令령民민陷함法법也야[ㅣ라]

思之지及급此[애]不불覺각懍름然연[호라]幾긔百徒도流류[]於어春츈大대赦샤[애도]不불能능放방焉언[니]是시豈긔同동慶경之지意의[며]而이今금[애]雖슈一일倂병放방釋셕[이나]何하與여於어赦샤典뎐哉[리오]

此[ㅣ]所소謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐也야[ㅣ라]其기將쟝何하顔안[으로]行朔삭 祭졔於어孝효昭쇼殿뎐[이며]亦역將쟝何하顔안[으로]曉효拜眞진殿뎐乎호[아]噫희[라]酒쥬[]乃내尤우物물也야[ㅣ니]今금番번宣션諭유[애]小쇼民민之지感감動동[을]其기何하必필哉[리오]且챠頃경者쟈宣션諭유[]只지於어父부老로[고]不불及급公공卿경[니]此豈긔董동子所소云운正졍朝죠廷뎡而이正졍萬만民민之지義의乎호[아]

其기君군其기臣신之지相샹與여戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]視시小쇼民민[애]雖슈有유切졀焉언[이나]以이程졍子之지大대賢현[으로도]猶유不불無무觀관獵렵之지悔회[시니]況황在凡범人인[애]尤우不불可가放방心심也야[ㅣ오]且챠以이尙샹書셔訓훈體톄[로]言언之지[라도]其기宜의竝병諭유臣신庶셔[]又우於어心심中즁[에]不불耐내憧츙憧츙[야]今금曉효祭졔畢필後후[에]仍잉泣읍奏주殿뎐中즁曰왈[오]

于우今금酒쥬禁금之지不불行[은]寔식由유一일人인[이니]一일人인[은]其기誰슈[오]卽즉臣신也야[ㅣ라]此後후[애]酒쥬若약復부行[이면]國국必필隨슈亡망[이니]不불戒계其기君군[은]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ어니와]三삼百年년宗종社샤[ㅣ]豈긔可가由유一일人인而이亡망哉[잇가]臣신曁긔後후之지嗣王왕[이]或혹有유不불戒계酒쥬之지事[ㅣ면]則즉諸져臣신[이]雖슈不불知지[고]庶셔民민[이]雖슈亦역不불知지[나]於오昭쇼陟쳑降강[은]若약鑑감之지照죠[시리니]若약有유犯범焉언[이어든]

奏주于우列렬朝죠[샤]明명降강大대何하[시되]止지于우其기身신[시고]若약於어羣군臣신[애]或혹知지而이不불諫간[며]或혹身신犯범其기戒계者쟈[]亦역降강大대何하[샤]使我아海東동臣신庶셔[로]無무面면謾만之지態[케시며]諫간而이不불聽텽[이면]咎구亦역在君군[이니]臣신何하咎구焉언[이리잇고]

以이此口구奏주[고]仍잉坐좌月월臺[야]召쇼集집陪 祭졔宗종親친文문武무百官관於어殿뎐庭뎡[야]洞동諭유予여意의[노니]言언雖슈略약[이나]意의則즉盡진矣의[라]

噫희[라]上샹自股고肱굉[으로]下하至지百僚료[히]體톄予여爲위宗종社샤苦고心심[야]其기銘명其기佩패[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]至지於어禁금酒쥬[야]小쇼民민之지犯범者쟈[]勿물以이摘젹得득爲위幸[이오]必필以이無무刑형爲위期긔[니]京경而이京경尹윤部부官관[과]外외而이方방伯守슈令령[이]凡범於어對民민也야[애]必필也야罄경心심誨회諭유[며]流류涕톄勉면飭칙[야]使我아苦고心심[으로]能능行於어國국中즁[며]而이使我아元원元원[으로]罔망陷함於어大대戾려[케면]非비徒도邦방國국之지幸[이라]

於어羣군工공[애]亦역豈긔無무陰음功공乎호[ㅣ리오]其기莫막曰왈臺上샹庭뎡
下하[애]只지有유其기君군與여臣신[이라라]陟쳑降강[이]洋양洋양[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼昭쇼[시니]可가不불懼구哉[며]可가不불懍름哉[아]其기各각明명聽텽[야]欽흠遵준予여諭유[라]

諭유京경城셩父부老로綸륜音음[丁丑十月二十五日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]以이予여否부德턱[으로]忝텸守슈丕비基긔[ㅣ]于우今금三삼十십有유三삼年년[이로]而이上샹不불能능繼계述슐先션志지[고]下하不불能능惠혜究구蔀부屋옥[야]綱강紀긔[ㅣ]日일墜츄[며]生民민[이]日일窮궁[니]心심常샹懍름惕텩[야]若약隕운淵연谷곡[이라]近근尤우衰쇠耗모之지中즁[애]誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]仙션馭어[]莫막攀반[고]只지自號호慕모[야]萬만念렴俱구冷[니]其기於어政졍令령[애]何하能능振진刷솰[이리오]而이然연[이나] 禁금酒쥬之지令령[은]卽즉予여苦고心심[이라]

古고人인[이]云운[호]有유志지者쟈[ㅣ]事竟경成셩[이라고]傳젼[애]亦역云운[호]堯요舜슌[과]桀걸紂쥬[의]率슐天텬下하[애]民민皆從죵之지[라니]噫희[라]嗣服복之지初초[애]禁금借챠閭려家가而이士夫부[ㅣ]從죵焉언[고]晩만後후[애]禁금用용紋문緞단而이京경外외[ㅣ]從죵焉언[니]而이民민從죵之지之지義의[]於어此可가見견[이로]至지於어酒쥬禁금[야]今금已이二이載[로]其기猶유不불遵준[야]窮궁海之지中즁[애]編편配相샹續쇽[니]昔셕[애]益익[이]贊찬禹우曰왈[호]至지諴함[이]感감神신[이온]矧신玆有유苗묘[ㅣ녀야]帝뎨[ㅣ]乃내誕탄敷부文문德덕[샤]干간戚쳑兩량階[신대]有유苗묘[ㅣ]乃내格격[니]

噫희[라]至지愚우而이神신者쟈[ㅣ]民민也야[ㅣ라]寡과躬궁[이]若약能능誠셩心심禁금酒쥬[ㅣ면]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]
故고[로]夏하閒간[애]只지下하勸권諭유之지旨지[고]伊이後후[애]惟유付부有유司而이治치之지矣의[러니]初초冬동[이]將쟝盡진[고]經경歲셰不불遠원[이라]其기不불能능弛시心심[야]試시令령宣션傳젼官관[으로]廉렴察찰[니]

噫희[라]前젼日일甁병甖之지釀양[도]其기猶유寒한心심[이어든]方방當당遏알密밀之지時시[야]十십餘여人인之지聚츄飮음[은]非비徒도放방恣無무嚴엄[이라]酒쥬禁금之지蕩탕然연[을]於어此可가見견[이니]其기咎구[ㅣ]焉언在[오]寔식在寡과躬궁[이라]

噫희[라]臨림御어卅삽載[애]誠셩信신[이]若약孚부於어民민[이면]幺요麽마禁금令령[을]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]昔셕之지不불能능戒계酒쥬[]非비由유蕩탕心심[이라]寔식爲위寬관懷회[로]而이予여[ㅣ]旣긔不불戒계[니]則즉民민之지不불從죵[이]固고其기然연也야[ㅣ어니와]一일自命명禁금之지後후[로]酒쥬之지一일字[ㅣ]方방寸촌[애]已이無무[ㅣ로]而이民민犯범[이]若약此[]其기咎구[ㅣ]何하在[오]予여[ㅣ]不불能능信신法법於어下하[ㅣ라]故고小쇼民민[이]其기敢감揣度탁曰왈[호]禁금令령[이]雖슈嚴엄[이나]豈긔無무弛시張쟝之지日일乎호[아니]

此[ㅣ]寡과躬궁[의]恒日일不불誠셩之지致치[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]語어[애]云운[호]導도之지以이德덕[고]齊졔之지以이禮례[면]有유恥치且챠格격[이오]導도之지以이政졍[고]齊졔之지以이刑형[이면]民민免면而이無무恥치[라시니]今금予여[ㅣ]不불能능以이德덕導도之지[고]徒도欲욕以이刑형齊졔之지[니]民민豈긔從죵焉언[이리오]

寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]其기君군[이]七칠十십服복衰최[야]方방在朝죠夕셕號호泣읍之지中즁[니]爲위其기民민者쟈[ㅣ]竊졀飮음[도]宜의不불敢감[이어든]況황羣군聚츄而이放방飮음乎호[아]此[]寡과躬궁之지誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]不불能능孚부感감而이然연[이니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]雖슈非비禁금酒쥬之지時시[라도]會회飮음[이]本본自有유禁금令령[이어든]況황當당國국恤슐[야]若약是시狼랑藉쟈[호]而이法법司[ㅣ]無무異이聾롱瞽고[니]恒日일之지紀긔綱강[이]若약擧거[ㅣ면]則즉豈긔有유是시乎호[아]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]噫희[라]其기君군[이]誠셩心심斷단酒쥬[고]誠셩心심飭칙勵려[호]而이猶유不불能능止지[야]前젼後후被피配者쟈[ㅣ]殆近근十십百[니]犯범者쟈[]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ나]其기望망海呼호號호之지妻쳐孥노[]何하辜고之지有유哉[오]恒日일之지敎교化화[ㅣ]能능行[야]民민自信신令령[이면]則즉豈긔若약是시乎호[ㅣ리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]

噫희[라]今금春츈赦샤典뎐[은]可가謂위無무前젼大대霈패[로]而이關관係계酒쥬禁금者쟈[앤]則즉一일不불赦샤焉인[은]惟유恐공禁금令령之지或혹弛시[러니]而이犯범者쟈[ㅣ]猶유不불絶졀[이라]霈패不불能능行[고]禁금亦역不불行[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]以이此推츄之지[니]一일則즉予여咎구[ㅣ오]二이則즉予여咎구[ㅣ라]玆乃내先션諭유寡과躬궁之지咎구[고]次陳진崇종飮음之지弊폐[노니]

噫희[라]范범質질所소云운狂광藥약非비佳가味미[ㅣ]可가謂위切졀至지[오]食식色[을]雖슈竝병稱칭[이나]而이食식慾욕之지中즁[애]酒쥬尤우甚심焉언[이오]謂위其기害해則즉反반甚심於어色[니]何하則즉[고]沈침湎면于우酒쥬[면]不불知지五오倫륜[니]其기害해[ㅣ]一일也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉鬪투鬨홍[며]

大대則즉殺살人인[니]其기害해[ㅣ]二이也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉喪상性셩[며]大대則즉隕운身신[니]其기害해[ㅣ]三삼也야[ㅣ라]觀관其기犯범者쟈[ㅣ]多다是시朝죠夕셕難난繼계[야]

以이此爲위生涯애者쟈[ㅣ니]其기情졍[이]雖슈若약可가矜긍[이나]而이麴국糱얼之지外외[예]亦역多다可가以이資生者쟈[ㅣ어든]何하拘구目목前젼之지小쇼利리[야]自陷함於어罔망赦샤之지重즁法법乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]禁금令령[이]當당嚴엄

故고[로]雖슈不불容용貸[나]昔셕之지夏하禹우[ㅣ]其기亦역泣읍辜고[시니]彼피犯범禁금者쟈[ㅣ]卽즉予여赤젹子[ㅣ라]其기雖슈置치法법[이나]予여豈긔樂락爲위[리오]爾이等등之지犯범邦방憲헌慽쳑君군心심[은]是시誠셩何하心심[이며]是시誠셩何하心심[고]

噫희[라]予여雖슈否부德덕[이나]臨림御어幾긔年년[애]一일心심憧츙憧츙[이]惟유在元원元원[이언마]而이爾이等등[이]不불遵준君군令령[야]使白首슈望망七칠之지君군[으로]若약是시費비心심[니]予여[ㅣ]雖슈負부爾이等등[이나]爾이等등[이]亦역何하忍인負부予여[오]尤우爲위慨개然연者쟈[]頃경於어壬임申신冬동齊졔籲유時시[예]深심感감爾이等등之지誠셩[이러니]于우今금犯범令령[은]一일何하反반焉언[고]從죵此以이後후[로]爾이等등[이]雖슈曰왈不불忘망予여[ㅣ라도]予여何하信신然연[이며]亦역何하顔안[으로]南남面면對爾이乎호[ㅣ리오]

爾이等등[은]莫막曰왈犯범者쟈[ㅣ]是시蠢쥰蠢쥰愚우氓[이라라]人인之지異이於어禽금獸슈[]以이其기有유五오倫륜也야[ㅣ니]狗구馬마[도]猶유戀련主쥬[ㅣ어든]況황人인乎호哉[아]尤우可가恧뉵焉언者쟈[]予여[ㅣ]若약有유誠셩[이어나]予여[ㅣ]若약有유德덕[이면]使列렬朝죠愛恤슐之지元원元원[으로]一일何하至지此哉[리오]思之지及급此[애]誠셩無무對爾이之지面면[이로니]尤우何하有유他타日일歸귀拜之지顔안[이리오]

呼호寫샤到도此[애]聲셩隨슈淚류下하[노니]爾이等등[인]亦역豈긔不불感감動동乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]亦역莫막曰왈禁금令령之지或혹弛시[라라]乾건坤곤[이]雖슈混혼沌돈[이라도]此禁금[은]決결不불解[리니]吁후嗟차此禁금[은]當당與여國국偕存존[이오]當당與여國국偕亡망[리라]

噫희[라]廟묘社샤[애]用용醴례酒쥬[고]而이旨지酒쥬[ㅣ]若약行[이면]予여[ㅣ]雖슈欲욕赦샤[나ㅣ] 陟쳑降강[이]必필不불赦샤[시며]

陟쳑降강[이]雖슈欲욕赦샤[시나]神신祇기[ㅣ]決결不불赦샤[리니]旣긔知지三삼不불赦샤[고]甘감心심犯범憲헌[은]抑억何하心심哉[며]抑억何하心심哉[오]以이此言언之지[면]時시君군[이]雖슈欲욕解禁금[이나]何하敢감違위神신祇기陟쳑降강之지禁금乎호[ㅣ리오]

噫희[라]此[ㅣ] 非비恐공動동而이諭유者쟈[ㅣ오]卽즉實실理리也야[ㅣ라]
噫희[라]此則즉特특諭유其기大대者쟈[ㅣ어니와]抑억論론其기次[리니]
予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]君군臨림爾이等등[야]鬚슈髮발[이]俱구白[니]比비之지恒人인[컨대]子弟뎨僮동僕복[이]不불遵준白髮발父부兄형與여其기主쥬之지令령[이면]其기可가曰왈爲위子弟뎨[며]爲위僮동僕복乎호[아]靜졍攝셥之지中즁[애]聞문此會회飮음之지說셜[고]心심不불能능耐내[야]不불憚탄其기勞로[고]半반夜야綴쳘文문[야]待朝죠召쇼諭유[고]令령京경兆죠[로]眞진諺언謄등書셔[야]曉효諭유京경外외[노라]吁후嗟차此酒쥬[]今금日일[애]益익覺각其기爲위尤우物물[이로니]

噫희[라]此尤우物물[이]止지息식然연後후[에야]食식可가甘감而이寢침可가便편[이니]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]小쇼大대民민人인[은]咸함聽텽此諭유[야]各각須슈自勵려焉언[라] 噫희[라]今금日일召쇼諭유之지後후[]卽즉予여一일初초政졍也야
[ㅣ니]旣긔曰왈一일初초[ㅣ면]豈긔無무更경新신[이리오]前젼者쟈編편配之지類류七칠百餘여人인[을]一일竝병特특放방[고]新신定뎡其기法법[노니]

身신爲위朝죠官관者쟈[와]以이士爲위名명者쟈[]勿물限한年년沿연海投투畀비[고]庶셔民민則즉江강邊변七칠邑읍[과]北븍關관六륙鎭진[과]萊府부外의[애]勿물論론公공私賤쳔[고]嚴엄刑형一일次後후邊변遠원[애]限한己긔身신爲위奴노婢비[호]釀양者쟈[와]飮음者쟈[]一일體톄施시律률[고]每年년歲셰首슈[애]倣방周쥬禮례[야]令령懸현法법京경外외官관門문[노니]是시何하意의哉[오]

此[]刑형期긔無무刑형之지義의也야[ㅣ라]吁후嗟차爾이等등[이]後후若약犯범焉언[이면]此[]爾이等등之지自犯범[이니]勿물以이不불敎교而이怨원予여[라]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]爾이等등[이]若약思三삼十십年년可가愛其기君군之지心심[이면]欽흠體톄此敎교[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]

噫희[라] 陟쳑降강[이]在上샹[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼臨림[시니]
予여何하敢감欺긔爾이[며]爾이何하敢감謾만予여乎호[ㅣ리오]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]
國국之지興흥亡망[이]在此一일擧거[ㅣ라]咸함使聞문知지[노니]想샹宜의知지悉실[이어다]

}}

==Chinese Script==

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御製戒酒綸音

1. 諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音: 嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼! 昔人云宮中好高髻四方高一尺昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎, 今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠. 因此而上負陟降下閼霈典, 寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

2. 何謂上負陟降一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁一竝, 不赦今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.

4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也,

5. 其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎?

6. 其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也.

7. 且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

8. 臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知庶民, 雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉.

9. 奏于列朝, 明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

10. 以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭, 洞諭予意言, 雖略意則盡矣. 噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社, 苦心其銘其佩, 莫替予意, 至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸, 必以無刑爲期, 京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.

11. 必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭, 使我苦心, 能行於國中, 而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾, 非徒邦國之, 幸於羣工亦豈無陰功乎! 其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣, 陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭, 可不懼哉! 可不懍哉! 其各明聽欽遵予諭!
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(translation)
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=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----
King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
御製戒酒綸音

King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音:

To the higher magistrates, ministers and all the officials bellow them, king wrote this edict:

嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼!

Ah! My ministers and officials, my trusted aide, serving me as my legs and my arms! Listen to me. Ah!

昔人云

Once it was said:

“宮中好高髻四方高一尺”

“If the virtue of the royal court is one bun higher, the virtue of the people of the four direction will become one foot higher”. (1)

昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎.

So far drinking alcohol was not forbidden in the court and I blame myself for it.

今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠.

People do not obey royal orders anymore and it is also because my lack of righteousness.

因此而上負陟降下閼霈典.

Therefore, carrying the responsibility for my ancestors, I have to restrain [current practice] and to impose rules.

寔予之咎, 寔予之咎.

I can blame only myself. I can blame only myself.

(1) The quotation is from the historical books of Han dynasty – Dong Guan Han Ji and Huo Han Shu (東觀漢記, 傳七, 馬廖; 後漢書, 列傳, 馬援列傳).

Question:
----What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 何謂上負陟降, 一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止, 甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

How am I obliged to the ancestral spirits? Since I myself abstained from drinking, I have continuously received praises from my mother. The funeral is just over, and this year has not ended, but they not only not stop drinking, but they even get together to drink. Should the ancestral spirits know of this, would they think I am capable of this ban or not?! This is what I say by being obliged to the ancestral spirits.

Discussion Questions:

1. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

2. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

3. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁, 一竝不赦, 今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百, 若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也.
What is meant by "to restrain my copious grace below"? Ah! This spring's general amnesty was unprecedented in the codes of the past. But as for those who had violated drinking prohibition, being afraid that it might rescind the restriction, none of them were released. Now based on this measurement, when I extract and survey a roster of executed and banished, their numbers reach tens of hundreds. If it goes on like this and does not stop, it will in no time reach several tens of hundreds. This is all because of me not instructing [well] and driving people into the traps of the law. <br />

Questions: To whom was the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits) What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也,
If I think about it up until this point, I cannot but think it regrettable. The several hundreds of those who received the punishment of forced labor and exile were unable to be released in spring. How could it be equal to the [true] meaning of celebration. Even though I release them all together now, how could it be equal to the [true] meaning of amnesty! This is why I say I blocked royal grace to below.

Discussion Questions:
(1) Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime?
(2) How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
What are the correlations between Confucian kingship and alcohol? In this sense, King Yongjo prohibited wine drinking, because he was more Confucian than any other kings of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也
If the monarch and officials abstain from drinking together, and set an example for petty people, we have sincerity, although sageness of Master Cheng was itch when he saw the hunting

Questions:
Yeongjo amnestied all criminals by implementing 패전, but why did he particularly except the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number the real motivation?

==='''Student 7 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉!

Even though by the admonition style of the Book of Documents I have spoken, my words should be instructed to both ministers and commoners. But my heart cannot help but be restless. After the early morning ritual had finished, I kept weeping in the assembly hall and said, "Now that the prohibition of wine-drinking is inefficient. It is all because of one person. Who is this person? It is none other than me, your servant. After this, if drinking wine returns to its prominent state, the state will eventually collapse. If one does not admonish the king, it amounts to nothing. But how could 300 years of the royal ancestral shrine be ruined because of one person?

Discussion question:
#How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects?
#Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知,庶民雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉，奏于列朝

Should I and the following kings that succeed me violate the wine prohibition, then even if the ministers and courtiers are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), even if the commoners and populace are not aware of (the violation of prohibition), (the violation of prohibition) will be obvious to the ancestral spirits, (it would be as clear )as if reflected in mirror. Should (I and the following kings that succeed me) violate it, it will be reported to the (ancestral spirits of) various preceding kings.

Discussion question:
In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy?
Is this a unique Korean tradition?

==='''Student 9 : Martin Gehlmann'''===
----
1. Given the use of alcohol in Confucian rites and drinking ceremonies, how do you view this ban on alcohol?

2. What do you think is King Yeongjos personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

3. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭<br />
So I reported [to the spirits] the whole message above, yet I sat at the lunar platform and summoned royal kin, and civil and military bureaucrats to the courtyard.<br />
洞諭予意言雖略意則盡矣.<br />
And then I communicated thoroughly my intention and words. The words were rather simple but enough to convey my intention thoroughly.<br />
噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社苦心其銘其佩莫替予意至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸必以無刑爲期<br />
Alas! All the officials in the bureaucracy from top to bottom should follow my example in serving dynasty alter with great efforts. Remember and put into practice my intention without any distortion. As for the prohibition, do not be contend with capturing petty offenders, but instead, try to ensure nobody should violate it.<br />
京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也.<br />
The chief magistrate of Seoul and his adjutants, and local governors and magistrates, it is your duty to serve people.<br />

----
Discussion Question:<br />
Can there be any relationship between the death of the Crown Princess Sado and the Prohibition of Wine Drinking?

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee Jeong)'''===
----
必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭,
Certainly, you should conciliate in all your heart and then you should hard to be careful anything amid tears.

使我苦心, 能行於國中,
When I rule country with patience and enduring resolve,

而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾,
I can't let my people fall into humiliation.

非徒邦國之幸, 於羣工亦豈無陰功乎!
How couldn't hidden achievements have not only luck of our country but also all of officer!

其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣,
Do not say that there is only a officer and the king on the stage and in the courtyard.

陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭,
Manes is impressive and blue sky is manifest.

可不懼哉! 可不懍哉!
Aren't you afraid of that! aren't you precarious that!

其各明聽欽遵予諭!
Every one of you listen carefully and follow my instructions.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

[[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf]]

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

2017-07-07T05:27:27Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 순조1년윤음.png
|English = King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [http://sillok.history.go.kr/popup/viewer.do?id=kwa_10101028_003 ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
○綸音, 若曰:

1. 予方讀中庸矣。凡爲天下國家, 有九經, 第六曰: ‘子庶民也。’ 朱夫子釋之曰: ‘視百姓猶吾子,’ 予未始不掩卷而歎也。子之事父也, 哀苦而必赴焉, 父之育子也, 疾病而必救焉。君民之間, 眷顧蘄向之切, 亦猶父子云爾。

2. 我國內寺各衙門之有奴婢, 傳之者, 以爲始於箕子, 予則曰不然也。箕子於東國, 設敎八條, 意八條者, 洪範之八政也。食貨爲首, 所以養生也, 司寇掌禁, 所以戢亂也。以八政敎東民, 東民蚩蚩, 只知爲八條, 不知爲八政, 而盜者沒入爲奴婢, 卽八條之一也。此蓋司寇之法所由來者, 與《中庸》九經, 相表裏也。

3. 若如近世所謂奴婢之制, 官之責之也至苛, 人之待之也至賤, 別其族黨, 殊其井疆, 至老死不能嫁娶, 則其政也叔季耳。曾謂箕子之聖而爲是乎哉? 予則聞, 箕子之言曰: ‘斂時五福, 用敷錫厥庶民,’ 又曰: ‘無虐甇獨,’ 又曰: ‘作民父母, 爲天下王。"

4. 予以是益知奴婢之制, 不自箕子始也。恭惟我肅宗大王, 爲衆慼詢于庭, 減奴貢之半, 婢貢三之一, 我英宗大王, 爰稽有衆, 除婢貢, 又減奴貢之半。而內司推刷之弊, 固自如焉, 鍼其膚以輸其實, 磨其乳以驗其字, 閭里騷然, 雞犬爲之不寧。

5. 於是, 有萬其命, 罔奠厥居, 夫別妻母別子, 叩膺抆血, 相顧錯愕, 不忍遽決。往往投之空門, 自絶大倫, 其女子皓顚編髮, 流乞于市。官吏日踵門索錢, 鞭之扑之, 其喝如虎, 冒點則費一牛之直, 侵隣則刮百家之産, 行路寒心, 至於隕涕。

6. 唉! 彼無告, 獨何辜也? 及我先朝, 渙發德音, 特罷推刷命下之日, 老幼皷舞, 鴻渥闓澤, 薄于窮海。及至十有四年, 嶺南御史, 有言: ‘內司之奴負骸, 而訴於咸陽郡者。’ 聖心惻然以驚, 亟焚其籍, 徧問諸道方伯, 十行恩言, 七更其端, 精誠貫金石, 孚感及豚魚。

7. 道狀、籌啓, 紛然堆積於左右, 宸憂憧憧, 惟日夕愀乎恤乎, 當食則停筯而不進, 當寢則繞榻而不寢。筵諭庭誥, 反覆丁寧, 而有司之臣, 不能對揚休命, 雖一二減額, 寔非我先朝博施之盛意也。

8. 記昔先朝之訓曰: ‘羽籥不設而民驩之, 軒裳不加而民懷之者, 陰陽以統其精氣, 仁義以經其事業也。故御和羹以平其神, 聽和聲以平其志, 納和言以平其政, 履和行以平其德。今者民以奴婢名, 而冤鬱上干天和, 風雨不節, 禾麥不登, 予用玆疚心, 心不得和。和予心者, 其在乎奴婢之革也。"

9. 此廷臣之所承聞而贊頌之者也。今予踐位行禮, 思慕號呼, 念堂構之丕責, 鞏磐泰之洪基, 卽惟曰繼其志也, 述其事也, 繼志述事, 莫有先於奴婢之制。且況王者莅民, 無貴賤無內外, 均是赤子, 曰奴曰婢, 區而分之, 豈一視同胞之義也?

10. 內奴婢三萬六千九百七十四、寺奴婢二萬九千九十三, 幷許爲良民, 仍令承政院, 聚奴婢案, 火之敦化門外。其貢有需於經費者, 命壯勇營代給以爲式。於戲! 予豈敢曰惠之云乎哉? 特先朝未卒之志事, 修而明之耳。

11. 自玆以往, 維千萬年, 安其田廬, 守其墳墓, 婚姻以時, 生齒日息, 稼穡不愆, 嬉遊謳歌。用副予體先朝子視之苦心。【大提學尹行恁製。】

}}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

==='''Student 1 : (Jinsook You)'''===
----
予方讀中庸矣。凡爲天下國家, 有九經, 第六曰: ‘子庶民也。’ 朱夫子釋之曰: ‘視百姓猶吾子,’ 予未始不掩卷而歎也。子之事父也, 哀苦而必赴焉, 父之育子也, 疾病而必救焉。君民之間, 眷顧蘄向之切, 亦猶父子云爾。
I have read the Document of Mean and it reads: “All who have the government of the kingdom with its states and families have nine standard rules to follow. (omitted)1) The sixth is 'Treat your people as your children.’” Zhu zi’s exposition goes like this: Whenever I close the Book, I cannot help but exclaim, “When children serve their father, they should obey the words of their father, whatever sacrifice it might require. When fathers raise their children, they should come to the rescue of their ailing or crippling children, however painful it might be. As for the relationship between sovereign and subjects, they should take care of and make expectations from each other. The relationship between sons and fathers should be the same.”

1) Since it is a direct quotation from the Document of Mean and from the King skips to the sixth standard, I put parentheses here to indicate the omission from the first to fifth.

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
若如近世所謂奴婢之制, 官之責之也至苛, 人之待之也至賤, 別其族黨, 殊其井疆, 至老死不能嫁娶, 則其政也叔季耳。曾謂箕子之聖而爲是乎哉? 予則聞, 箕子之言曰: ‘斂時五福, 用敷錫厥庶民,’ 又曰: ‘無虐甇獨,’ 又曰: ‘作民父母, 爲天下王。"

As to the so-called institution of male and female slaves, the government extracts from them harshly and severely, people treat them in demeaning and derogatory ways. Discriminate their clan and group, separate their place (where they could stay), they are not allowed to marry even till their days of old age and death, this is the policy of a declining age. Some may wonder, how could a sage like Kija do this? I have heard, Kija’s words state that: “(the king) concentrates in his own person the five (sources of) happiness, and proceeds to diffuse them, and give them to the multitudes of the people. ” Kija also said: “Do not oppress and mistreat the friendless and childless ” and “to be the parents of the populace, to be the king of all under heaven.”1

1. 《周书·洪范》“皇极：皇建其有极。敛时五福，用敷锡厥庶民。惟时厥庶民于汝极。锡汝保极：凡厥庶民，无有淫朋，人无有比德，惟皇作极。凡厥庶民，有猷有为有守，汝则念之。不协于极，不罹于咎，皇则受之。而康而色，曰：‘予攸好德。’汝则锡之福。时人斯其惟皇之极。无虐茕独而畏高明，人之有能有为，使羞其行，而邦其昌。凡厥正人，既富方谷，汝弗能使有好于而家，时人斯其辜。于其无好德，汝虽锡之福，其作汝用咎。无偏无陂，遵王之义；无有作好，遵王之道；无有作恶，尊王之路。无偏无党，王道荡荡；无党无偏，王道平平；无反无侧，王道正直。会其有极，归其有极。曰：皇，极之敷言，是彝是训，于帝其训，凡厥庶民，极之敷言，是训是行，以近天子之光。曰：天子作民父母，以为天下王。”

==='''Student 4 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
For this reason, I know more about the institution of slavery, which was not originated from Kija. The reverent great king of Sukchong felt sorrowfully for his people and consulted his court. He reduced tribute of male slaves by half and that of female slaves by one-third. As for the great king of Yongjong*1, his reform policies amounted to many. He abolished the tribute of the male slaves and again reduced the tribute of female slaves one-third. But for the ills of 內司推刷*2, it remained unchanged: female slaves are interrogated by injecting needles, and their breasts are rubbed to examine their pregnacy. This caused turbulence among villagers, and for this hens and dogs are not at peace.

# Yǒngjong was the original posthumous title of Yǒngjo before 1889.
# 推刷 refers to the officials who were dispatched by 內司 to seek escaped slaves.

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 7 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
7. 道狀、籌啓, 紛然堆積於左右, 宸憂憧憧, 惟日夕愀乎恤乎, 當食則停筯而不進, 當寢則繞榻而不寢。筵諭庭誥, 反覆丁寧, 而有司之臣, 不能對揚休命, 雖一二減額, 寔非我先朝博施之盛意也。
Even though reports sent from the provisional governors and the Border Defense Council (Pibyŏnsa)<ref>The Border Defense Council has become the supreme administrative organ since the Japanese invasions (1592-98) in min-Chosŏn.</ref> were piled up here and there, my worries have been intensified. I grieve for it all day long. When eating, my spoon stops and does not proceed into my mouth. When night comes, I pace around the bedroom but cannot go to sleep. During the royal lecture (kyŏngyŏn), I made proclamations. At the court, I issued instructions. I have done this sincerely and repeatedly. However, the officials in charge were unable to carry out the royal decree as I intended. Although the amount of burden [that slaves had to carry] has been alleviated,<ref>It refers to the tax reduction by King Sukchong and King Yŏngjo mentioned earlier.</ref> it is not that the previous kings’great intention was fully executed.

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 10 : (Irina)'''===
----

內奴婢三萬六千九百七十四、寺奴婢二萬九千九十三, 幷許爲良民.

36 974 of public slaves, 29 093 of private slaves, I gave them all freedom.

仍令承政院, 聚奴婢案, 火之敦化門外.

All the slave registers from the Ministries of Personnel, I have burned in front of gate Donhwa-mun (1).

其貢有需於經費者, 命壯勇營代給以爲式。

??? The funds of slavery I substituted with military force. ???

於戲! 予豈敢曰惠之云乎哉?

Ah! Will I be able to say that I have done something generous?

特先朝未卒之志事, 修而明之耳。

The great enterprises the deceased King has undertaken, will be accomplished in the future.

(1) Donhwa-mun 敦化門|돈화문 is one of the gates in the royal palace Chandok-kun in Seoul.

==='''Student 11 : (Do hee jeong)'''===
----

自玆以往, 維千萬年, 安其田廬, 守其墳墓, 婚姻以時,
From now on, It will succeed in ten million years and then to make happy house at the farm, to keep tomb, to marry at a well timed,

生齒日息, 稼穡不愆, 嬉遊謳歌
as the people live daily, the farm is not fault, they pleasurably sing and play

用副予體先朝子視之苦心。
come up to my expectations, which I model the late king who desire to intend the slave like son.

【大提學尹行恁製。】
【written by Haengim Yoon in former commissioner of education】

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
* View together with '''[http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Journal/ArticleDetail/NODE01777219 윤행임尹行恁(1762~1801)의 정치 활동과 학문 성향 Yoon Haeng-im(尹行恁)’s Political Activities and Academic Views]'''

</div>

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

2017-07-07T04:15:41Z

Renzhijun: /* Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 어제계주윤음1.JPG
|English = King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking
|Chinese = 御製戒酒綸音
|Korean = 어제계주윤음(어졔계쥬륜음)
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [[King Yeongjo]]
|Year = [[1757]]
|Key Concepts= King Yeongjo,
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

* '''Download''' : [[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf|御製戒酒綸音.pdf]]

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
諭유大대臣신卿경宰以이下하百官관綸륜音음[丁丑十一月初一日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]惟유我아股고肱굉卿경宰[와]越월我아百僚료[]咸함聽텽予여諭유[라]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]昔셕人인[이]云운[호]宮궁中즁[이]好호高고髻계[니]四方방[이]高고一일尺쳑[이라니]昔셕之지羣군工공之지不불戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]寔식由유寡과躬궁之지咎구[ㅣ어니와]今금之지庶셔民민之지不불遵준令령[도]亦역由유寡과躬궁之지不불誠셩[이라]

因인此而이上샹負부陟쳑降강[오며]下하閼알霈패典뎐[니]寔식予
여之지咎구[ㅣ오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]何하謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강[고]一일自禁금酒쥬之지後후[로] 每承승慈聖셩稱칭美미之지 敎교[ㅣ러니]

因인山산纔訖흘[고]今금歲셰不불盡진[야셔]而이非비徒도不불止지[라]甚심至지會회飮음[니]陟쳑降강[이]有유知지[시면]其기以이寡과躬궁[으로]爲위能능禁금乎호[아]否부乎호[아]此[ㅣ]所소謂위上샹負부陟쳑降강也야[ㅣ오]何하謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐[고]

噫희[라]今금春츈霈패典뎐[은]往왕牒텹所소無무[ㅣ로]而이至지於어犯범酒쥬者쟈[야]恐공或혹弛시禁금[야]一일竝병不불赦샤[ㅣ러니]今금因인處쳐分분而이取츄覽람徒도流류案안[니]則즉其기數수[ㅣ]將쟝近근十십百[이라]若약此不불已이[면]將쟝不불知지至지於어幾긔十십百[이니]此[]卽즉予여[ㅣ]不불敎교而이令령民민陷함法법也야[ㅣ라]

思之지及급此[애]不불覺각懍름然연[호라]幾긔百徒도流류[]於어春츈大대赦샤[애도]不불能능放방焉언[니]是시豈긔同동慶경之지意의[며]而이今금[애]雖슈一일倂병放방釋셕[이나]何하與여於어赦샤典뎐哉[리오]

此[ㅣ]所소謂위下하閼알霈패典뎐也야[ㅣ라]其기將쟝何하顔안[으로]行朔삭 祭졔於어孝효昭쇼殿뎐[이며]亦역將쟝何하顔안[으로]曉효拜眞진殿뎐乎호[아]噫희[라]酒쥬[]乃내尤우物물也야[ㅣ니]今금番번宣션諭유[애]小쇼民민之지感감動동[을]其기何하必필哉[리오]且챠頃경者쟈宣션諭유[]只지於어父부老로[고]不불及급公공卿경[니]此豈긔董동子所소云운正졍朝죠廷뎡而이正졍萬만民민之지義의乎호[아]

其기君군其기臣신之지相샹與여戒계酒쥬[ㅣ]視시小쇼民민[애]雖슈有유切졀焉언[이나]以이程졍子之지大대賢현[으로도]猶유不불無무觀관獵렵之지悔회[시니]況황在凡범人인[애]尤우不불可가放방心심也야[ㅣ오]且챠以이尙샹書셔訓훈體톄[로]言언之지[라도]其기宜의竝병諭유臣신庶셔[]又우於어心심中즁[에]不불耐내憧츙憧츙[야]今금曉효祭졔畢필後후[에]仍잉泣읍奏주殿뎐中즁曰왈[오]

于우今금酒쥬禁금之지不불行[은]寔식由유一일人인[이니]一일人인[은]其기誰슈[오]卽즉臣신也야[ㅣ라]此後후[애]酒쥬若약復부行[이면]國국必필隨슈亡망[이니]不불戒계其기君군[은]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ어니와]三삼百年년宗종社샤[ㅣ]豈긔可가由유一일人인而이亡망哉[잇가]臣신曁긔後후之지嗣王왕[이]或혹有유不불戒계酒쥬之지事[ㅣ면]則즉諸져臣신[이]雖슈不불知지[고]庶셔民민[이]雖슈亦역不불知지[나]於오昭쇼陟쳑降강[은]若약鑑감之지照죠[시리니]若약有유犯범焉언[이어든]

奏주于우列렬朝죠[샤]明명降강大대何하[시되]止지于우其기身신[시고]若약於어羣군臣신[애]或혹知지而이不불諫간[며]或혹身신犯범其기戒계者쟈[]亦역降강大대何하[샤]使我아海東동臣신庶셔[로]無무面면謾만之지態[케시며]諫간而이不불聽텽[이면]咎구亦역在君군[이니]臣신何하咎구焉언[이리잇고]

以이此口구奏주[고]仍잉坐좌月월臺[야]召쇼集집陪 祭졔宗종親친文문武무百官관於어殿뎐庭뎡[야]洞동諭유予여意의[노니]言언雖슈略약[이나]意의則즉盡진矣의[라]

噫희[라]上샹自股고肱굉[으로]下하至지百僚료[히]體톄予여爲위宗종社샤苦고心심[야]其기銘명其기佩패[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]至지於어禁금酒쥬[야]小쇼民민之지犯범者쟈[]勿물以이摘젹得득爲위幸[이오]必필以이無무刑형爲위期긔[니]京경而이京경尹윤部부官관[과]外외而이方방伯守슈令령[이]凡범於어對民민也야[애]必필也야罄경心심誨회諭유[며]流류涕톄勉면飭칙[야]使我아苦고心심[으로]能능行於어國국中즁[며]而이使我아元원元원[으로]罔망陷함於어大대戾려[케면]非비徒도邦방國국之지幸[이라]

於어羣군工공[애]亦역豈긔無무陰음功공乎호[ㅣ리오]其기莫막曰왈臺上샹庭뎡
下하[애]只지有유其기君군與여臣신[이라라]陟쳑降강[이]洋양洋양[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼昭쇼[시니]可가不불懼구哉[며]可가不불懍름哉[아]其기各각明명聽텽[야]欽흠遵준予여諭유[라]

諭유京경城셩父부老로綸륜音음[丁丑十月二十五日]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]以이予여否부德턱[으로]忝텸守슈丕비基긔[ㅣ]于우今금三삼十십有유三삼年년[이로]而이上샹不불能능繼계述슐先션志지[고]下하不불能능惠혜究구蔀부屋옥[야]綱강紀긔[ㅣ]日일墜츄[며]生民민[이]日일窮궁[니]心심常샹懍름惕텩[야]若약隕운淵연谷곡[이라]近근尤우衰쇠耗모之지中즁[애]誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]仙션馭어[]莫막攀반[고]只지自號호慕모[야]萬만念렴俱구冷[니]其기於어政졍令령[애]何하能능振진刷솰[이리오]而이然연[이나] 禁금酒쥬之지令령[은]卽즉予여苦고心심[이라]

古고人인[이]云운[호]有유志지者쟈[ㅣ]事竟경成셩[이라고]傳젼[애]亦역云운[호]堯요舜슌[과]桀걸紂쥬[의]率슐天텬下하[애]民민皆從죵之지[라니]噫희[라]嗣服복之지初초[애]禁금借챠閭려家가而이士夫부[ㅣ]從죵焉언[고]晩만後후[애]禁금用용紋문緞단而이京경外외[ㅣ]從죵焉언[니]而이民민從죵之지之지義의[]於어此可가見견[이로]至지於어酒쥬禁금[야]今금已이二이載[로]其기猶유不불遵준[야]窮궁海之지中즁[애]編편配相샹續쇽[니]昔셕[애]益익[이]贊찬禹우曰왈[호]至지諴함[이]感감神신[이온]矧신玆有유苗묘[ㅣ녀야]帝뎨[ㅣ]乃내誕탄敷부文문德덕[샤]干간戚쳑兩량階[신대]有유苗묘[ㅣ]乃내格격[니]

噫희[라]至지愚우而이神신者쟈[ㅣ]民민也야[ㅣ라]寡과躬궁[이]若약能능誠셩心심禁금酒쥬[ㅣ면]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]
故고[로]夏하閒간[애]只지下하勸권諭유之지旨지[고]伊이後후[애]惟유付부有유司而이治치之지矣의[러니]初초冬동[이]將쟝盡진[고]經경歲셰不불遠원[이라]其기不불能능弛시心심[야]試시令령宣션傳젼官관[으로]廉렴察찰[니]

噫희[라]前젼日일甁병甖之지釀양[도]其기猶유寒한心심[이어든]方방當당遏알密밀之지時시[야]十십餘여人인之지聚츄飮음[은]非비徒도放방恣無무嚴엄[이라]酒쥬禁금之지蕩탕然연[을]於어此可가見견[이니]其기咎구[ㅣ]焉언在[오]寔식在寡과躬궁[이라]

噫희[라]臨림御어卅삽載[애]誠셩信신[이]若약孚부於어民민[이면]幺요麽마禁금令령[을]民민豈긔不불從죵[이리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]昔셕之지不불能능戒계酒쥬[]非비由유蕩탕心심[이라]寔식爲위寬관懷회[로]而이予여[ㅣ]旣긔不불戒계[니]則즉民민之지不불從죵[이]固고其기然연也야[ㅣ어니와]一일自命명禁금之지後후[로]酒쥬之지一일字[ㅣ]方방寸촌[애]已이無무[ㅣ로]而이民민犯범[이]若약此[]其기咎구[ㅣ]何하在[오]予여[ㅣ]不불能능信신法법於어下하[ㅣ라]故고小쇼民민[이]其기敢감揣度탁曰왈[호]禁금令령[이]雖슈嚴엄[이나]豈긔無무弛시張쟝之지日일乎호[아니]

此[ㅣ]寡과躬궁[의]恒日일不불誠셩之지致치[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]語어[애]云운[호]導도之지以이德덕[고]齊졔之지以이禮례[면]有유恥치且챠格격[이오]導도之지以이政졍[고]齊졔之지以이刑형[이면]民민免면而이無무恥치[라시니]今금予여[ㅣ]不불能능以이德덕導도之지[고]徒도欲욕以이刑형齊졔之지[니]民민豈긔從죵焉언[이리오]

寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]其기君군[이]七칠十십服복衰최[야]方방在朝죠夕셕號호泣읍之지中즁[니]爲위其기民민者쟈[ㅣ]竊졀飮음[도]宜의不불敢감[이어든]況황羣군聚츄而이放방飮음乎호[아]此[]寡과躬궁之지誠셩孝효[ㅣ]淺쳔薄박[야]不불能능孚부感감而이然연[이니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]雖슈非비禁금酒쥬之지時시[라도]會회飮음[이]本본自有유禁금令령[이어든]況황當당國국恤슐[야]若약是시狼랑藉쟈[호]而이法법司[ㅣ]無무異이聾롱瞽고[니]恒日일之지紀긔綱강[이]若약擧거[ㅣ면]則즉豈긔有유是시乎호[아]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]噫희[라]其기君군[이]誠셩心심斷단酒쥬[고]誠셩心심飭칙勵려[호]而이猶유不불能능止지[야]前젼後후被피配者쟈[ㅣ]殆近근十십百[니]犯범者쟈[]雖슈無무足죡道도[ㅣ나]其기望망海呼호號호之지妻쳐孥노[]何하辜고之지有유哉[오]恒日일之지敎교化화[ㅣ]能능行[야]民민自信신令령[이면]則즉豈긔若약是시乎호[ㅣ리오]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ오]

噫희[라]今금春츈赦샤典뎐[은]可가謂위無무前젼大대霈패[로]而이關관係계酒쥬禁금者쟈[앤]則즉一일不불赦샤焉인[은]惟유恐공禁금令령之지或혹弛시[러니]而이犯범者쟈[ㅣ]猶유不불絶졀[이라]霈패不불能능行[고]禁금亦역不불行[니]寔식予여之지咎구[ㅣ라]以이此推츄之지[니]一일則즉予여咎구[ㅣ오]二이則즉予여咎구[ㅣ라]玆乃내先션諭유寡과躬궁之지咎구[고]次陳진崇종飮음之지弊폐[노니]

噫희[라]范범質질所소云운狂광藥약非비佳가味미[ㅣ]可가謂위切졀至지[오]食식色[을]雖슈竝병稱칭[이나]而이食식慾욕之지中즁[애]酒쥬尤우甚심焉언[이오]謂위其기害해則즉反반甚심於어色[니]何하則즉[고]沈침湎면于우酒쥬[면]不불知지五오倫륜[니]其기害해[ㅣ]一일也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉鬪투鬨홍[며]

大대則즉殺살人인[니]其기害해[ㅣ]二이也야[ㅣ오]小쇼則즉喪상性셩[며]大대則즉隕운身신[니]其기害해[ㅣ]三삼也야[ㅣ라]觀관其기犯범者쟈[ㅣ]多다是시朝죠夕셕難난繼계[야]

以이此爲위生涯애者쟈[ㅣ니]其기情졍[이]雖슈若약可가矜긍[이나]而이麴국糱얼之지外외[예]亦역多다可가以이資生者쟈[ㅣ어든]何하拘구目목前젼之지小쇼利리[야]自陷함於어罔망赦샤之지重즁法법乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]禁금令령[이]當당嚴엄

故고[로]雖슈不불容용貸[나]昔셕之지夏하禹우[ㅣ]其기亦역泣읍辜고[시니]彼피犯범禁금者쟈[ㅣ]卽즉予여赤젹子[ㅣ라]其기雖슈置치法법[이나]予여豈긔樂락爲위[리오]爾이等등之지犯범邦방憲헌慽쳑君군心심[은]是시誠셩何하心심[이며]是시誠셩何하心심[고]

噫희[라]予여雖슈否부德덕[이나]臨림御어幾긔年년[애]一일心심憧츙憧츙[이]惟유在元원元원[이언마]而이爾이等등[이]不불遵준君군令령[야]使白首슈望망七칠之지君군[으로]若약是시費비心심[니]予여[ㅣ]雖슈負부爾이等등[이나]爾이等등[이]亦역何하忍인負부予여[오]尤우爲위慨개然연者쟈[]頃경於어壬임申신冬동齊졔籲유時시[예]深심感감爾이等등之지誠셩[이러니]于우今금犯범令령[은]一일何하反반焉언[고]從죵此以이後후[로]爾이等등[이]雖슈曰왈不불忘망予여[ㅣ라도]予여何하信신然연[이며]亦역何하顔안[으로]南남面면對爾이乎호[ㅣ리오]

爾이等등[은]莫막曰왈犯범者쟈[ㅣ]是시蠢쥰蠢쥰愚우氓[이라라]人인之지異이於어禽금獸슈[]以이其기有유五오倫륜也야[ㅣ니]狗구馬마[도]猶유戀련主쥬[ㅣ어든]況황人인乎호哉[아]尤우可가恧뉵焉언者쟈[]予여[ㅣ]若약有유誠셩[이어나]予여[ㅣ]若약有유德덕[이면]使列렬朝죠愛恤슐之지元원元원[으로]一일何하至지此哉[리오]思之지及급此[애]誠셩無무對爾이之지面면[이로니]尤우何하有유他타日일歸귀拜之지顔안[이리오]

呼호寫샤到도此[애]聲셩隨슈淚류下하[노니]爾이等등[인]亦역豈긔不불感감動동乎호[ㅣ리오]噫희[라]亦역莫막曰왈禁금令령之지或혹弛시[라라]乾건坤곤[이]雖슈混혼沌돈[이라도]此禁금[은]決결不불解[리니]吁후嗟차此禁금[은]當당與여國국偕存존[이오]當당與여國국偕亡망[리라]

噫희[라]廟묘社샤[애]用용醴례酒쥬[고]而이旨지酒쥬[ㅣ]若약行[이면]予여[ㅣ]雖슈欲욕赦샤[나ㅣ] 陟쳑降강[이]必필不불赦샤[시며]

陟쳑降강[이]雖슈欲욕赦샤[시나]神신祇기[ㅣ]決결不불赦샤[리니]旣긔知지三삼不불赦샤[고]甘감心심犯범憲헌[은]抑억何하心심哉[며]抑억何하心심哉[오]以이此言언之지[면]時시君군[이]雖슈欲욕解禁금[이나]何하敢감違위神신祇기陟쳑降강之지禁금乎호[ㅣ리오]

噫희[라]此[ㅣ] 非비恐공動동而이諭유者쟈[ㅣ오]卽즉實실理리也야[ㅣ라]
噫희[라]此則즉特특諭유其기大대者쟈[ㅣ어니와]抑억論론其기次[리니]
予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]君군臨림爾이等등[야]鬚슈髮발[이]俱구白[니]比비之지恒人인[컨대]子弟뎨僮동僕복[이]不불遵준白髮발父부兄형與여其기主쥬之지令령[이면]其기可가曰왈爲위子弟뎨[며]爲위僮동僕복乎호[아]靜졍攝셥之지中즁[애]聞문此會회飮음之지說셜[고]心심不불能능耐내[야]不불憚탄其기勞로[고]半반夜야綴쳘文문[야]待朝죠召쇼諭유[고]令령京경兆죠[로]眞진諺언謄등書셔[야]曉효諭유京경外외[노라]吁후嗟차此酒쥬[]今금日일[애]益익覺각其기爲위尤우物물[이로니]

噫희[라]此尤우物물[이]止지息식然연後후[에야]食식可가甘감而이寢침可가便편[이니]

嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]小쇼大대民민人인[은]咸함聽텽此諭유[야]各각須슈自勵려焉언[라] 噫희[라]今금日일召쇼諭유之지後후[]卽즉予여一일初초政졍也야
[ㅣ니]旣긔曰왈一일初초[ㅣ면]豈긔無무更경新신[이리오]前젼者쟈編편配之지類류七칠百餘여人인[을]一일竝병特특放방[고]新신定뎡其기法법[노니]

身신爲위朝죠官관者쟈[와]以이士爲위名명者쟈[]勿물限한年년沿연海投투畀비[고]庶셔民민則즉江강邊변七칠邑읍[과]北븍關관六륙鎭진[과]萊府부外의[애]勿물論론公공私賤쳔[고]嚴엄刑형一일次後후邊변遠원[애]限한己긔身신爲위奴노婢비[호]釀양者쟈[와]飮음者쟈[]一일體톄施시律률[고]每年년歲셰首슈[애]倣방周쥬禮례[야]令령懸현法법京경外외官관門문[노니]是시何하意의哉[오]

此[]刑형期긔無무刑형之지義의也야[ㅣ라]吁후嗟차爾이等등[이]後후若약犯범焉언[이면]此[]爾이等등之지自犯범[이니]勿물以이不불敎교而이怨원予여[라]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]予여[ㅣ]雖슈否부德덕[이나]爾이等등[이]若약思三삼十십年년可가愛其기君군之지心심[이면]欽흠體톄此敎교[야]莫막替톄予여意의[라]

噫희[라] 陟쳑降강[이]在上샹[시고]彼피蒼창[이]昭쇼臨림[시니]
予여何하敢감欺긔爾이[며]爾이何하敢감謾만予여乎호[ㅣ리오]嗚오呼호[ㅣ라]
國국之지興흥亡망[이]在此一일擧거[ㅣ라]咸함使聞문知지[노니]想샹宜의知지悉실[이어다]

}}

==Chinese Script==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
御製戒酒綸音

諭大臣卿宰以下百官綸音: 嗚呼! 惟我股肱卿宰越我百僚咸聽予諭. 嗚呼! 昔人云宮中好高髻四方高一尺昔之羣工之不戒酒寔由寡躬之咎, 今之庶民之不遵令, 亦由寡躬之不誠. 因此而上負陟降下閼霈典, 寔予之咎, 寔予之咎. 何謂上負陟降一自禁酒之後, 每承慈聖稱美之敎, 因山纔訖, 今歲不盡, 而非徒不止甚至會飮, 陟降有知其以寡躬爲能禁乎否乎! 此所謂上負陟降也.

何謂下閼霈典, 噫! 今春霈典, 往牒所無, 而至於犯酒者, 恐或弛禁一竝, 不赦今因處分而取覽徒流案, 則其數將近十百若此不已, 將不知至於幾十百, 此卽予不敎而令民陷法也. 思之及此, 不覺懍然, 幾百徒流於春大赦不能放焉. 是豈同慶之意而今雖一倂放釋何與於赦典哉! 此所謂下閼霈典也,

其將何顔行朔祭於孝昭殿亦將何顔曉拜眞殿乎! 噫! 酒乃尤物也. 今番宣諭小民之感動, 其何必哉! 且頃者宣諭只於父老不及公卿, 此豈董子所云"正朝廷而正萬民之義"乎? 其君其臣之相與戒酒視小民雖有切焉, 以程子之大賢猶不無觀獵之悔, 況在凡人尤不可放心也.

且以尙書訓體言之, 其宜竝諭臣庶, 又於心中不耐憧憧, 今曉祭畢後仍泣奏殿中曰, 于今酒禁之不行, 寔由一人, 一人其誰, 卽臣也. 此後酒若復行, 國必隨亡. 不戒其君, 雖無足道, 三百年宗社, 豈可由一人而亡哉! 臣曁後之嗣王, 或有不戒酒之事, 則諸臣雖不知庶民, 雖亦不知, 於昭陟降, 若鑑之照, 若有犯焉.

奏于列朝, 明降大何, 止于其身, 若於羣臣, 或知而不諫, 或身犯其戒者, 亦降大何, 使我海東臣庶, 無面謾之態, 諫而不聽, 咎亦在君臣何咎焉.

以此口奏, 仍坐月臺召集陪祭宗親文武百官於殿庭, 洞諭予意言, 雖略意則盡矣.

噫! 上自股肱, 下至百僚, 體予爲宗社, 苦心其銘其佩, 莫替予意, 至於禁酒, 小民之犯者, 勿以摘得爲幸, 必以無刑爲期, 京而京尹部官外而方伯守令, 凡於對民也. 必也罄心誨諭, 流涕勉飭, 使我苦心, 能行於國中, 而使我元元, 罔陷於大戾, 非徒邦國之, 幸於羣工亦豈無陰功乎! 其莫曰臺上庭下只有其君與臣, 陟降洋洋彼蒼昭昭, 可不懼哉! 可不懍哉! 其各明聽欽遵予諭!
||
(translation)
|-
|}



=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----
King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----What is the function of alcohol in the ancestor rituals in Korea? What is the role of alcohol in Korean traditional culture in general?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

1. How effective do you think the prohibition was in real life? And when did the prohibition end, on what premises?

2. Was the prohibition really only because of the harms of wine-drinking? Or, do you think there were other ulterior political motives? If so, what could they be?

3. What consequences could the prohibition have had on the economy? Can we find any sign of impact on the economy during Yeongjo's time?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
To whom was the document was addressed based on the language (use of characters and Korean alphabet)? Was it effective? How about the structure of the document? Is it relatively easy to read? Is it accessible? How about the logic of the text? Are King's descriptions of personal grievances effective? (for example, addressing the ancestral spirits in the hall of portraits) What kind of image of the King does the document present to the reader? What other rhetorical devices does he use? Is it more formulaic or more creative type of writing?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
(1) Why do you think drinking wines can be a crime?
(2) How does the king try to enforce this prohibition to the people? How does his strategy differ from law enforcement today?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
How can we define the Confucian kingship in the Choson context? For example, 계승범 wrote a book about King Chungjong as the progenitor of the Confucianization of Choson. Then, how did it come about and, if so, evolved throughout the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----
1. Yeongjo amnestied all criminals by implementing 패전, but why he particularly execepted the drinking violators from the amnestry? Was the increasing number the real motivation?

==='''Student 7 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
Discussion question:
How does this document illustrate the relationship between King Yongjo and his ministers as well as his commoner subjects?
Why did King Yongjo specifically prohibit wine-drinking? Did he also implement other social control?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

In Yeonjo’s decree on wine-prohibition, what is the ultimate authority that he appealed to? What does Yeongjo’s self-criticism tells us about the nature of Korean monarchy?
Is this a unique Korean tradition?

==='''Student 9 : Martin Gehlmann'''===
----
1. Given the use of alcohol in Confucian rites and drinking ceremonies, how do you view this ban on alcohol?

2. What do you think is King Yeongjos personal opinion on consuming alcohol?

3. Why does his mother praise him for prohibiting alcohol?

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
----
Can you imagine any possible familial background behind this Royal Teaching?

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

[[:File:어제계주윤음.pdf]]

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

파일:0001.jpg

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

파일:0001.jpg

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

파일:0001.jpg

파일:1.pdf

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 1758年 賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年 賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年 賣妾文券

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 文憲書院學規

(Translation) 文憲書院學規

(Translation) 哀絶陽

(Translation) 哀絶陽

(Translation) 哀絶陽

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音