장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-21T01:40:51Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Annotated Account of Eastern History
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = Preface (序)
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복 (1712-1791)
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|

東方史亦備矣。紀傳則有金文烈，鄭文成之三國高麗史。編年則徐四佳，崔錦南奉敎撰通鑑。因是而兪氏提綱，林氏會綱作焉。抄節則有權氏史畧，吳氏撰要等書。彬彬然盛矣。然而三國史踈畧而爽實。高麗史繁冗而寡要。通鑑義例多舛。提綱，會綱筆法或乖。至於因謬襲誤。以訛傳訛。諸書等爾。鼎福讀之慨然。遂有刊正之意。博取東史及中史之有及于東事者。一遵紫陽成法。彙成一帙。以爲私室巾衍之藏。資其考閱而已。非敢以撰述自居也。大抵史家大法。明統系也。嚴簒賊也。褒忠節也。正是非也。詳典章也。諸史於此。實多可議。故一皆釐正。而至若訛謬之甚者。別爲附錄二卷。系之于下。書成二十餘年。久未繕寫。丙申冬。承乏湖邑。簿領之暇。書一本。因述其由。用授家塾子弟。
||
東史綱目序동사강목 서 Preface to Annotated Account of Eastern History

One of the most representative historical works written during the second half of the Joseon

Chronological history 편년체 編年體

By 安鼎福 안정복 An, Chong-bok (1712-1791)

The title after 資治通鑑綱目 Chach’it’onggam kangmok by Zhu Xi 朱熹(1130-1200) and followed the manner and format

An, Chong-bok, first professional historian of late Joseon, scholar of Silhak 實學, Neo-Confucian, follower of Seongho (星湖) Yi Ik李瀷 (1681-1763)<br />
Self-concious and evidential approach to Korean history<br />

- From Gija 기자(箕子) to the end of Goryo 고려(高麗) (918-1392)<br />
- Gija vs Tan’gun Joseon, view on Wiman, territorial concerns<br />
- Special attention to Koreans’ resistance to foreign invasions in the earlier period, view on Catholics<br />
- View on slavery<br />

|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-21T01:39:49Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Annotated Account of Eastern History
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = Preface (序)
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복 (1712-1791)
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|

東方史亦備矣。紀傳則有金文烈，鄭文成之三國高麗史。編年則徐四佳，崔錦南奉敎撰通鑑。因是而兪氏提綱，林氏會綱作焉。抄節則有權氏史畧，吳氏撰要等書。彬彬然盛矣。然而三國史踈畧而爽實。高麗史繁冗而寡要。通鑑義例多舛。提綱，會綱筆法或乖。至於因謬襲誤。以訛傳訛。諸書等爾。鼎福讀之慨然。遂有刊正之意。博取東史及中史之有及于東事者。一遵紫陽成法。彙成一帙。以爲私室巾衍之藏。資其考閱而已。非敢以撰述自居也。大抵史家大法。明統系也。嚴簒賊也。褒忠節也。正是非也。詳典章也。諸史於此。實多可議。故一皆釐正。而至若訛謬之甚者。別爲附錄二卷。系之于下。書成二十餘年。久未繕寫。丙申冬。承乏湖邑。簿領之暇。書一本。因述其由。用授家塾子弟。
||
東史綱目序동사강목 서 Preface to Annotated Account of Eastern History

One of the most representative historical works written during the second half of the Joseon

Chronological history 편년체 編年體

By 安鼎福 안정복 An, Chong-bok (1712-1791)

The title after 資治通鑑綱目 Chach’it’onggam kangmok by Zhu Xi 朱熹(1130-1200) and followed the manner and format

An, Chong-bok, first professional historian of late Joseon, scholar of Silhak 實學, Neo-Confucian, follower of Seongho (星湖) Yi Ik李瀷 (1681-1763)<br />
Self-concious and evidential approach to Korean history<br />

- From Gija 기자(箕子) to the end of Goryo 고려(高麗) (918-1392)<br />
- Gija vs Tan’gun Joseon, view on Wiman, territorial concerns<br />
- Special attention to Koreans’ resistance to foreign invasions in the earlier period View on Catholics<br />
- View on slavery<br />

|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-21T00:20:09Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Annotated Account of Eastern History
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = Preface (序)
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복 (1712-1791)
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|

東方史亦備矣。紀傳則有金文烈，鄭文成之三國高麗史。編年則徐四佳，崔錦南奉敎撰通鑑。因是而兪氏提綱，林氏會綱作焉。抄節則有權氏史畧，吳氏撰要等書。彬彬然盛矣。然而三國史踈畧而爽實。高麗史繁冗而寡要。通鑑義例多舛。提綱，會綱筆法或乖。至於因謬襲誤。以訛傳訛。諸書等爾。鼎福讀之慨然。遂有刊正之意。博取東史及中史之有及于東事者。一遵紫陽成法。彙成一帙。以爲私室巾衍之藏。資其考閱而已。非敢以撰述自居也。大抵史家大法。明統系也。嚴簒賊也。褒忠節也。正是非也。詳典章也。諸史於此。實多可議。故一皆釐正。而至若訛謬之甚者。別爲附錄二卷。系之于下。書成二十餘年。久未繕寫。丙申冬。承乏湖邑。簿領之暇。書一本。因述其由。用授家塾子弟。
||
東史綱目序동사강목 서 Preface to Annotated Account of Eastern History

One of the most representative historical works written during the second half of the Joseon

Chronological history 편년체 編年體

By 安鼎福 안정복 An, Chong-bok (1712-1791)

The title after 資治通鑑綱目 Chach’it’onggam kangmok by Zhu Xi 朱熹(1130-1200) and followed the manner and format

Written between 1756 and 1758

An, Chong-bok, first professional historian of late Joseon, scholar of Silhak 實學, Neo-Confucian, follower of Seongho (星湖) Yi Ik李瀷 (1681-1763)<br />
Self-concious and evidential approach to Korean history<br />

- From Gija 기자(箕子) to the end of Goryo 고려(高麗) (918-1392)<br />
- Gija vs Tan’gun Joseon, view on Wiman, territorial concerns<br />
- Special attention to Koreans’ resistance to foreign invasions in the earlier period View on Catholics<br />
- View on slavery<br />

|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-21T00:17:40Z

Mashakobzeva:

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-20T15:56:05Z

Mashakobzeva:

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-20T14:33:03Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Essentials of the History of the Eastern Country
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = Preface (序)
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복 (1712-1791)
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(原文)

||
(translation)
|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-20T14:28:26Z

Mashakobzeva: /* VI-3. 東史綱目序 translated by Masha */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-20T14:27:49Z

Mashakobzeva: /* VI-3. 東史綱目序 translated by Masha */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|Text translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[東史綱目序|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====

[[섬네일 (Advanced)|섬네일]]
==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 성원록|성원록 translated by Hu Jing]] ====

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====

==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) Text11|Text translated by Student 11]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-20T14:25:07Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Dongsa Gangmok seo
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = Preface (序)
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복 (1712-1791)
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(原文)

||
(translation)
|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-20T14:23:49Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Dongsa Gangmok seo
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = Preface (序)
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(原文)

||
(translation)
|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-20T14:22:59Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Dongsa Gangmok seo
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = ()
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(原文)

||
(translation)
|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 東史綱目序

2017-07-20T14:21:34Z

Mashakobzeva:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 건릉지첩1.1.JPG
|English = Dongsa Gangmok
|Chinese = 東史綱目序
|Korean = [http://royal.kostma.net/WH/Image?book_id=JSK_WH_B14b44&imgid=G002%2BJSK%2BKSM-WH.1800.4159-20160515.B14b44-001 동사강목 서]
|Genre = Chronological history (編年體)
|Type = ()
|Author = 安鼎福 안정복
|Year = 1760
|Key Concepts= ()
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(原文)

||
(translation)
|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-20T14:13:48Z

Mashakobzeva: /* VI-3. Text translated by Masha */

파일:건릉지첩1.1.JPG

2017-07-20T14:07:02Z

Mashakobzeva: Mashakobzeva님이 파일:건릉지첩1.1.JPG의 새 판을 올렸습니다

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

2017-07-20T13:39:05Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 순조1년윤음.png
|English = King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type = [[ ]]
|Author = [http://sillok.history.go.kr/popup/viewer.do?id=kwa_10101028_003 ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
○綸音, 若曰:

1. 予方讀中庸矣。凡爲天下國家, 有九經, 第六曰: ‘子庶民也。’ 朱夫子釋之曰: ‘視百姓猶吾子,’ 予未始不掩卷而歎也。子之事父也, 哀苦而必赴焉, 父之育子也, 疾病而必救焉。君民之間, 眷顧蘄向之切, 亦猶父子云爾。

2. 我國內寺各衙門之有奴婢, 傳之者, 以爲始於箕子, 予則曰不然也。箕子於東國, 設敎八條, 意八條者, 洪範之八政也。食貨爲首, 所以養生也, 司寇掌禁, 所以戢亂也。以八政敎東民, 東民蚩蚩, 只知爲八條, 不知爲八政, 而盜者沒入爲奴婢, 卽八條之一也。此蓋司寇之法所由來者, 與《中庸》九經, 相表裏也。

3. 若如近世所謂奴婢之制, 官之責之也至苛, 人之待之也至賤, 別其族黨, 殊其井疆, 至老死不能嫁娶, 則其政也叔季耳。曾謂箕子之聖而爲是乎哉? 予則聞, 箕子之言曰: ‘斂時五福, 用敷錫厥庶民,’ 又曰: ‘無虐甇獨,’ 又曰: ‘作民父母, 爲天下王。"

4. 予以是益知奴婢之制, 不自箕子始也。恭惟我肅宗大王, 爲衆慼詢于庭, 減奴貢之半, 婢貢三之一, 我英宗大王, 爰稽有衆, 除婢貢, 又減奴貢之半。而內司推刷之弊, 固自如焉, 鍼其膚以輸其實, 磨其乳以驗其字, 閭里騷然, 雞犬爲之不寧。

5. 於是, 有萬其命, 罔奠厥居, 夫別妻母別子, 叩膺抆血, 相顧錯愕, 不忍遽決。往往投之空門, 自絶大倫, 其女子皓顚編髮, 流乞于市。官吏日踵門索錢, 鞭之扑之, 其喝如虎, 冒點則費一牛之直, 侵隣則刮百家之産, 行路寒心, 至於隕涕。

6. 唉! 彼無告, 獨何辜也? 及我先朝, 渙發德音, 特罷推刷命下之日, 老幼皷舞, 鴻渥闓澤, 薄于窮海。及至十有四年, 嶺南御史, 有言: ‘內司之奴負骸, 而訴於咸陽郡者。’ 聖心惻然以驚, 亟焚其籍, 徧問諸道方伯, 十行恩言, 七更其端, 精誠貫金石, 孚感及豚魚。

7. 道狀、籌啓, 紛然堆積於左右, 宸憂憧憧, 惟日夕愀乎恤乎, 當食則停筯而不進, 當寢則繞榻而不寢。筵諭庭誥, 反覆丁寧, 而有司之臣, 不能對揚休命, 雖一二減額, 寔非我先朝博施之盛意也。

8. 記昔先朝之訓曰: ‘羽籥不設而民驩之, 軒裳不加而民懷之者, 陰陽以統其精氣, 仁義以經其事業也。故御和羹以平其神, 聽和聲以平其志, 納和言以平其政, 履和行以平其德。今者民以奴婢名, 而冤鬱上干天和, 風雨不節, 禾麥不登, 予用玆疚心, 心不得和。和予心者, 其在乎奴婢之革也。"

9. 此廷臣之所承聞而贊頌之者也。今予踐位行禮, 思慕號呼, 念堂構之丕責, 鞏磐泰之洪基, 卽惟曰繼其志也, 述其事也, 繼志述事, 莫有先於奴婢之制。且況王者莅民, 無貴賤無內外, 均是赤子, 曰奴曰婢, 區而分之, 豈一視同胞之義也?

10. 內奴婢三萬六千九百七十四、寺奴婢二萬九千九十三, 幷許爲良民, 仍令承政院, 聚奴婢案, 火之敦化門外。其貢有需於經費者, 命壯勇營代給以爲式。於戲! 予豈敢曰惠之云乎哉? 特先朝未卒之志事, 修而明之耳。

11. 自玆以往, 維千萬年, 安其田廬, 守其墳墓, 婚姻以時, 生齒日息, 稼穡不愆, 嬉遊謳歌。用副予體先朝子視之苦心。【大提學尹行恁製。】
||

1. I have read the Document of Mean and it reads: “All who have the government of the kingdom with its states and families have nine standard rules to follow (omitted). <ref>Since it is a direct quotation from the Document of Mean and from the King skips to the sixth standard, I put parentheses here to indicate the omission from the first to fifth.
</ref> The sixth is 'Treat your people as your children.’” Master Zhu's exposition goes like this: "Whenever I close the Book, I cannot help but exclaim, 'When children serve their father, they should obey their father, whatever sacrifice it might require. When fathers raise their children, they should come to the rescue of their ailing or crippled children, however painful it might be. As for the relationship between the king and his subjects, they should take care of each other's expectations and wishes with sincerity just as sons and fathers do.'”

2. The royal court and public offices in our country have slaves. According to tradition, it is considered that this originated with Kija. I say that it is not true. When Kija came to the East(ern Country),<ref>The Sage Kija 箕子 is said to have left the Zhou Dynasty after the fall of Shang for the Korean peninsula to establish a new state. During Chosŏn times Kija was usually considered to have brought (Confucian-) culture to the peninsula and was venerated as an ancestor.</ref> he established the eight articles of instruction. The eight articles mean the eight policies of the Great Plan. <ref>Kija composed the Great Plan to teach the fundamentals of statecraft to King Wu of the Zhou Dynasty ("the Great Plan 洪範", Shangshu 尙書 (Book of Documents))</ref> With [the policies of] food and money are as primary, [the Eight Policies] are the means of nourishing and let live the people. The minister of crime was in charge of prohibitions so as to preclude disorder. With these eight policies, [Kija] instructed the people of the east, however, ignorant as they were, the people of the east only knew that [Kija's instructions were] the eight articles [Kija taught], but not the Eight Policies. Thieves were confiscated and enrolled as slaves [in the public register]; this is one of the Eight Articles. This, in general, is how the minister of crime came into being, and it forms the integral part with the Doctrine of the Mean, of the nine classics.

3. As to the so-called institution of male and female slaves, the government extracts from them harshly and severely, people treat them in demeaning and derogatory ways. Discriminate their clan and group, separate their place (where they could stay), they are not allowed to marry even till their days of old age and death, this is the policy of a declining age. Some may wonder, how could a sage like Kija do this? I have heard, Kija’s words state that: “(The king) concentrates in his own person the five (sources of) happiness, and proceeds to diffuse them, and give them to the multitudes of the people. ” Kija also said: “Do not oppress and mistreat the friendless and childless ” and “to be the parents of the populace, to be the king of all under heaven.”<ref>The passages come from "Great Plan" 洪範 chapter in ''The Book of Documents'' 尚書. 斂時五福，用敷錫厥庶民。and 無虐煢獨而畏高明. The translation is based on James Legge translation "The Chinese Classics"</ref>

4. For this reason, I know more about the institution of slavery: it was not originated from Kija. The reverent great king of Sukchong felt sorrowfully for his people and consulted his court. He reduced the tribute of male slaves by half and that of female slaves by one-third. As for the great king of Yǒngjong<ref>Yǒngjong was the original posthumous title of Yǒngjo before 1889.</ref>, his reform policies amounted to many. He abolished the tribute of male slaves and again reduced the tribute of female slaves one-third. But for the evil of Naesa ch’uswae<ref>Naesa ch’uswae 內司推刷 is the contraction of Naesusa ch’uswaegwan 內需司推刷官 (Slave Investigator of the Royal Treasury). They were dispatched by Naesusa to seek escaped slaves and return them back to Naesusa.</ref>, it remained unchanged: female slaves are interrogated by stabbing needles into their skins, and their breasts are rubbed to examine their pregnancy. This caused turbulence among villagers, and for this hens and dogs are not at peace.

5. As a consequence, the multitude can neither find place to reside nor be in harmony with their condition. Spouses are torn apart, and mothers and children get separated. People beat their breasts in a deep lamentation, looking at each other in astonishment and loth to part (from their families) in haste. Consequently, the people fade back into Buddhism in an endless stream, alienating themselves from the human relations.<ref> 大倫 refers to the relationship between fathers and sons, spouses, monarch and his officials, and friends.</ref> Females braid their white hair (shabbily) wandering and begging around the marketplace. [It is more abhorrent that] the bureaucrats show up at slaves' places to extort money every day, by lashing and whipping them, and scolding at them like a tiger. Should the slaves work recklessly, they will be asked to pay a cattle (as punishment); moreover, the bureaucrats encroach on the slave's neighbor<ref>In the Joseon dynasty, if the slave escape, his neighbor will be implicated and asked to do the labour instead.</ref> and plunder properties from hundreds of families. People who pass by (and see this) feel so pathetic that (all of them) shed tears.

6. "Alas! Why should those innocent people be treated as guilty, solely because they have nowhere to appeal?" Hence, the sound of virtue (royal words) resonated all across the country at the time of my predecessor.<ref>This refers to King Chongjo (reign: 1776-1800).</ref> Indeed, old and young people danced together with drums out of delight, when the order was given to the people, through which the law of chasing after evaded slaves was abolished. Such enormous grace even spread out to poor and isolated villages. However, Yongnam officials said in the 14th year (1790): "There is a slave of an inner-official, who carried a skeleton of a body, and appealed to the magistrate of Hamyang."<ref>Hamyang is a county in Kyongsang Province.</ref> His highness found it pathetic and astounding, and hence ordered the (related) documents to be burned. Also, he reached out to the chief-magistrates of the provinces, bestowed upon them ten lines of gracious words, and endeavored to rectify the problems seven times in total. In this regard, his sincerity was powerful enough to penetrate metal and stones, and his earnest grace even extended to pigs and fish.

7. Even though reports sent from the provisional governors and the Border Defense Council (Pibyŏnsa)<ref>The Border Defense Council has become the supreme administrative organ since the Japanese invasions (1592-98) in mid-Chosŏn.</ref> were piled up here and there, the royal worries were intensified. The king grieved for it all day long. When eating, the king's spoon stopped and did not proceed into his mouth. When night came, the king paced around the bedroom but could not go to sleep. During the royal lecture (kyŏngyŏn), the king made proclamations. At the court, the king issued instructions. He did this sincerely and repeatedly. However, the officials in charge were unable to carry out the royal decree as the king intended. Although the amount of burden [that slaves had to carry] has been alleviated,<ref>It refers to the tax reduction by King Sukchong and King Yŏngjo mentioned earlier.</ref> it is not that the previous kings’ great intention was fully executed.

8. According to the instructions of my predecessor,<ref>King Jeongjo</ref> which said: "People were delighted when the court music was not set up,<ref>Literally, feathers and flutes, which in the ancient times were attributes of the musicians at the ceremonial rites and banquets at the court.</ref> and the people missed [the time] when the numbers of distinguished people<ref>Literally, carriage and garments, stood for the image of a nobleman riding on a carriage.</ref> were not growing. Yin and Yang united the vital energies and benevolence and righteousness weaved the enterprise. Therefore, [the king] administers with a well-balanced soup<ref>With the help of the ministers who aided the governing.</ref> to equalize the spirits, follows harmonious sounds to equalize the intentions, takes harmonious words to equalize the policy, and treads on harmonious paths to equalize the virtue. Nowadays, people are called by the names of ''no'' (male slave) and ''bi'' (female slave), and their disgruntled minds reached the harmonious heaven above. Wind and rain are out of control, rice and wheat do not sprout. With this sense of shame my mind cannot be at peace. In order to put my mind at peace, I cared about changes in ''nobi'' [situation]."

9. This was what the officials at the court heard and praised [about my predecessor]. Now as I succeed the throne and conduct the rites, thinking [of my predecessor] and crying out [for him], I must remember the great responsibility of [continuing] his glorious tasks, and solidify the grand enterprise as firmly as a boulder and Mount Tai. Only then could I speak of succeeding my predecessor's will and carrying out his work. In succeeding his will and carrying out his work, nothing could come before [the abolishing of] slavery. What is more, when a king attends to his people, there is no high and low, inner and outer, all are his children. To speak of slaves, to classify them and discriminate among them, how could it be the meaning of seeing them equally as brothers and sisters?

10. 36 974 of public slaves, 29 093 of private slaves, I gave freedom to all of them. All the slave registers from the Ministries of Personnel, I have burned them in front of gate Donhwa.<ref>Donhwa-mun 敦化門|돈화문 is one of the gates in the royal palace Chandok-kun in Seoul.</ref> Expenses that were taken from the slaves among their dues, I decreed to make into a standard format to substitute with military force.<ref>壯勇營|장용영 was a system of military service, first founded in the eight year of King Cheonjo's reign (1784)</ref> Ah! Will I be able to say that I have done something generous? The great enterprises the deceased King has undertaken, will be accomplished in the future.

11. From now on, It will succeed for ten thousand years, their houses and land will be peaceful. people would protect their tomb sites, marry in a timely manner, give birth to children, do not have bad harvest, and sing and play in pleasure. Please support my efforts which I model after my predecessor who wanted to see slaves as his children.

【大提學尹行恁製。】
【Composed by Yoon Haengim, Chancellor of Royal College of Literature】
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==
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=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Instructor : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

==='''Student 1 : (Jinsook You)'''===
----
予方讀中庸矣。凡爲天下國家, 有九經, 第六曰: ‘子庶民也。’ 朱夫子釋之曰: ‘視百姓猶吾子,’ 予未始不掩卷而歎也。子之事父也, 哀苦而必赴焉, 父之育子也, 疾病而必救焉。君民之間, 眷顧蘄向之切, 亦猶父子云爾。
I have read the Document of Mean and it reads: “All who have the government of the kingdom with its states and families have nine standard rules to follow. (omitted)1) The sixth is 'Treat your people as your children.’” Zhu zi’s exposition goes like this: Whenever I close the Book, I cannot help but exclaim, “When children serve their father, they should obey their father, whatever sacrifice it might require. When fathers raise their children, they should come to the rescue of their ailing or crippled children, however painful it might be. As for the relationship between the king and his subjects, they should take care of each other's expectations and wishes with sincerity just as sons and fathers do.”

1) Since it is a direct quotation from the Document of Mean and from the King skips to the sixth standard, I put parentheses here to indicate the omission from the first to fifth.

==='''Student 2 : Martin'''===
----
我國內寺各衙門之有奴婢, 傳之者, 以爲始於箕子, 予則曰不然也。箕子於東國, 設敎八條, 意八條者, 洪範之八政也。

In our country all court and public offices have slaves. According to tradition, it is considered that this started with Kija. I say that it is not like this. When Kija came to the East(ern Country)#1 , he established eight articles of instruction. The intention of the eight articles is the eight policies of the Great Plan#2.

食貨爲首, 所以養生也, 司寇掌禁, 所以戢亂也。以八政敎東民, 東民蚩蚩, 只知爲八條, 不知爲八政, 而盜者沒入爲奴婢, 卽八條之一也。此蓋司寇之法所由來者, 與《中庸》九經, 相表裏也。

Food and basic commodities are primary, this means to nourish the lives. The minister of crime is in charge of prohibitions, this means to stop chaos. Using these eight policies to educate the people of the east, but the people of the east were ignorant and only knew this as the eight articles, but not as the eight policies. Thieves are to be divested and registered to become slaves; this is one of the eight articles. The upholding of these laws of punishment for the future with the Doctrine of the Mean, of the nine classics, together form the outer and inner.

1. Referencing the Sage Kija 箕子 who is said to have left the Zhou-Dynasty after the fall of Shang for the Korean peninsula to establish a new state. During Chosŏn times Kija was usually considered to have brought (Confucian-) culture to the peninsula and was venerated as an ancestor.

2. As written in the Shangshu 尙書 (Book of Documents) Kija proposed ideas of statecraft to King Wu of the Zhou-Dynasty summarized as the Great Plan 洪範

----------------------------------------
Edited by SJY:

我國內寺各衙門之有奴婢, 傳之者, 以爲始於箕子, 予則曰不然也。箕子於東國, 設敎八條, 意八條者, 洪範之八政也。

The royal court and public offices in our country have slaves. According to tradition, it is considered that this originated with Kija. I say that it is not true. When Kija came to the East(ern Country)#1 , he established the eight articles of instruction. The eight articles mean the eight policies of the Great Plan#2.

食貨爲首, 所以養生也, 司寇掌禁, 所以戢亂也。以八政敎東民, 東民蚩蚩, 只知爲八條, 不知爲八政, 而盜者沒入爲奴婢, 卽八條之一也。此蓋司寇之法所由來者, 與《中庸》九經, 相表裏也。

With [the policies of] food and money are as primary, [the Eight Policies] are the means of nourishing and let live the people. The minister of crime was in charge of prohibitions so as to preclude disorder. With these eight policies, [Kija] instructed the people of the east, however, ignorant as they were, the people of the east only knew that [Kija's instructions were] the eight articles [Kija taught], but not the Eight Policies. Thieves were confiscated and enrolled as slaves [in the public register]; this is one of the Eight Articles. This, in general, is how the minister of crime came into being, and it forms the integral part with the Doctrine of the Mean, of the nine classics.

1. The Sage Kija 箕子 is said to have left the Zhou Dynasty after the fall of Shang for the Korean peninsula to establish a new state. During Chosŏn times Kija was usually considered to have brought (Confucian-) culture to the peninsula and was venerated as an ancestor.

2. Kija composed the Great Plan to teach the fundamentals of statecraft to King Wu of the Zhou Dynasty ("the Great Plan 洪範", ''Shangshu 尙書 (Book of Documents)'')

==='''Student 3 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
若如近世所謂奴婢之制, 官之責之也至苛, 人之待之也至賤, 別其族黨, 殊其井疆, 至老死不能嫁娶, 則其政也叔季耳。曾謂箕子之聖而爲是乎哉? 予則聞, 箕子之言曰: ‘斂時五福, 用敷錫厥庶民,’ 又曰: ‘無虐甇獨,’ 又曰: ‘作民父母, 爲天下王。"

As to the so-called institution of male and female slaves, the government extracts from them harshly and severely, people treat them in demeaning and derogatory ways. Discriminate their clan and group, separate their place (where they could stay), they are not allowed to marry even till their days of old age and death, this is the policy of a declining age. Some may wonder, how could a sage like Kija do this? I have heard, Kija’s words state that: “(the king) concentrates in his own person the five (sources of) happiness, and proceeds to diffuse them, and give them to the multitudes of the people. ” Kija also said: “Do not oppress and mistreat the friendless and childless ” and “to be the parents of the populace, to be the king of all under heaven.”1

1. 《周书·洪范》“皇极：皇建其有极。敛时五福，用敷锡厥庶民。惟时厥庶民于汝极。锡汝保极：凡厥庶民，无有淫朋，人无有比德，惟皇作极。凡厥庶民，有猷有为有守，汝则念之。不协于极，不罹于咎，皇则受之。而康而色，曰：‘予攸好德。’汝则锡之福。时人斯其惟皇之极。无虐茕独而畏高明，人之有能有为，使羞其行，而邦其昌。凡厥正人，既富方谷，汝弗能使有好于而家，时人斯其辜。于其无好德，汝虽锡之福，其作汝用咎。无偏无陂，遵王之义；无有作好，遵王之道；无有作恶，尊王之路。无偏无党，王道荡荡；无党无偏，王道平平；无反无侧，王道正直。会其有极，归其有极。曰：皇，极之敷言，是彝是训，于帝其训，凡厥庶民，极之敷言，是训是行，以近天子之光。曰：天子作民父母，以为天下王。”

==='''Student 4 : (King Kwong Wong)'''===
----
予以是益知奴婢之制, 不自箕子始也。恭惟我肅宗大王, 爲衆慼詢于庭, 減奴貢之半, 婢貢三之一, 我英宗大王, 爰稽有衆, 除婢貢, 又減奴貢之半。而內司推刷之弊, 固自如焉, 鍼其膚以輸其實, 磨其乳以驗其字, 閭里騷然, 雞犬爲之不寧。

For this reason, I know more about the institution of slavery: it was not originated from Kija. The reverent great king of Sukchong felt sorrowfully for his people and consulted his court. He reduced the tribute of male slaves by half and that of female slaves by one-third. As for the great king of Yǒngjong<ref>Yǒngjong was the original posthumous title of Yǒngjo before 1889.</ref>, his reform policies amounted to many. He abolished the tribute of male slaves and again reduced the tribute of female slaves one-third. But for the evil of Naesa ch’uswae<ref>Naesa ch’uswae 內司推刷 is the contraction of Naesusa ch’uswaegwan 內需司推刷官 (Slave Investigator of the Royal Treasury). They were dispatched by Naesusa to seek escaped slaves and return them back to Naesusa.(?)</ref>, it remained unchanged: female slaves are interrogated by stabbing needles into their skins, and their breasts are rubbed to examine their pregnancy. This caused turbulence among villagers, and for this hens and dogs are not at peace.

<references />

==='''Student 5 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
於是, 有萬其命, 罔奠厥居, 夫別妻母別子, 叩膺抆血, 相顧錯愕, 不忍遽決。往往投之空門, 自絶大倫, 其女子皓顚編髮, 流乞于市。官吏日踵門索錢, 鞭之扑之, 其喝如虎, 冒點則費一牛之直, 侵隣則刮百家之産, 行路寒心, 至於隕涕

As a consequence, the multitude can neither find place to reside nor be in harmony with their condition. Spouses are torn apart, and mothers and children get separated. People beat their breasts in a deep lamentaion, looking at each other astonishedly and loth to part (from their families) in haste. Consequently, the people fade back into Buddhism in an endless stream, alienating themselve from the human relations.<ref> 大倫 refers to the relationship between fathers and sons, spouses, monarch and his officials, and friends.</ref> Females braid their white hair (shabbily) wandering and begging around the marketplace. （It is more abhorret that）the bureaucrats call at slaves' places to extort money every day, by lashing and whipping them, and scolding at them like a tigher. Should the slaves work recklessly, they will be asked to pay a cattle (as punishment); moreover, the bureaucrats encroach on the slave's neighbor<ref>In the Joseon dynasty, if the slave escape, his neighbor will be implicated and asked to labour instead.</ref> and plunder properties from hundreds of families. People who pass by (and see this) feel so pathetic that (all of them) shed tears.
<references />

==='''Student 6 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
唉! 彼無告, 獨何辜也? 及我先朝, 渙發德音, 特罷推刷命下之日, 老幼皷舞, 鴻渥闓澤, 薄于窮海。及至十有四年, 嶺南御史, 有言: ‘內司之奴負骸, 而訴於咸陽郡者。聖心惻然以驚, 亟焚其籍, 徧問諸道方伯, 十行恩言, 七更其端, 精誠貫金石, 孚感及豚魚。

"Alas! Why should those innocent people be treated as guilty, solely because they have nowhere to appeal?" Hence, the sound of virtue (royal words) resonated all across the country at the time of my predecessor.1) Indeed, old and young people danced together with drums out of delight, when the order was given to the people, through which the law of chasing after evaded slaves was abolished. Such enormous grace even spread out to poor and isolated villages. However, Yongnam officials said in the 14th year (1790): "There is a slave of an inner-official, who carried a skeleton of a body, and appealed to the magistrate of Hamyang."2) His highness found it pathetic and astounding, and hence ordered the (related) documents to be burned. Also, he reached out to the chief-magistrates of the provinces, bestowed upon them ten lines of gracious words, and endeavored to rectify the problems seven times in total. In this regard, his sincerity was powerful enough to penetrate metal and stones, and his earnest grace even extended to pigs and fish.

1) This refers to King Chongjo (reign: 1776-1800).

2) Hamyang is a county in Kyongsang Province.

==='''Student 7 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
7. 道狀、籌啓, 紛然堆積於左右, 宸憂憧憧, 惟日夕愀乎恤乎, 當食則停筯而不進, 當寢則繞榻而不寢。筵諭庭誥, 反覆丁寧, 而有司之臣, 不能對揚休命, 雖一二減額, 寔非我先朝博施之盛意也。
Even though reports sent from the provisional governors and the Border Defense Council (Pibyŏnsa)<ref>The Border Defense Council has become the supreme administrative organ since the Japanese invasions (1592-98) in mid-Chosŏn.</ref> were piled up here and there, the royal worries were intensified. The king grieved for it all day long. When eating, the king's spoon stopped and did not proceed into his mouth. When night came, the king paced around the bedroom but could not go to sleep. During the royal lecture (kyŏngyŏn), the king made proclamations. At the court, the king issued instructions. He did this sincerely and repeatedly. However, the officials in charge were unable to carry out the royal decree as the king intended. Although the amount of burden [that slaves had to carry] has been alleviated,<ref>It refers to the tax reduction by King Sukchong and King Yŏngjo mentioned earlier.</ref> it is not that the previous kings’ great intention was fully executed.
<references />

==='''Student 8 : (Masha)'''===
----
8. 記昔先朝之訓曰: ‘羽籥不設而民驩之, 軒裳不加而民懷之者, 陰陽以統其精氣, 仁義以經其事業也。故御和羹以平其神, 聽和聲以平其志, 納和言以平其政, 履和行以平其德。今者民以奴婢名, 而冤鬱上干天和, 風雨不節, 禾麥不登, 予用玆疚心, 心不得和。和予心者, 其在乎奴婢之革也。"<br />

According to the instructions of my predecessor,1 which said: "People were delighted when the court music was not set up,2 and the people missed [the time] when the numbers of distinguished people3 were not growing. Yin and Yang united the vital energies and benevolence and righteousness weaved the enterprise. Therefore, [the king] administers with a well-balanced soup4 to equalize the spirits, follows harmonious sounds to equalize the intentions, takes harmonious words to equalize the policy, and treads on harmonious paths to equalize the virtue. Nowadays, people are called by the names of ''no'' (male slave) and ''bi'' (female slave), and their disgruntled minds reached the harmonious heaven above. Wind and rain are out of control, rice and wheat do not sprout. With this sense of shame my mind cannot be at peace. In order to put my mind at peace, I cared about changes in ''nobi'' [situation]."<br />

1. King Jeongjo<br />

2. Literally, feathers and flutes, which in the ancient times were attributes of the musicians at the ceremonial rites and banquets at the court.<br />

3. Literally, carriage and garments, stood for the image of a nobleman riding on a carriage.<br />

4. With the help of the ministers who aided the governing?

==='''Student 9 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

9. 此廷臣之所承聞而贊頌之者也。今予踐位行禮, 思慕號呼, 念堂構之丕責, 鞏磐泰之洪基, 卽惟曰繼其志也, 述其事也, 繼志述事, 莫有先於奴婢之制。且況王者莅民, 無貴賤無內外, 均是赤子, 曰奴曰婢, 區而分之, 豈一視同胞之義也?

This was what the officials at the court heard and praised [about my predecessor]. Now as I succeed the throne and conduct the rites, thinking [of my predecessor] and crying out [for him], I must remember the great responsibility of [continuing] his glorious tasks, and solidify the grand enterprise as firmly as a boulder and Mount Tai. Only then could I speak of succeeding my predecessor's will and carrying out his work. In succeeding his will and carrying out his work, nothing could come before [the abolishing of] slavery. What is more, when a king attends to his people, there is no high and low, inner and outer, all are his children. To speak of slaves, to classify them and discriminate among them, how could it be the meaning of seeing them equally as brothers and sisters?

==='''Student 10 : (Irina)'''===
----

內奴婢三萬六千九百七十四、寺奴婢二萬九千九十三, 幷許爲良民.

36 974 of public slaves, 29 093 of private slaves, I gave them all a freedom.

仍令承政院, 聚奴婢案, 火之敦化門外.

All the slave registers from the Ministries of Personnel, I have burned in front of gate Donhwa-mun (1).

其貢有需於經費者, 命壯勇營代給以爲式。

??? The funds of slavery I substituted with military force. ??? (2)

於戲! 予豈敢曰惠之云乎哉?

Ah! Will I be able to say that I have done something generous?

特先朝未卒之志事, 修而明之耳。

The great enterprises the deceased King has undertaken, will be accomplished in the future.

(1) Donhwa-mun 敦化門|돈화문 is one of the gates in the royal palace Chandok-kun in Seoul.

(2) 壯勇營|장용영 was a system of military service, first founded in the eight year of King Cheonjo's reign (1784). ...

==='''Student 11 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----

自玆以往, 維千萬年, 安其田廬,
From now on, It will succeed during ten million years and then there will be made peaceful the house and the farm.

守其墳墓,
The people would keep tomb.

婚姻以時,
The people will marry at a well timed.

生齒日息, 稼穡不愆,
The people have not a bad harvest in their daily life.

嬉遊謳歌
So they pleasurably sing and play

用副予體先朝子視之苦心。
Come up to my expectations, which I model the late king who desire to intend the slave like son.

【大提學尹行恁製。】
【written by Haengim Yoon in first academician】

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
* View together with '''[http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Journal/ArticleDetail/NODE01777219 윤행임尹行恁(1762~1801)의 정치 활동과 학문 성향 Yoon Haeng-im(尹行恁)’s Political Activities and Academic Views]'''

</div>

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-20T11:41:33Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

A folk tale of Pak Tolmong was part of the collection of tales 『里鄕見聞錄』 "Ihyang gyeonmunrok" (Records of Memories from the Lanes and Villages) compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 (1793-1880) in 1862 (late Joseon). The compilation was somewhat unusual. It included narratives about representatives of lower and middle classes of the society or so-called 委巷人 ''wihangin'' (alley people), such as low-level officials and clerks and village residents. The collection also included narratives about Buddhist monks and slaves, as in the case of the story in question. Therefore, this tale can be valued not only as a piece of literature but also as a rich source of information on social realities of late Joseon at the time, such as the dynamics between the classes and notions of social mobility. We can also catch a glimpse of strong prevalence of Neo-Confucian values and its philosophy.<br />
Author of the compilation worked in Kyujanggak 奎章閣 , a royal library established by King Jeongjo 正祖 in 1776. He was a low-level official himself, so it might suggest that his own status was part of his motivation to compile such narratives circulating at that time.<br />
Tales in the collection, such as "Pak Tolmong," shared a similar narrative pattern. Protagonists of the stories, lower members of the society, express extreme diligence in learning, educate themselves in Confucian Classics, and impress others by their high level of literacy and knowledge of ethical standards propagated by Neo-Confucianism. The tale in question and the rest of the tales included in the collection expressed a prominent notion at the time: desire of ''wihangin'' members to elevate their status which put them up against the ''yangban'', privileged aristocrats, part of a rather ossified and immobile social structure. <br />
At the same time, the tales are not idealized and rather realistic, in a sense that in the end the protagonists, while working hard to realize their dream, do not achieve a high position. We can also say that overall the tales are rather cautious and do not express openly the idea of striving to become part of ''yangban''. There were no radical ideas of subversion of authority and toppling of ''yangban''. Characters abide by Neo-Confucian values and moral principles. The lower status subject in question would defer to the higher ranks; Tolmong would loyally obey his master and would not sever ties with him. Therefore, the private yearning of raising one's status is deemphasized and would never interfere with the sacred hierarchical relationships, such as king-subject, father-son, or accordingly, master-servant.<br />
The story suggests that while the common people based on their ability could be on the same level with ''yangban'' (or even higher, if we take the example of Tolmong and his master's son) in terms of literacy and education, the equality in social status, based on ethical standards deeply engraved in the society at the time, was still not possible.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the study room to read texts, Tol-mong followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. Kim's son often forgot the pronunciation of a word and asked Tol-mong.

In the neighborhood there lived one Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Tol-mong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Tol-mong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Tol-mong, are you here?" Tol-mong responded, "Yes."

After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tol-mong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim’s family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned the Elementary Learning, the Analects and the Mencius. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.

His duty was to chop and tie up fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tol-mong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangcheon creek. On the flat stone, Tol-mong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Tol-mong 's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying: "Who are you?" Tol-mong stood up gradually, responding, "I am a household servant.". Then the lad said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and the commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Tol-mong responded: "Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Tol-mong more.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tol-mong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tol-mong, he beat him and drove him away.

Tol-mong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tol-mong), when he met with the master he framed up Tol-mong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tol-mong and his wife. Tol-mong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tol-mong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living.

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes?” Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severely depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

Mr Jeong’s name is Chihu. His character is tame and erudite. He was knowledgeable on geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in the Government Printing Office. <ref>芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty. </ref> Before getting old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
# What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?
# In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Tol-mong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?
# Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status, the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?
# Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* '''[http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Journal/ArticleDetail/NODE06609917 『里鄕見聞錄(이향견문록)』 수록 인물의 사회계층적 위상과 신분 관념 The Social Position of the People Included in Ihyanggyeonmunrok and Their View of Status System in the Late Joseon Dynasty]'''

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. On the flat stone, Tolmong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were literate slaves just being disregarded throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Tolmong fail the exam?

2. What caused his serious depression?

3. Tolmong, realizing himself to be the master of life yet a nobi in reality, how did he cope with the discrepancy between the life of idea and that of reality of his own?

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-20T11:02:15Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 『里鄕見聞錄』 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the study room to read texts, Tol-mong followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. Kim's son often forgot the pronunciation of a word and asked Tol-mong.

In the neighborhood there lived one Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Tol-mong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Tol-mong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Tol-mong, are you here?" Tol-mong responded, "Yes."

After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tol-mong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim’s family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned the Elementary Learning, the Analects and the Mencius. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.

His duty was to chop and tie up fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tol-mong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangcheon creek. On the flat stone, Tol-mong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Tol-mong 's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying: "Who are you?" Tol-mong stood up gradually, responding, "I am a household servant.". Then the lad said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and the commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Tol-mong responded: "Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Tol-mong more.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tol-mong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tol-mong, he beat him and drove him away.

Tol-mong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tol-mong), when he met with the master he framed up Tol-mong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tol-mong and his wife. Tol-mong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tol-mong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living.

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes?” Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severely depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

Mr Jeong’s name is Chihu. His character is tame and erudite. He was knowledgeable on geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in the Government Printing Office. <ref>芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty. </ref> Before getting old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
# What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?
# In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Tol-mong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?
# Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status, the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?
# Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* '''[http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Journal/ArticleDetail/NODE06609917 『里鄕見聞錄(이향견문록)』 수록 인물의 사회계층적 위상과 신분 관념 The Social Position of the People Included in Ihyanggyeonmunrok and Their View of Status System in the Late Joseon Dynasty]'''

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. On the flat stone, Tolmong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were literate slaves just being disregarded throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Tolmong fail the exam?

2. What caused his serious depression?

3. Tolmong, realizing himself to be the master of life yet a nobi in reality, how did he cope with the discrepancy between the life of idea and that of reality of his own?

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-20T11:01:48Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

A folk tale of Pak Tolmong was part of the collection of tales 『里鄕見聞錄』 "Ihyang gyeonmunrok" (Record of in the alleys and villages) compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 (1793-1880) in 1862 (late Joseon dynasty). The compilation was somewhat unusual. It included narratives about representatives of lower classes of the society or so-called 委巷人 wihangin (alley people), such as lower level officials and clerks and village residents. The collection also included narratives about Buddhist monks.
Author of the compilation worked in Kyujanggak 奎章閣 , a royal library established by King Jeongjo 正祖 in 1776. He was a low-level official himself, so it might suggest that his own status was part of his motivation to compile such narratives circulating at that time.
Tales in the collection, such as "Pak Tolmong," shared a similar narrative pattern. Protagonists of the stories, lower members of the society, express extreme diligence in learning, educate themselves in Confucian Classics, and impress others by their high level of literacy and knowledge of ethical standards propagated by Neo-Confucianism. The tale in question and the rest of the tales included in the collection expressed a prominent notion at the time: desire of wihangin members to elevate their status which put them up against the yangban, privileged aristocrats, initially rather ossified and immobile social structure.
At the same time, the tales are not idealized and were rather realistic in a sense that in the end the protagonists, while working hard to realize their dream, do not achieve a high position. We can also say that content-wise the tales were rather cautious and mellow. There were no radical ideals of subversion of authority and toppling of yangban. Characters abided by Neo-Confucian values and moral principles. The lower status subject in question would defer to the higher ranks; Tolmong would obey his master and not break ties with him. Therefore, the private yearning of raising one's status would never interfere with the sacred hierarchical relationship s, such king-subject, father-son, or accordingly, master-servant.

“From 『里鄕見聞錄』 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the study room to read texts, Tol-mong followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. Kim's son often forgot the pronunciation of a word and asked Tol-mong.

In the neighborhood there lived one Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Tol-mong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Tol-mong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Tol-mong, are you here?" Tol-mong responded, "Yes."

After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tol-mong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim’s family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned the Elementary Learning, the Analects and the Mencius. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.

His duty was to chop and tie up fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tol-mong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangcheon creek. On the flat stone, Tol-mong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Tol-mong 's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying: "Who are you?" Tol-mong stood up gradually, responding, "I am a household servant.". Then the lad said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and the commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Tol-mong responded: "Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Tol-mong more.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tol-mong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tol-mong, he beat him and drove him away.

Tol-mong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tol-mong), when he met with the master he framed up Tol-mong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tol-mong and his wife. Tol-mong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tol-mong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living.

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes?” Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severely depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

Mr Jeong’s name is Chihu. His character is tame and erudite. He was knowledgeable on geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in the Government Printing Office. <ref>芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty. </ref> Before getting old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
# What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?
# In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Tol-mong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?
# Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status, the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?
# Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* '''[http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Journal/ArticleDetail/NODE06609917 『里鄕見聞錄(이향견문록)』 수록 인물의 사회계층적 위상과 신분 관념 The Social Position of the People Included in Ihyanggyeonmunrok and Their View of Status System in the Late Joseon Dynasty]'''

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. On the flat stone, Tolmong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were literate slaves just being disregarded throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Tolmong fail the exam?

2. What caused his serious depression?

3. Tolmong, realizing himself to be the master of life yet a nobi in reality, how did he cope with the discrepancy between the life of idea and that of reality of his own?

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-20T06:50:05Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 호고재집박돌몽전1.jpg
|English = A folk tale of Pak Tolmong
|Chinese = 朴突夢傳
|Korean = 박돌몽전
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author = 金洛瑞([http://kostma.korea.ac.kr/viewer/viewerDes?uci=RIKS+CRMA+KSM-WC.0000.0000-20090728.RICH_1175 ''Hogojaejip'' 好古齋集])
|Year = -
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:호고재집박돌몽전2.jpg|* 朴突夢傳 박돌몽전(''Pak Tolmong jeon'')(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

“From 『里鄕見聞錄』 compiled by Yu Jaegeon 劉在建 in 1862 (哲宗 13); also included in 『好古齋集』.”

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿, 觿間跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也.
歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.

4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮. 常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

5. 後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

8. 突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

9. 挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也.

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

11. 還歸金家, 居無何爲典獄吏, 年四十餘卒, 其作吏, 趙郞有力焉.

12. 丁先生致厚其名, 爲人淳素篤學, 兼善風水說, 少爲芸館小史, 未老以病謝歸, 閉門敎授.

||
Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the study room to read texts, Tol-mong followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. Kim's son often forgot the pronunciation of a word and asked Tol-mong.

In the neighborhood there lived one Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Tol-mong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Tol-mong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Tol-mong, are you here?" Tol-mong responded, "Yes."

After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tol-mong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim’s family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned the Elementary Learning, the Analects and the Mencius. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.

His duty was to chop and tie up fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tol-mong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangcheon creek. On the flat stone, Tol-mong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Tol-mong 's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying: "Who are you?" Tol-mong stood up gradually, responding, "I am a household servant.". Then the lad said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and the commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Tol-mong responded: "Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Tol-mong more.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tol-mong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tol-mong, he beat him and drove him away.

Tol-mong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tol-mong), when he met with the master he framed up Tol-mong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tol-mong and his wife. Tol-mong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tol-mong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living.

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes?” Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severely depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

Mr Jeong’s name is Chihu. His character is tame and erudite. He was knowledgeable on geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in the Government Printing Office. <ref>芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty. </ref> Before getting old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
# What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?
# In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Tol-mong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?
# Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status, the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?
# Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* '''[http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Journal/ArticleDetail/NODE06609917 『里鄕見聞錄(이향견문록)』 수록 인물의 사회계층적 위상과 신분 관념 The Social Position of the People Included in Ihyanggyeonmunrok and Their View of Status System in the Late Joseon Dynasty]'''

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----
朴突夢, 其人貢人, 金家奴也. 自能言, 志于書字, 以地賤不得師受. 金家兒, 常坐堂軒讀書, 突夢從階上傍覽, 雖不解義, 然隨其讀而沒其字音. 兒或忘音, 反質於突夢矣.

Pak Tol-mong was a slave, paying tribute to the Kim family. Ever since he could speak he was aiming to learn reading and writing. However, his status did not allow him to have a teacher. Kim's family had a son. Every time the boy sat in the studying room to read texts, Tol-mon followed him and watched the lesson from aside. Though Tol-mong could not understand the meaning, he followed the reading and remembered the words. It was often Kim's son to forgets the pronunciation of a word and to asks Tol-mong.

*Discussion Questions:

Reading this text we can conclude that the slaves at that time had the freedom to live as they decide. To what extent was slavery in Korea a real deprivation of slaves of human rights, or rather symbolically placing them in a lower position than upper classes?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 隣有丁先生者, 家居敎授, 突夢旣髻, 就先生願受業, 先生許之, 突夢日晨興, 懷書候其門, 啓然後敢入, 趨造寢戶外, 肅竢先生枕起, 先生知其來, 隔牖而問曰, "突夢來乎?" 曰"唯."

In the neighborhood there lived a Mr. Jeong, he stayed at home and gave lessons. As soon as Dolmong tied up his hair (got married), he went to Mr. Jeong and asked to take classes. The teacher allowed him to do so. Dolmong woke up at daybreak, embracing books he waited at the gate of the teacher's place. After the gates were opened he dare to enter. Lowering his head he swiftly approached the door of the teacher's bed chamber, and deferentially waited for the teacher to rise up. The teacher, knowing that he has arrived, asked through the window, "Dolmong, are you here?" Dolmong responded, "Yes."

*Discussion Questions:

1. The story does not mention Dolmong's child. Based on what we understand about the Joseon slavery system, if Dolmong bore a child, what would have been the life of that child like?

2. In the story, a man of status found it inhumane that Dolmong knows the Classics but still serves as a slave. What does this passage tell us about the nature of this work of literature? What is the story's underlying message about slavery?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 衆徒弟後至畢升堂, 突夢自嫌以毛笠齒衿觿間, 跼蹐不敢升, 先生權令戴折風巾而進之, 授則還家, 供役如故, 金家莫之知也. 歲餘卒受小學語孟, 文識日進, 先生甚奇之.<br />
After the group of disciples arrived later they all together entered the classroom. Tolmong was ashamed of himself wearing a slave hat as he was lining up with students wearing scholarly gowns and ivory bodkins. He could not dare to enter the classroom moving his legs reluctantly. The teacher used his discretion to cover [Tolmong's identity as a slave] with a turban and made him enter. After taking a class he returned home and provided service as before. Nobody in Kim family knew about that. At the end of the year, he learned Xiaoxue, Lunyu and Mengzi. His knowledge of letters improved every day, and the teacher thought he was quite extraordinary.<br />
*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What does it tell us about the role of education and Confucian Classics? The dedication to learning heals Tolmong's disease, yet he does not get a high position. Did the society allow the possibility of the slave to rise up in the society or there were still certain limitations? <br />
2. Taking into consideration that it was a record of a folk tale what was the purpose of such a story (in both oral and written rendition), to whom was it addressed in each case?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 其爲役乃縛炬斯橦, 而揮斤束縢之間, 不輟唔咿, 家人指爲癡僮.

常患苦痎, 金家爲之蠲役理病, 突夢私語其妻曰, 是吾讀書之秋也. 乃入其房冠總, 危坐讀書, 瘧氣發寒㾕齒戰, 而愈益堅坐, 口不廢誦, 三日瘧則乃已.

His duty was to tie up and chop fire woods. Whenever he was axing and tying up the woods, he never failed to recite from the classics. People in the house pointed him as a moron.

[Because the master] was always afraid of catching malaria, the Kims gave him a break to cure his disease. Tolmong privately told his wife saying, "This is the time of my studying." He went to his room, put on his hat, and tie up the string. He sat solemnly and read books aloud. The symptoms of malaria began to show, which made him shiver inside and had his teeth tremble. However, he sat more solemnly. His mouth never stopped reciting [books]. Three days later, his disease has already been cured.

*Discussion Questions:
Was Tolmong able to escape from his slave status? Doss passing an exam guarantee the elevation of one's status?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

後與妻洴澼於蕩春川, 川多石盤陀, 突夢輟漂之石上, 不冠褰褌, 赤脚而坐, 盤礴硏墨石窪, 握大管書小學題辭, 淋漓石面, 日西施, 乃蔭樹偃臥, 引聲長吟, 悠尒自得.

Later his wife washed her clothes at the Tangchun creek. On the flat stone, Tolmong took off his hat, put up his pants, and sit down there. Then, he rubbed an ink stick on an ink stone, held his brush, and started to write the preface to the Elementary Learning, so it spread over the surface of the stone. In the evening, he moved, and lay down in a shade of a tree, and recited [classics].

Discussion questions: Were literate slaves just being disregarded throughout the Choson dynasty? Didn't their masters give any specific roles (functions) toward them?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
6. 趙尙書家郞, 適遊春蕩春見其所爲, 心異之, 就而呼曰, "爾何爲者?" 突夢徐起而對曰, "家人奴也." 郞曰 "而主非人也, 豈有學經傳而爲人奴者乎? 吾爲爾責而主, 而免而身." 曰, "以奴故, 令老主覯閔, 義不敢出也." 郞尤重之.

The lad of Minister Cho, who was out to enjoy the spring in coincidence, witnessed Dolmong's doing and felt quite queer. The lad yelled at him, saying:"Who are you?" Dolmong stood up gradually, responding:"I am a household servant.". The chide said:“Your master is not a human being! How could he allow a household servant to learn the classics and commentaries? I blame your current master, and would like to be your new master. If you like, I will exempt your slave status." Dolmong said:"Because of me, my lord is suffering from blame and criticizing. [So] I cannot leave my old lord out of the righteousness". [By hearing this], the lad esteemed Dolmong more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 金家兒長益挑達, 不勤學, 其父恚罵曰, "汝逸居肆姐, 禽鹿視肉, 反不若突夢." 數督過之, 兒無所起怒, 見突夢, 輒抶驅之.

The son of the Kim family grew gradually unrestrained and unbridled. He was not diligent in study. His father scolded him in anger, "You live idly and indulge yourself in being coddled, like a beast looking at meat. You are not even close to Tolmong [in comparison]." The father chastised him several times, and the son had nowhere to vent his anger. Whenever he saw Tolmong, he beat him and drove him away.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does the story of Tolmong tell us about the social mobility of slaves? Is this a common case or an exceptional one that depends on one's effort and determination?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

突夢曰 "吾寧避之, 以定主家父子間, 乃辭以病不任役, 移居其妻之家兒憾毒不釋, 見主家陰以他事搆害之, 主家果疑其夫妻, 突夢乃歎曰 "命也, 敢誰怨乎!"

Tolmong said: “I would rather avoid them，not to cause antagonistic feelings between the father and son of my master’s family. ” He thence used his sickness as a pretext to quit his duty, and moved to live with his wife’s household. The master’s son could not relieve his bitter regret (against Tolmong), when he met with the master he framed up Tolmong behind his back. As things turned out, the master grew suspicious against Tolmong and his wife. Tolmong lamented: “This is my fate, I dare not to blame it on others!”

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----
挈其妻流寓南陽郡, 織籠爲生, 歲餘, 里正白郡編之束伍, 突夢曰, "織籠所以餬口也

Taking his wife, he left home for Namyang prefecture, weaving baskets for a living there. After a year had passed, the sub-district administrator announced the military organization of the prefecture. Tolmong said: “Weaving baskets is a way of scraping a meager living,

*Discussion Questions:
1. Even though Tolmong is exceptionally diligent and manages to advance beyond his initial status the final step of advancement seems unattainable even to someone hard working as him. Is this due to his background or does this emphasize the difficulty of the final exams? Can we see this as a critique of the examination system?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 軍租顧安所輸入." 會郡都試鄕兵, 突夢以砲中試, 及會試不果, 因鬱鬱思京洛,

Where can I go to earn some more money to pay the military taxes? Incidentally the provincial examinations for the selection of the local military service men were held. He passed the test with fire arms, however, he did not pass the next level. He became severly depressed and thought about leaving the capital.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Tolmong fail the exam?

2. What caused his serious depression?

3. Tolmong, realizing himself to be the master of life yet a nobi in reality, how did he cope with the discrepancy between the life of idea and that of reality of his own?

==='''Student 11 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
還歸金家。居無何爲典獄吏，年四十餘卒。其作吏，趙郞有力焉.

He went back to the Kim family. Not long after, he became a clerk in the local prison, and passed away in his forties. For him to become a clerk, Mr. Cho offered his helped.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Dohee jeong)'''===
----
丁先生致厚其名爲人淳素篤學兼善風水說少爲芸館小史未老以病謝歸閉門敎授

Teacher jung’s name is chihu. His character is desertion and tame and erudite. Also he was good at geomancy. When he was young, he worked as a minor scribe in Government Printing Office 1). Before getting too old, he resigned on the ground of illness, and stayed home to teach students.

1)芸館 is another name for 校書館(Government Printing Office) in jeoseon dynasty.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文

2017-07-20T06:37:43Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1493년정미수명문.jpg
|English = Document of Chŏng Misu
|Chinese = 1493年鄭眉壽明文
|Korean = 1493년 정미수 명문
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 鄭眉壽
|Year = 1493
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
弘治六年(癸丑)十一月□日妻李氏前成文事段矣身年少

時是在去壬寅年間內資寺婢根非矣身乙作妾爲有如乎

同根非亦初亦入□內放出人是去乙逢音司憲府以放出宮人乙作妾

不得亦論啓爲白沙餘良其矣段置本性懷譎多怍甚

爲不肖人是乎等用良, 去丙午十二月分, 棄別文記成給爲乎在亦

根非亦棄別前孕胎爲有如可丁未二月分女子産長其後三

年第同女子段己酉六月分身故爲去乙詮聞爲乎矣根非亦

同里人故通事黃□子名不知人乙潛奸子息産長爲有乎矣

自中矣身復合所生是如潛說爲臥乎所至爲痛心爲置有亦矣

身亦當時未滿四十自矣段置年少爲乎等用良, 繼後不冬爲有

旀他妻乙良置媒得不冬爲有去等人生脩短及子息有無段預

料爲難爲置萬一矣身亦他餘子息産長不得不小租業家財田民

等乙區處不得早晩不幸爲乎第亦中矣所生是乎樣以根非及其矣子

息中告爭敗沈天倫爲乎所無不冬爲昆此文記不輕藏置憑考爲可

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　自筆家翁中訓大夫仁川都護府使鄭眉壽(着名署押)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　證妻四寸娚將仕郎李(着名署押)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　成均進士崔(着名署押)

||
'''By Jong Woo and Masha:'''
The sixth year of Hongzhi (1493), eleventh month, ? day. The document to my wife Mrs. Yi. When I was young, around the year of Imo (1482), I made Kŭnbi, a female slave of Naejasi, my concubine. This Kŭnbi is a person who used to be a court lady in the beginning but was removed from the court later. During that time, the Office of the Inspector-General submitted an appeal to ban [officials] from getting married to former court ladies removed from the court. When it comes to her, her character is deceitful and capricious. Because she is far from a women of virtue, around the twelfth month of the Pyŏngo year (1486), I wrote a divorce document and gave it to her. Kŭnbi got pregnant before I wrote the [divorce] document and gave birth to a daughter around the second month of the Chŏngmi year (1487). [However,] three years later, this daughter died around the sixth month of the Kiyu year (1489). I know by hearsay that Kŭnbi committed adultery with her village man, Interpreter Hwang, and gave birth to a child. She is telling the whole world that the child is actually mine. It agonizes my mind so that I find it very regrettable. At that time I was younger than forty and my wife was also very young. At the time we have not yet had a successor. I have not yet taken another wife. It is hard to predict the length of human life and having offspring or not. Sooner or later it will be an unfortunate thing if I cannot bear a child and raise it, and pass down family wealth, and its land and slaves. Kŭnbi might file a lawsuit to the government authority and deceive others that the child is mine. This is against heavenly principles. Never slight the importance of the document and keep it. <br />
Personally signed by the husband, Grand Master of Chunghun, Magistrate of Inchŏn, Chŏng Misu (signature)<br />
Witnesses <br />

A cousin-in-law Assistant Clerk Yi (signature)<br />
Presented Scholar of the Royal Academy Ch’oe (signature)<br />

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文

2017-07-20T06:37:02Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1493년정미수명문.jpg
|English = Document of Chŏng Misu
|Chinese = 1493年鄭眉壽明文
|Korean = 1493년 정미수 명문
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 鄭眉壽
|Year = 1493
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
弘治六年(癸丑)十一月□日妻李氏前成文事段矣身年少

時是在去壬寅年間內資寺婢根非矣身乙作妾爲有如乎

同根非亦初亦入□內放出人是去乙逢音司憲府以放出宮人乙作妾

不得亦論啓爲白沙餘良其矣段置本性懷譎多怍甚

爲不肖人是乎等用良, 去丙午十二月分, 棄別文記成給爲乎在亦

根非亦棄別前孕胎爲有如可丁未二月分女子産長其後三

年第同女子段己酉六月分身故爲去乙詮聞爲乎矣根非亦

同里人故通事黃□子名不知人乙潛奸子息産長爲有乎矣

自中矣身復合所生是如潛說爲臥乎所至爲痛心爲置有亦矣

身亦當時未滿四十自矣段置年少爲乎等用良, 繼後不冬爲有

旀他妻乙良置媒得不冬爲有去等人生脩短及子息有無段預

料爲難爲置萬一矣身亦他餘子息産長不得不小租業家財田民

等乙區處不得早晩不幸爲乎第亦中矣所生是乎樣以根非及其矣子

息中告爭敗沈天倫爲乎所無不冬爲昆此文記不輕藏置憑考爲可

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　自筆家翁中訓大夫仁川都護府使鄭眉壽(着名署押)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　證妻四寸娚將仕郎李(着名署押)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　成均進士崔(着名署押)

||
'''By Jong Woo and Masha:'''
The sixth year of Hongzhi (1493), eleventh month, ? day. The document to my wife Mrs. Yi. When I was young, around the year of Imo (1482), I made Kŭnbi, a female slave of Naejasi, my concubine. This Kŭnbi is a person who used to be a court lady in the beginning but was removed from the court later. During that time, the Office of the Inspector-General submitted an appeal to ban [officials] from getting married to former court ladies removed from the court. When it comes to her, her character is deceitful and capricious. Because she is far from a women of virtue, around the twelfth month of the Pyŏngo year (1486), I wrote a divorce document and gave it to her. Kŭnbi got pregnant before I wrote the [divorce] document and gave birth to a daughter around the second month of the Chŏngmi year (1487). [However,] three years later, this daughter died around the sixth month of the Kiyu year (1489). I know by hearsay that Kŭnbi committed adultery with her village man, Interpreter Hwang, and gave birth to a child. She is telling the whole world that the child is actually mine. It agonizes my mind so that I find it very regrettable. At that time I was younger than forty and my wife was also very young. At the time we have not yet had a successor. I have not yet taken another wife. It is hard to predict the length of human life and having offspring or not. Sooner or later it will be an unfortunate thing if I cannot bear a child and raise it, and pass down family wealth, and its land and slaves. Kŭnbi might file a lawsuit to the government authority and deceive others that the child is mine. This is against heavenly principles. Never slight the importance of the document and keep it.
Personally signed by the husband, Grand Master of Chunghun, Magistrate of Inchŏn, Chŏng Misu (signature)
Witnesses
A cousin-in-law Assistant Clerk Yi (signature)

Presented Scholar of the Royal Academy Ch’oe (signature)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記

2017-07-20T06:33:08Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1688년부김번분급문기1.JPG
|English = Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution
|Chinese = 1688年父金璠分給文記
|Korean = 1688년 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'')
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type = Record
|Author = 金璠
|Year = 1688
|Key Concepts= Property, Inheritance
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1688년부김번분급문기2.JPG|*父金璠分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(2)
파일:1688년부김번분급문기3.JPG|*父金璠分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(MF)
파일:1688년부김번분급문기4.JPG|*父金璠分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(後)
파일:1688년부김번분급문기.JPG|*父金璠分給文記 부 김번 분급문기(''Kim Pŏn Bungeubmungi'') 1688(全)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
戊辰三月初七日傳後區處文書

右文爲余以累代奉祀之人年至四十不得生

子故不獲己亡弟獨子守宗呈禮曺以爲養

子傳宗定計之後不幸喪配再聚未久連得

生男事當傳宗於己子而守宗旣爲養子則

不可不以此爲長子是旀亡弟無他子女奉祭

無人情勢悶迫乙仍于以己子守昌旣爲其養

子以爲亡弟奉祀之地爲去乎以此擧行爲齊

田民段不必自爲區處是乎矣兒輩年弱兺

不喩余多疾病人事未定故畧干田民區別

後錄爲乎矣吾家異於他家出嫁女子則祭祀

勿爲輪行田民亦爲三分之一分給之意旣有

先代遺敎是去乎餘生存時如是區處則有

何執言相爭之端乎若有吾子女則見此文豈

不悽然而動念乎吾兄弟別得田民段勿爲分

給於女子爲遣男子兺代代傳給亦先人言

敎丁寧是乎等以旣己成文別給乙仍于更不擧論

爲旀守宗旣爲宗子則吾衿田民守宗事當次

知是旀守昌己爲亡弟養子則亡弟衿田民守昌亦

爲次知是乎矣吾自區處乙仍于承重田民兺

守宗處載錄爲遣其餘吾衿得別得田民則

盡給守昌兄弟爲去乎亡弟衿得別得田民

則守宗盡爲獨專次知爲乎矣亡弟祭位條

畓十餘斗落只奴婢數口乙出給宜當是齊

此區處事雖異於他人之家吾旣裁處以此

施行爲旀承重田民雖是零星此後更勿

加出爲遣班附田民幷以永傳宗家百代

勿遷事

長子守宗承重田民奴婢秩田畓幷

婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生二生

三生四生奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生

婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德

三所生四所生奴望世一生奴望立婢許化

德一所生婢生德二所生奴同之金婢生德一所生

奴宮伊二所生奴山伊三所生奴生伊四所生奴太守

婢㖝介二所生婢春禮同婢一所生奴日伊二所生

婢日介三所生婢春班四所生婢率介五所生奴春

日婢者斤介三所生婢三月四所生奴士龍婢三

月一所生婢開天奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代

二所生奴二漢三所生婢順德婢順德一所生奴

加應置二所生婢丁化三所生丁上四所生永才甕井

家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只溝邊畓九斗

落只甕岩畓三十斗落只蠏山墓下畓十五斗落

陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落

班附條

婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五

所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也

次子守昌兄弟衿

奴婢秩

婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾

伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生

婢禮介同婢一生婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢

秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕

二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落

保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落

財主通德郞前叅奉父金〔着名〕

證同姓四寸弟金玒〔着名〕

證同姓四寸弟金璘〔着名〕

筆執同姓四寸弟金璔〔着名〕
||
'''First Part (by Masha and Jong Woo):'''
In the year of Mujin (1688), beginning of the third month, seventh day. Document of inheriting transaction.
This document as follows: I, as to person who gives sacrificial rites to generations of ancestors, in my forties, have not had born a son. Inevitably, I adopted Sujong, the only son of my deceased younger brother and submitted a document to the Ministry of Rites. After establishing the strategy of continuing the lineage, unfortunately, my wife passed away and I remarried. Soon after a son was born. I should transmit the lineage to my own son, however I have already adopted Sujong. This is inevitable that I take him as my first son. However, my deceased younger brother did not have other offsprings, so then nobody can offer sacrificial rites to him. Since the situation is awkward, I will make my own son Such’ang as his adopted son to offer sacrifices to my deceased younger brother and continue his lineage. Based on this I performed the rituals and put it in order. As to land and slaves I do not necessarily have to make a transaction myself. Adding to the fact that my children are young, I have also been sick a lot and human affairs are undetermined. Therefore, I will divide up a small amount<ref>Kim Bon is being humble, his possessions are not small.</ref> of land and slaves that I will specify in the appendix below. Our family is different from other families. The married off daughters will not practice sacrificial rites in rotation. Meaning that, as to the land and slaves, one third of the amount is allocated to the female members. These are the remaining instructions by the ancestors. In the remaining years of your lives abide to this transaction. How can you make my words as the cause of litigation with one another? If there were my sons and daughters and if they read it, how could they not be sorrowful? The land and slaves that our brothers have specially obtained [by our own merit] will not be distributed to the female members of the family and will only be inherited to the male members. Because the teachings of our ancestors are certainly true, abide to [what is written in] this document of inheritance and do not talk about it again. Because Sujong has already become my son, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of mine. Because Such’ang has already become an adopted son of my deceased brother, he will take possession of the lands and slaves of his. Following my decision, only the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir will be recorded as [an inheritance for] Sujong. All the remaining lands and slaves that I have specially obtained due to my merit will be given to Such’ang brothers. All the remaining lands and slaves that my deceased brother had specially obtained due to his merit will solely be the possession of Sujong. It is appropriate to give [Sujong] a dozen turak of wet rice field and several female and male slaves, which all belonged to my deceased brother. Although this transaction might be different from that of other families, because I have already made a decision, implement it. Although the lands and slaves allotted to the lineage heir might be sparse, do not discuss it again later. The lands and slaves allotted to family members who died without offsprings will be, all together, transmitted to the house of the lineage heir, forever without changing.

'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):'''

長子守宗承重田民奴婢秩田畓幷
Special inheritance package of land and slaves for the duty of linear succession, given to the linear successor Sujong - land property included.

婢桂春一生婢桂香同婢一生二生三生四生奴亂山四生奴亂山五所生婢夫虛非同婢一所生奴六月金二生婢業德三所生四所生
Female slave Gyechun's first-born female slave Gyehyang; the same person [Gyehyang]'s first-born, second-born, third-born, and fourth-born; male slave Nansan's fourth-born male slave Nansan and fifth-born female slave Buheobi; the same person [Buhebi]'s first-born male slave Yuwolgeum, second-born female slave Eopdeok, third-born, fourth-born;

奴望世一生奴望立, 婢許化德一所生婢生德, 二所生奴同之金, 婢生德一所生奴宮伊, 二所生奴山伊, 三所生奴生伊, 四所生奴太守

婢㖝介二所生婢春禮, 同婢一所生奴日伊, 二所生婢日介, 三所生婢春班, 四所生婢率介, 五所生奴春日, 婢者斤介三所生婢三月, 四所生奴士龍, 婢三月一所生婢開天, 奴春男良産一所生婢乶音代, 二所生奴二漢, 三所生婢順德, 婢順德一所生奴加應置, 二所生婢丁化, 三所生丁上, 四所生永才.

甕井家垈前後田及中甫畓九斗落只, 溝邊畓九斗落只, 甕岩畓三十斗落只, 蠏山墓下畓十五斗落,陳處幷板橋畓十五斗落.
Fields and wet rice-fields at the front and back of the house in Onjeong three durakji; wet rice-fields on the side of the gutter nine durakji; wet rice-fields in Ongam thirty durakji; wet rice-fields underneath the gravesite in Haesan fifteen durakji; wet rice-fields in Jincheo and Pangyo altogether fifteen durakji.

班附條 Special inheritance for sharing and attaching to the ancestral tablet those who died without children

婢應生一所生婢士仁三所生婢漢介四所生奴亡終五

所生婢亡介同婢一生奴同立則放賣放賣裵石柱畓十斗落只故奴良卜及大生皆是班附奴也

次子守昌兄弟衿

奴婢秩

婢春介三所生奴順斤買得奴千日同奴良妻一所生婢夾

伊三所生奴論先婢闌春四所生婢春玉奴禮男一生

婢禮介同婢一生婢禮陽代一生婢禮業二生婢

秋陽代所山面保北五作造字念字六斗落只所畊耕

二十六卜六束庫果同面兄弟橋內各字畓十三斗落

保北六作非字寶字畓十三斗落

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사 | 전경목 | 문예연구사 | 2001.02.25
*고문서를 통해서 본 우반동과 우반동 김씨의 역사2 | 전경목 | 글항아리 | 2009.01.19
*조선시대 재산상속문서 분재기 | 한국학중앙연구원 | 한국학중앙연구원출판부 | 2014.10.20

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-20T06:27:21Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
'''First Part (by Masha):''' The fourth year of Zhengde (1509), eight month, ? day. To my nephew once removed, Misu, Great Lord of Haep’yŏng. As to what this document pertains is the allowance of inheritance. I was widowed at a young age yet for the general affairs I lived only looking up to you. After I pass away, I should be added to one of the tablets of your ancestral shrine. For this reason, in return I give you a certain amount of property. As to my tomb site, I am devoting all my efforts to select and designate in order to protect for eternal generations. At the last year's distribution when the land and slaves were allocated there were cases that some were accidentally left out.

'''(Part 2)'''

<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
<br />(end of part 2)

'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end.

Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]

Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]

Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Lieutenant of Assault Troops; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
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*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a play boy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文

2017-07-20T06:25:04Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1910년 박해명 매몽명문.JPG
|English = A Document of Selling a Dream
|Chinese = 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1910.0000-20101008.B043a_065_00537_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1910.0000-20101008.B043a_065_00537_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1910년 박해명 매몽명문(''Pak Haemyŏng Maemongmyeongmun'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 朴海溟
|Year = 1910
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Jong Woo Park
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction''' (Irina)
In Korea since ancient times omens has played an important role. Often significant state decisions or family affairs have been resolved by the emergence of divine signs that have been interpreted by a professional fortune teller. One of these signs is the dream. Every great event is thought to be preceded by an auspicious dream. In folk culture the dreams of conception, which precede the birth of a son, are particularly important. Until recently in Korea, the main role and task of the woman was to give birth to a son who would continue the lineage. Respectively the inability of a woman to give birth to a son was the main cause of anxiety. So, a number of superstitions were practiced to help conceiving a son, including buying an auspicious conception dream. Usually the woman or her husband buys the dream of someone who has dreamed an auspicious conception dream, most often a dragon or a tiger. Dreaming a dragon or tiger precedes the conception of a great and heroic son. It is considered that the “deal” is valid only if the buyer pays with money or some object.

We can trace the tradition of buying and selling dreams back in time, when the story of the Munhui, sister of the great commander Kim Yu-shin (595 – 673), was recorded. Munhui buys her sister's dream and thanks to it she marries the future ruler King Taejong Muyeol ((604 – 661) and gives birth to a great son. In return she pays with silk skirt (Samguk Yusa, Book 1, Taejong Kim Ch’un-ch’u).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
隆熙四年四月三日前明文

右明文事切有用處故陰

二月二十三日夜夢見龍虎

必有禎祥右夢放賣於右

前而錢文千兩依數捧用是

遣右前永永放賣爲去乎

日後若有雜談以此文記

憑考事

夢主朴海溟

證崔柄日

筆李紀鎬
||
'''First Part (by Jong Woo):''' The fourth year of Yunghi (1910), fourth month, third day. This document has the following usage. The twenty-third day of the second month of the lunar calendar, I saw in my dream a dragon and a tiger. This [dream] should be auspicious.

'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I sell this dream to this person and receive a thousand 錢文... ;P
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

In Korea faith in auspicious dreams has a long tradition and this tradition is still alive. Which are the dreams regarded most auspicious in modern Korea?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. This document does not specify the buyer's name, and there is no space to fill in the buyer's name. Given this, is it possible that the writer of this document was not actually looking for a buyer, but was being playfully satirical about something?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. What is the significance of dreaming about dragons and tigers? Why it was considered auspicious? What did they stand for?<br />
2. Could the date of the dream be of any significance?<br />
3. What does it tell us about the spread of bureaucratization and commodification at the time where even dreams could become part of a contract agreement?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Chosŏn government often tries to control and "rectify" the so-called evil custom. Was there any governmental interference in the transaction of dream?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
1. If they sold their dreams based on contract, was there any standard as to measuring the value of them?

2. Koreans seem to have a long-standing tradition of selling one's dreams to others, which is still being passed down on to this day. What are some of the factors that make it possible? And is it something unique only in Korean culture?

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# What does this document tell us about the legal practice of commercial activities in the late Choson period? How does it different or not different from previous period?
# Why would a person sell his/her dream? And why would one buy it? What does the practice of selling dream tell us about the religious and social aspect of Choson society?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. What is the historical significance of Dragon-Tiger dreams? What does it stand for and why is it considered auspicious?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Dreams could be meaningful at times for many people for some mysterious reasons or visions. What is the basis of this dream seller? Is he selling superstition, faith, a vision, or a comfort?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:

1. Since dream is intangible, how can people verify whether the seller actually had an auspicious dream? Couldn't someone simply make up dream to make money?
2. Does this dream selling activity have any support from any religion or local believes?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1) Did joseon people generally believe that they could buy and sell dreams? 2) Why do you think this document does not bear the name of the person who buys the dream? 3) Let's say someone bought this dream, what roles would this document have played?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-20T06:23:48Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

正郞

正郞

正郞

佐郞

佐郞 (手決)

佐郞
||
'''First Part (by Masha):''' [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the tenth year of Wanli (1583), twelfth month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wreaking havoc, border defense is at a critical stage, and both troops and supplies are lacking.

'''Ending Part (by Zhijun):''' student Yi Jun has contributed eighty seok edible grain to Anbyeon Prefecture. In accordance with the (above-mentioned) article, his existing and future offspring should be allowed to enter the officialdom.

the eleventh year of Wanli, twelfth month day

certificate of appointment granted

minister (signature)

deputy minster

third minster (signature)

section chief

section chief

section chief

assistant section chief

assistant section chief (signature)

assistant section chief
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文

2017-07-20T06:21:12Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3

|Image = 1614년사노두잇노비매매명문1.JPG
|English = A Document of trading a slave with a horse
|Chinese = 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1614.0000-20101008.B003a_003_01076_001-IMG.001.jpg 1614년 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 尹思誨妻金氏
|Year = 1614
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1614년(사노뒷간)초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年招辭|III-5. 1614年招辭 초사(''Chosa'') 1614
파일:1614년득록초사.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|III-6. 1614年得祿招辭 득록 초사(''Deukrok chosa'') 1614
파일:1614년사노뒷간입안.JPG|link=(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|III-7. 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案 사노 뒷간 입안(''Sano Dwooibigan iban'') 1614
파일:1614년사노뒷간노비매매명문.JPG|*1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文 사노 뒷간 노비매매명문(''Sano Dwooibigan nobimaemaemyeongmoon'') 1614(全)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

"A Document of trading a slave with a horse" is an old document of Joseon Korea obtained from Nogudang (the House of Green Rain Forest), the residence of the leading family of Haenam Yun clan in Jeollanamdo. Written in 1614, it is a contract of economic transaction between Mrs. Kim, a widow of a man named Yun Sahoe (who was not member of Haenam Yun clan), and a male slave named Privy. Mrs. Kim, on account of her family's reduced circumstances after the war (Imjin waeran) and her husband's death, sells an eighteen-year-old male slave Jongnam to Privy in exchange for a five-year-old male horse worth twenty-five bulks of cotton.

In the document, Privy is referred to as 寺奴. While the term is usually pronounced as "sino" and means a capital bureau slave in Joseon Korea, in this particular instance it may refer to a slave working for a temple. In such case the word is pronounced "sano" (literally meaning temple-slave). It is strongly likely that Privy was a slave belonging to Daeheungsa (a.k.a. Daedunsa), a temple in Haenam County near Nogudang which maintained a close relationship with the leading family of Haenam Yun clan, where the document was preserved.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
萬曆四十二年甲寅〔三〕月〔十三〕日寺奴斗{伊+叱}間處明文

右明文爲臥乎事段亂後蕩破之後家窘切迫送終

之資乙不可不預備乙仍于家翁邊奴鄭連買得婢石

今女斤德三所生奴終男年十八丁酉生身乙同人處價▣

木貳拾伍匹本雄馬禾五一隻以交易捧上爲遣後〔所〕

生幷只永永放賣爲去乎後次某人是乃雜談〔有〕

去乙等此文記告官卞正事

奴主故〔幼學〕尹思誨妻金氏[圖署]

證▣…▣幼學金得祿[着名]

證▣…▣幼學金得命[着名]

筆執▣…▣娚前參奉金遇[着名][署押]

||
'''First Part (by Jong Woo):''' The forty-second year of Wanli (1614), (third) month, (thirteenth) day.The document to Twitkkan, a public slave. As to what this documents pertains, the reason [for the transaction] is that, in the aftermath of the war, my house has been impoverished to the point of having no money for the funeral and I cannot loan [money] from other people.

'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' I exchange the eighteen-year-old male slave Jongnam born in Jeongyu year--the son of a female slave Geundeok who is the daughter of a female slave Seokgeum whom my late husband's male slave Jeongryeon had bought [in his stead]--with a five-year-old male horse that is worth twenty-five bulks of cotton. All offspring [of Jongnam] hereafter...

'''Ending Part (by Martin Gehlmann):''' …are also sold permanently. If at a later time someone or so should have a dispute, [take] this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

Slave master, deceased [scholar-in-training] Yun Sahoe’s Wife Mrs. Kim [Stamped]

Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukrok [Signature]

Witness, scholar-in-training Kim Deukmyeong [Signature]

Scribe, ?? Tomb Guardian Kim U [Signature] [Stamped]

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 정윤섭, ''녹우당 綠雨堂: 해남윤씨 댁의 역사와 문화예술'', 열화당, 2015.
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

2017-07-20T06:19:50Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1522년박영기토지매매명문.JPG
|English = A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master
|Chinese = 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX-IMG.jpg 1522년 박영기(朴榮基) 토지매매명문(土地賣買明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 私奴朴今
|Year = 1522
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉靖元年參月拾陸日朴榮基上典前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段奴矣身亦貧寒所致以還上

積納不得奴矣母邊傳來未今員路上路下兩畓

荒租參斗落只庫乙折木綿柒疋半捧上爲

遣永永放賣爲白去乎鎭長耕作敎矣後次奴

矣同生族類等亦爭望隅有去等此明文內

用良告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

畓主私奴朴今孫

證保依父司直韓玉同

證保班中奴金同

筆執私奴尹

||
'''First Part (Masha)'''
The first year of Jiajing (1522), third month, sixteenth day.<ref>The date according to the Chinese reign system cannot be accurate because it was not up to date in Chosŏn.</ref> The Document to My Lord, Pak Yŏnggi. As to what this documents pertains, the reason [for the transaction] is that I, a slave, became destitute and impoverished. Therefore, I could not save up [enough grain] to return to the government.<ref>Each provincial office distributed grain to poor people every spring, and a new crop in autumn had to be harvested and returned in the same quantity.</ref>

'''Middle Part (by Kim Young)''' I receive seven and a half bulks of cotton as the price for my maternal inheritance, the two unpolished-rice paddies above and below the Migeum Field that is three-majigi wide.<ref>One majigi, which originally means the area of land enough to plant one mal of grain, is roughly equivalent to 660 square meters. One mal is around 20 liters. </ref>

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===

In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units are different from Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. This document proves that a slave could own and sell his own property. It seems contradictory at a glance that a slave was a property of the master but at the same time he could own his private property. Does this mean that the master had limited legal rights over his slaves? What does this document tell us about the rights of slaves as economic agents?

2. When they took this contract to the local office for notarization, did the office make a copy of it? Also, did each party make and get a copy of the same contract?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
- What could be the potential benefits for a private slave to sell land aside from the one he mentioned in the document? What could be his other motivations? What were the benefits to keep the land? Could private slaves purchase land?<br />
- Is it possible that, because of his status, a private slave had no choice but to sell the land to the one of a higher status upon the latter's request?<br />

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Pak Kŭmson had to sell out his land because he could not pay back the grain loan (hwan'gok). Would it be common at that time that commoners or slaves were forced to sell out their means of production to repay their debt while rich ''yangban'' families accumulated wealth by taking advantage of this situation? Or would there be any cases that poor ''yangban'' had to sell out their properties to repay their debt to rich commoners or slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
1) In the second line, Doctor Jung read the term 환상 as 환자. How did it come about? And how can I figure out such "variants" of pronunciation in the Idu system?

2) The person who wrote down this contract was another private slave. And two witnesses of this deal are also slaves. Then, how can we re-appraise the social status of slaves in Choson Korea?

3)In this passage, a private slave is selling his land to his master. Was it a common case in early Choson? Then, were slaves allowed to keep their private property? If so, to what extent?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:

In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# As far as I know, the land belong to the master while the private slave acted as a tenant of the land. This transaction suggests that 1) the land was actually owned by the slave or 2) the slave sold the right to farm in the land to a third party. Which was the case?
# If it is the former then slave had the economic power to purchase and own land. Was there any law to regulate land-ownership of slave or land-ownership in general?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Given that in the conventional sense of slavery, the slave himself is a piece of property owned by the master, if a Korean slave could own property and freely transact what he owns, what does this tell us about the nature of Choson slavery from the perspective of property ownership?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. There are at least two slaves involved in the draft of the document. Are there hints concerning the relation between the selling slave and the buying yangban? (master and slave, distant family members, cases of tax fraud?)

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

This document is one example of numerous cases which show the economic conditions and activities and general conditions of "nobi" class in the Chosŏn period. The nobi Pak is erudite, capable of legal transactions, owning a piece of land, having inheritance, family and relatives, and is an individual managing his own life and future. He obviously has mentality to live the life of a humble but dignified human being. Additionally he may not need status, arrogance, and luxury but instead a virtuous scholar to give his respect to. Notwithstanding the existence of a variety of 'nobi' in the Chosŏn society, Pak represents one aspect of nobi class.

Who is he as self-claimed nobi? What is nobi? How this term, nobi, should be defined? Is there a Western concept or word that matches nobi of the Confucian Chosŏn? Should nobi be defined as "slave" and further the Chosŏn society as "slave society"? In a sense everybody of that society called oneself as the "servant" of some sort, may it be the Heaven, ancestor, master, teacher, or one's senior. Is humbling oneself the same as enslaving oneself? How can we deal with the cultural gaps between Korea and the West, and also between Korea and her neighbors? How about the multitude piles of private law suit documents only seen in Korean archives?

If the term slave was justified for nobi because that they were bought and sold, should we not consider the other numerous cases of both worlds in which parents sold their children as 'servants' or 'governors' or by any other names, as well as Korean yangban who sold and bought status? Is it not too shortsighted view of nobi to jump into the definition 'slave' which therefore defies the complex of nobi class, before making cautious examinations in light of Confucian Chosŏn civilization? It is feared otherwise that the shortcomings of scholarship might remain in the inclination of treating fellow humans as less than humans.

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. This was written by a slave on behalf of the two parties. It goes against all common sense that slaves write a document which has potential to be legally binding. What does it imply in terms of their status in commercial activities?

2. Assuming English-speaking readership, can we reorganize and translate this document in a [https://www.lawdepot.com/contracts/sales-agreement-form/#.WWgxIYjyg2x typical English sale contract format] that comprises of title, nonoperative part, operative part, and signature, etc.

==='''Student 12 : (dohee joeng)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
how did slaves learn Chinese character

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-20T06:14:19Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1801년경주최씨자매명문.jpg
|English = A Document of Selling one’s person
|Chinese = 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1801.4713-20101008.B033a_050_00666_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1801년 용산서원(龍山書院) 수노(首奴) 우발(禹發) 자매명문(自賣明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 龍山書院首奴禹發
|Year = 1801
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

Introduction by Youngsuk Park

This document of "self-selling" is written in 1801 and related to Yongsan Academy which belonged to the Head House of Chŏngmugong of Kyŏngju Ch'oe clan. This is rarely-seen type of a document of a father 'selling' his two young daughters, and requires a close examination in light of the characteristics of the clan and its social and economic activities.

Yongsan Academy was a royally chartered private academy, dedicated to Ch'oe Chinlip (1568-1636), the military official patriot. The academy maintained and subjugated the surrounding land centered on Ch'oe family and the community relationships. Around the year 1800 there registered thirty boarding students ten more than originally designated number, and in 1801 the academy was called upon by the state to take care of official documents for Kyŏngju region. This is the year the abovementioned girls were received to the academy perhaps for increased need of helpers. Ch'oe family supported the academy to establish their family tradition of social contribution, noblesse oblige. The war refugees were allowed to stay in the academy, and needy families were given financial aids. To carry out the financial duties they had Sŏwŏnch'ŏng (書員廳, Office for Recording People)[1] headed by kojik (庫直, The keeper of storage). Among the financial dealings they included inspecting duty to examine poor debtors and to write off their obligations, if appropriate. This additional function of financial aid for the poor made Yongsan academy unlike the other academies whose typical functions were ancestral worship and education.

Inferred to such activities of Ch'oe clan's noblesse oblige, this document of 'self-selling' [or self-demolishing] is likewise the result of kojik's decision to write off for the debtor (the father) in hopeless (不得已) situation to give up his two daughters to earn their keep under the organization's custody.

[1] Sŏwŏnch'ŏng (書員廳) was the office space in which the nobi class workers convened to manage the supplement storage of Yongsan Academy for its financial activities. This office functioned just as today's people's bank to serve the commoners and nobi to loan cash or grains. The borrowers were then obligated to pay back the principle and interest in time.

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉慶六年辛酉二月二日龍山書院首奴禹介處明文

右明文事段矣亦多有院債而勢無報

償之道故不得已自己所生女件里進年十歲

二所生女件里德年七歲合二口身乙價折錢文

拾七兩儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣

爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記

告官卞正事

父先岩外

證庫直龍奉

筆執色金萬九

||

'''First Part (by Jong Woo):'''
The sixth year of Jiaqing (1801), second month, second day. The document to Ugae, the slave in chief of the Yongsan Academy. As to what this documents pertains, the reason [for the transaction] is that I have many debts to the academy and yet I have no means to repay them.

'''Middle Part (by Kim Young):''' Therefore, I cannot help but set the value of my ten-year-old daughter Geonlijin and my seven-year-old second daughter Geonlideok, two persons in total. I take seventeen 錢文 for them and the sale to the academy is...

'''Ending Part (by Ren Zhijun, Martin Gehlmann)'''
...permanent, should there be dispute at a later date, take this document and report to the authorities for justice to this matter.

[Seller] Father Amwi [Signed with fingerjoint]<ref> As the seller here seemed to be illiterate he signed the document by tracing his fingerjoints, which was to be identifiable at a later point </ref>

Witness Yongbong, Storage Keeper

Scribe Kim Mangu

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units do not correspond to Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

#2 A Document of Selling One's Person
1. In this document, the father states the reason for selling his two daughters as owing a great debt to the Yongsan Academy. But the document does not clarify either how much he owed or if the debt was entirely cleared with his selling of the two daughters. Given the unusually blurry language used in this contract document, could we possibly understand "owing to the Academy" not so much as owing a specific fiscal amount, but more as a rhetorical pretext for entrusting the daughters to the Academy?

#3 A Document of a Slave Selling Land to a Yangban

1. In this document,

#4 A Document of Trading a Slave with a Horse

1. How could Mrs. Kim claim ownership over the slave Jongnam, who was a descendant of a slave bought by the slave Jeongryeon (Mr. Kim's slave)? If a slave bought a slave, did the master have any ownership over the bought slave? If a slave could own another slave, then he could buy himself out by paying for his freedom with the slave he owned. Did the state have any legal measure to prevent this? Or, was "buying oneself out" a common practice which ensured some flexibility and class mobility?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Judging from the content of these documents, what was the role of nobi as part of state's economy? How much did the transactions that involved nobi account for (vs other selling/trading agreements)? Would it be possible to say that nobi were equal to one kind of commodity of particular value? <br />
2. What can we infer about the rights of nobi based on these texts? <br />
3. Was there a difference between male and female slaves in terms of their treatment and responsibilities? Was there a general perception at the time that male or female slaves have better life, or having a female or male slave is better for the household? Could we make a case that a female slave might be better off than male one? For example, in document #3, father is entrusting his daughters to serve the academy. Was it an example of extreme desperate case or the father really believed that his daughters would be better off?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Education and sacrificial rite are known to be the main functions of the private academies (''sǒwǒn''). In this document, Mr. Sǒn could not repay a debt that he had borrowed from the academy so he sold out his two daughters to the academy. If we think about it from the perspective of non-''yangban'' people, what might be the social and economic functions of ''sǒwǒn'' in local society? How did ''sǒwǒn'' affect the life of the commoners or slaves at that time?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

1) Was there any standard as to how to calculate the price of slaves in Choson Korea?

2) To what extent were the Sowons in charge of loaning system in late Choson? Didn't it bring about any disputes (or problems) in Choson society? (If so, are there any sources (e.g. pleas, appeals) for that?)

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Q-4. We can learned from the Document 4 that Jongnam was sold from a yangban family to a slave family. How would his fate would have been changed? Even though they were both called nobi, was there any different between yangban slaves and slave slaves?

Q-3. In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# For Document no.2: since the document does not specify that the two daughters were sold as slaves, what was the status of the daughters after the transaction? Were they slaves or remained as commoners? Are there other similar cases?
# For Document no.4: since the document was signed by Madame Kim and witnessed by (possibly) her relatives, would this be the case that Madame Kim managed her husband's family property as the widow of the deceased Yun Sahoe, considering that none of the Yun was represented?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is there any other place that a slave leaves his/her name in history other than contacts like this?

Are these contracts useful outside socio-economy history?

How does the "micro-history" discovered in the contracts help us construct a bigger picture of the Choson dynasty?

==='''Student 9 : 마틴'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. In Document 4, a horse is traded for a person. The quality of the horse is measured by its teeth(age), the worth of the slave is also decided by his age. We have seen before some categories employed to judge the worth of slaves (dumb, young, able, old). How about other characteristics or skills of the slaves? (strong, easily sick, can weave, likes to run away...etc.) Are there cases like this, or is a slave just a slave?

2. In Document 2, two daugthers are sold to an academy, in later Choson academies often served as the "unofficial" center of their respective localities. Considering that all public slaves are manumitted in the same year as the trade is conducted, how can we view this document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

2: Document of Selling One's Person 自賣明文

2-1. Are those 'sold' daughters becoming nobi, servants, or slaves? Which class did their father belong to? Was this father harassed by creditors and eventually cornered to give in? Did they need to make this 'sold' document for some reason? [as we could imagine that in many cases children were 'given away' for their own good in some inevitable circumstances such as starvation or living with an alcoholic single parent, but without a cruel legal document such as this one]

2-2. As to the culture of Chosŏn society, selling is one of the most despised human activities as indicated in the word 士農工商 which classifies human works from high to low: scholar, farmer, manufacturer, and seller. Therefore, 'selling' is not simply financial activities as it sounds in English. The translated word may not convey the implications but mislead the meaning. In particular for the rare case as this one -- a father 'selling' his daughters-- the translation of the word 賣 needs even more cautious considerations. Could the word 'self-selling' be replaced by 'self-demolishing' to be more precise to convey the meaning based on the Chosŏn culture?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: 1. What roles does the state play in these documents? 2. How does the state contribute toward the endurance of "slavery" in Joseon society?

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

2017-07-20T06:11:47Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1494년이애남매화회문기1.jpg|
|English = A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae
|Chinese = 1494年李璦男妹和會文記
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1494년 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 李瑺, 李瑋, 李氏, 李琜, 李(玉+束), 李瑽, 李氏, 李璦, 李玖
|Year = 1494
|Key Concepts= Neo-Confucianism, Gender, Property, Inheritance
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기2.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(2)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기3.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(3)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(全)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿

咸安婢道里莊六所生婢內隱今年八十一同婢三所生奴姜萬年五十三所生婢小斤德年四十五同婢二所生婢吉德年二十二三所生奴

丁山年十八四所生婢燕非年十五婢吉德一所生婢同德年三▣▣▣▣▣▣(奴火伊良妻所)生婢彔中年三十二同婢一所生奴家都致年▣▣▣▣▣▣▣(九婢仇叱德二所生)

婢貴今年四十九同婢三所生奴米伊年四婢閏德一所生奴▣…▣▣▣▣▣(年十四婢)▣…▣所生奴加音伊年八婢月今二所生婢順▣▣▣▣▣▣(德年六京中婢)

古邑之五所生婢古非年五十七奴莫三良妻二所生奴今▣…▣十三同婢一所生奴貴孫年四十婢▣…

奴亇頓年四十婢命吉二所生婢石乙非年四十五▣…▣回年四三所生奴年二奴龍金良妻▣▣▣(一所生)

奴銀同年二十三婢者斤一所生奴走叱同年四婢卵今二所生婢▣▣年二十二婢▣▣▣一所生奴石崇年▣十婢內隱伊二所生奴▣▣▣▣(石伊年二)

十六婢夫成二所生婢同今年三十三三所生奴仇等伊年二十七婢同今一所生奴孫同年七二所生奴孫山年四婢小斤阿只二所生放役婢

守今年三十九婢亏叱今三所生婢永老年十三婢終今二所生奴種從年十奴加外四所生婢終今年四十八金浦婢孝道二所生婢强非年二十三

同婢一所生婢安非年五任實婢孝德一所生奴欣孫年四十三所生婢今之年三十五四所生婢粉之年二十七同婢一所生婢延之年七婢今之一所生

婢洪非年六二所生奴年四奴李存良妻二所生婢龍今年十八婢龍德一所生奴年四婢訥斤三所生奴金伊同年十七四所生婢件里今▣(年)

六婢粉加一所生婢年二臨津婢銀德二所生奴佛金年三十三婢白隱莊一所生婢白隱之年三十五婢玉非三所生奴玉屯年二十五伊川婢

長命二所生婢玉梅年六十五同婢三所生奴勿金年二十六婢毛老非一所▣(生)奴金山改名末乙金年二十七婢仲德一所生婢松阿之年十二朔寧婢▣(玉)

非一所生婢玉今年四十二靈光婢古音未一所生奴莫金年七十三婢小非二所生奴龍萬年三十海美婢莫莊三所生奴遠伊年五十五奴長命二

所生婢卜非年三十九康津婢孝道三所生奴莫金年五十七同奴良妻四所生奴姜守年九咸興婢順非四所生婢守非年六奴謁同三所生婢連

今年十七定平婢仍邑隱五所生奴仇叱金年二十一六所生奴仇叱同年十九奴訖斤五所生婢莫德年四十婢三月一所生奴金山年十三二所生婢▣

德年九虎溪婢李德三所生奴崔山年三十九三陟婢小斤召史二所生奴朴大年四十七奴仇里大良妻四所生婢古春年三江陵羽溪婢德

之三所生婢內隱加年四十七婢內隱今二所生婢年三延安婢▣▣(長壽)五所生婢於里加年六十九白川奴莫松良妻一所生婢延臺年十鳳山婢欣

生三所生婢都叱加年三十同婢二所生婢年六八莒奴崔山良妻一所生奴終山年十三所生奴年一密陽婢內隱伊一所生婢眞珠年

四十一河陽婢玉來二所生奴玉萬年四十九珍島婢內隱月一所生奴三龍年三十七星州婢傾國二所生奴銀山年十四永川婢千德一所生奴千同年

十九二所生婢貴德年十四草溪奴命存良妻二所生婢談德年十五奴李生二所生奴銀同年十六開城婢今伊四所生奴末乙孫年十三振威婢玉今▣

所生婢姜德年十七咸從婢小全一所生婢義非年二十慶源奴哲山良妻四所生奴玉只年一鏡城奴巨乙金良妻三所生奴石乙山年六明川婢龍

今二所生婢收養非年一光陽奴終守良妻五所生婢石非年二十三順川奴禿同良妻一所生奴石乙伊年十七咸興婢叔今一所生婢乃斤乃年▣

十四同婢二所生婢內隱台年十三印

二男從仕郞李瑋衿

京中婢仇德一所生婢貴非年四十二同婢二所生奴山守年十六三所生婢同叱德年十二四所生奴敬孫年七婢小斤阿只三所生奴守山年三十六

婢孫莊一所生婢訥斤年五十九婢小斤知二所生婢石乙非年三十同婢一所生奴巨叱金年七二所生婢哲今年一婢獻德三所生婢卜非年二十九同

婢一所生婢卜代年五二所生婢孝道年二婢仇未一所生奴芿叱同年三十一同奴良妻一所生婢芿叱德年四二所生奴虛叱文伊年二婢竹非一所生

婢於乙非年二十二婢孝今三所生婢貴今年十八婢終今一所生婢長今年二十三婢仍邑德一所生奴權孫年四婢亏叱今六所生婢於邑知年三婢

性非一所生奴加叱同年三十九奴介同良妻一所生婢丹之年五十八婢性非一所生奴卜中年三十八金浦婢注之一所生婢孝道年四十九同婢一所生

奴禿同年二十六楊州婢良衣德五所生婢莫今年五臨津婢其每二所生奴今音同年四十二三所生婢萬德年四十婢善今二所生婢芿叱非年

九三所生婢芿叱加年六婢銀德三所生奴佛衆年三十奴勿金二所生婢銀非年七積城婢白莊二所生奴番其年二十六若木婢小斤德二所生▣

今音夫伊改名檢佛年二十二五所生奴者古未年十四婢莫非一所生婢夫貴年四十三奴難金良妻一所生奴玉山年二十星州婢傾國三所生奴

年六婢老里加所生放役奴牛未致年七十八莒婢宝全一所生婢龍今年五十三婢召史三所生奴加介年二十六山陽奴尙伊良妻二所生婢賓

今年九高靈婢者斤召史三所生婢莫德年三十二永川婢黃珍伊一所生婢金德年五十二虎溪婢双非改名三德一所生婢三非年十六光陽

奴終守良妻七所生奴莫金年十七咸安婢四月二所生奴火伊年六十一婢德非一所生婢則今年三十六婢月娟二所生奴石乙金年十三婢犬伊一

所生婢年一南海奴金萬良妻一所生婢晋非年二十六奴哲同良妻三所生奴允孫年十八四所生婢黃玉年十六黃澗婢內隱月二所生奴

開金年三十四康津婢孝道一所生奴姜元年六十七二所生奴姜金改名士義年六十二奴孝生良妻三所生奴仇里年十四全州婢佛德二所生奴月

千年三十一同奴二所生婢今終年四珍島奴萬山良妻一所生奴萬同年十九尼山婢多勿沙里一所生婢入沙里年五海美奴長命良妻三所生婢

卜珍伊年三十六咸興婢貴今二所生婢斤非年十二奴龍吉良妻二所生奴貴山年三十四奴每邑吐里良妻三所生婢金今年二十六同婢一所生婢

同非年六奴末應仇知良妻二所生婢小斤德年四十婢琴瑟一所生婢勿金年十婢順非六所生奴年一甲山奴長孫良妻二所生奴玉同年四安邊

奴莫只良妻四所生奴順伊年三十奴銀丁良妻一所生奴貴石年七三陟婢夫田一所生奴松山年四十八婢仍邑德一所生奴於應同年十二順川婢卜德一

所生奴春山年四十五婢莫德一所生奴先山年四寧邊奴莫同良妻一所生婢古音德年十三婢宝背三所生婢亡德年十四印

長女前行副司猛尹化溟妻李氏衿

京中婢阿乙吾之四所生婢性今年五十三同婢一所生婢貴非年二十七二所生婢同伊年十六三所生婢本都只年十一婢貴非一所生婢阿望年四婢

甫乙松二所生奴彭公年二十七婢無心一所生奴犬伊年十六婢亏叱今二所生婢豆田年十五婢德今一所生婢西德年二十五婢春德二所生奴柴孔

年十四婢莫德一所生奴崔連年五十五婢卵乙知二所生放役婢無作今年二十六婢小斤阿只二所生奴千同年二十九舒川婢德伊一所生婢卵

今年四十二同婢一所生婢仇叱德年二十六四所生婢莫西非年十二奴佛排良妻一所生奴京山年十九海美婢卜加三所生奴年二楊州婢

內隱伊一所生婢良衣德年四十五同婢四所生奴碩同年六奴長命所生奴莫同年二十三臨津婢四月一所生奴遠金年六十八婢善今一所生婢

芿叱德年十三婢萬德四所生婢莫非年三積城奴吾莊二所生婢年臨江奴於乙非大良妻六所生奴守命年二十七振威婢於里德一所生

婢無心年十五婢四桂二所生奴碩石乙伊年十九虎溪奴於乙非大二所生婢水淸年三十八婢守德三所生婢三德年三十五若木奴林福良

妻二所生奴佛生年二十九婢小莊一所生婢小斤德年五十四婢冬非二所生奴銀同年十八莒婢召史一所生奴崔山年三十四草溪婢亏同三所

生奴無里同年二十五婢卜只二所生奴欣山年四十七奴命存四所生奴李先年七安康婢今音德一所生婢豆於里年二十二所生婢小非年十四

咸安婢八月三所生婢小斤召史年六十婢貴今一所生婢犬伊年二十一婢月非一所生婢佛非年一任實婢佛德三所生婢月今年二十七同婢

一所生婢孝德二所生奴金孫年三十七康津婢欣加二所生奴乙夫年五十四奴莫金良妻一所生婢永德年二十一同婢一所生婢年六

二所生羅州奴鐵山良妻所生奴牛叱同年三十一益山奴同叱三四所生婢每邑加年六十二安邊奴莫只良妻一所生奴銀丁年三十九同奴

良妻二所生奴貴珍年五奴莫只五所生婢新今年二十二婢莫德二所生奴今音豆伊年六咸興奴龍吉良妻三所生奴貴生年三十二奴謁同

良妻五所生奴連孫年十一奴松介良妻一所生婢松非年五婢玉德二所生婢年一奴豆乙彦良妻六所生婢老里加年五十六婢閑今一所生

奴李山年二十六文川任內龍津婢丹陽一所生婢貴今年六十五定平婢莫加一所生奴貴同年四十婢仍邑隱一所生婢三月年三十四三所生奴

石柱年二十五同奴良妻一所生奴年一慶源奴哲山良妻三所生奴都也之年七鏡城婢莫只十一所生婢莫德年五十七甲山奴長孫

良妻三所生婢玉德年二婢銀珠二所生婢銀今年十四江陵婢內隱加一所生婢內隱莊改名內隱今年二十三同婢一所生婢內隱非▣▣(年七)三

陟奴仇里大良妻三所生婢叱同三年六咸從奴川龍良妻一所生婢小全年四十七江西婢宝文一所生奴者斤同年四十六朔寧奴末乙

巾良妻二所生婢檢德年十一印

三男將仕郞李琜衿

京中婢心方二所生婢春德年三十八同婢一所生婢烏梅年十五婢宝代四所生婢莫之年二十八同婢一所生奴石孫年六婢仲非二所生奴孫山

年二十六婢夫成一所生放役奴同伊年三十六婢三月一所生放役奴都致年五十二婢加也之二所生婢閏德年二十六婢小斤阿只五所生奴守同年

二十三婢從伊七所生婢莫只年十二婢彔德三所生婢終今年五十三臨津婢銀德一所生奴勿金年三十七楊州婢良衣德三所生婢碩今

年十四振威婢玉今五所生奴莫山年十二六所生婢安今年三婢於里德二所生婢無加里年安城婢七月四所生婢中秋年三十七尼山奴▣

里金良妻所生婢永伊年五十二同婢三所生婢多勿沙里年二十五舒川婢松伊一所生奴金大年七十婢卵乙今二所生奴眞山年二十二伊川

婢玉梅二所生婢仲德年三十一婢長命三所生奴玉山年六十四延安婢順加一所生婢甫中加伊年三十五奴金禾良妻一所生奴甘音山年十三四所

生婢春德年三任實婢孝德五所生婢粉加年二十五六所生奴元孫年二十三婢內隱加五所生奴亡龍年五十八康津婢則只六所生婢莫德年

三十四全州奴月千良妻一所生奴月同年十珍島奴三龍三所生婢而非年六咸安奴鄭夫良妻二所生奴鄭善年二十三婢四月三所生婢德非年

五十八婢貴今二所生奴家同年十八山陽奴道者三所生奴尙伊年三十八密陽奴李元良妻▣(一)所生婢內隱伊年六十四虎溪奴李萬良妻一所生

李文年十六婢水淸一所生婢双今年六婢卜守二所生婢莫德年十五永川婢千德三所生奴貴山年十草溪婢永守三所生奴牛未致年三十▣(八)

若木奴林福良妻一所生婢林德年四十三星州奴石乙山良妻一所生婢李德年二十七婢小斤召史所生婢末乙今年二十七奴金卜只二所生

婢年一婢傾國一所生奴玉山年十七婢古勿伊一所生年二興陽婢者斤二所生奴光金年三十安邊婢守明一所生婢玉今年

十一二所生奴重石年九奴莫只良妻二所生奴金同年三十六六所生婢莫今年十九奴銀丁良妻三所生奴貴知年二咸興奴龍吉四所生

奴貴忠年三十一婢泉今五所生婢斤非年十六奴謁同六所生奴莫孫年十婢古音德六所生奴泉龍年五十八婢金今二所生年

四婢老里加三所生婢內隱非年十八婢閑今二所生婢龍今年十四奴龍吉良妻五所生奴松介年二十六富寧婢春花八所生奴孟▣(同)

年十五定平婢莫德三所生婢件里德年八慶源奴哲山良妻二所生婢玉今年十二明川婢龍今一所生婢走伊今年六鏡城奴巨乙金

良妻四所生奴年一寧遠奴豆乙彦良妻一所生婢朴莊年十六江西奴者斤同良妻四所生奴義存年八順川奴春山良妻二所生婢順今年▣▣(五印)

四男李{玉+束}衿

京中婢內隱伊一所生婢佛今年四十二同婢二所生奴佛山年九三所生奴季同年五四所生奴莫山年一婢宝全三所生婢四德年二十九婢終

今四所生婢臺加年八婢月非四所生婢從伊年五十一同婢一所生奴春同年三十三五所生奴順斤年十九婢亏叱今四所生婢貴欣年▣

婢春花一所生奴貴孫年三十八婢亏同二所生婢仍邑德年三十六婢古非一所生放役婢猪非年十八婢都致四所生放役婢無心年五十八

婢守如今二所生奴末乙柱年一咸興婢獻德四所生婢四月年十八七所生婢今之年十二奴今音松五所生婢萬德年五十三奴龍吉良妻一所

生婢貴今年四十四奴泉龍良妻五所生婢玉之年十六婢小斤德三所生奴貴{宀+失}年十三四所生奴無豆里年二婢貴今三所生奴今同年八婢琴

瑟二所生婢豆應今年六奴松介良妻二所生婢年婢泉今四所生婢今知年二十定平婢三月二所生奴徽孫改名叔孫年十六端

川婢金莊二所生婢卜非三十六寧遠奴龍已良妻一所生婢宝背年五十五安邊婢莫德一所生奴石乙金年十三鏡城婢延非四所生奴末

應金年二十四婢卜只一所生奴石同年四十九文川婢內隱伊二所生婢莫德年三十三慶源奴哲山良妻一所生婢粉今年十三永興奴亏▣

亇良妻四所生奴哲京年十九江西奴者斤同良妻二所生婢大德年二十二郭山奴長守良妻一所生婢若非年三十一順川奴元奉良妻二所生

奴加叱同年五十二同奴一所生婢莫德年二十七靈光婢小非三所生婢內隱今年二十一任實婢性非二所生奴欣山年五十六同奴良妻一所生▣

金孫年五婢亏同一所生奴李存年四十五同奴良妻三所生奴李忠年十四四所生婢存非年九五所生婢吾音之年六益山婢甘莊四所生

奴吉生年五十康津奴莫金良妻二所生奴自明年十七星州婢其每三所生奴億守年二十六奴石乙山良妻二所生奴石柱年十七婢小非四所生

奴金卜只年二十九虎溪婢守德二所生婢卜守年四十一婢李德一所生奴內隱同年四十八婢水淸二所生婢正月年三若木婢小斤德一所生

婢冬非年三十四同婢四所生婢金今年五婢林德二所生奴件里同年十咸安奴卵山良妻一所生婢月娟年三十九奴今音金良妻一所生

奴北間年四八莒奴崔山良妻二所生婢夫今年五延安婢月非一所生奴禿同年四十二婢內隱伊二所生婢內隱文伊年十三奴金禾良妻▣(三)

所生婢貴德年六白川奴莫松二所生婢永今年七尼山婢永伊四所生奴金伊同年二十舒川婢德伊二所生奴佛排年三十八海美奴長▣(命)

良妻四所生奴每邑同年三十臨津婢其每一所生奴檢佛年五十四婢石乙今三所生奴哲同年十六楊州婢加叱加一所生奴下通年三十八利川

婢冬白一所生婢命吉年六十六三陟奴仇里大良妻二所生奴同叱金年十四海美奴每邑同一所生奴年二印

五男李瑽衿

京中婢夫成五所生奴無作只年二十二婢訥斤一所生婢栢伊年三十一婢內隱伊四所生婢加德年六婢亏叱今一所生婢舍非年二十四同婢一所

生婢末乙石年三婢甫乙松四所生奴今孫年十七婢玉梅一所生奴吳山年二十八婢性非四所生奴目隱同年二十四婢石乙非一所生奴牛叱同年▣▣

三利川婢冬白六所生奴麻老年四十九婢七月二所生婢孝養年四十六同婢三所生奴馬叱同年十四四所生奴年六臨津婢者斤一所生

婢善今年三十三婢萬德三所生婢守今年七奴勿金良妻三所生婢銀莊年五婢三月一所生奴北間年六楊州婢良衣德一所生婢每邑之年

十九安城奴金千良妻三所生奴者斤吾乙未年二十八咸安婢仇叱德四所生婢貴德年四十二同婢三所生婢加音勿加伊年九五所生奴佛乙加年

三婢月今一所生婢順非年十二南海奴哲同良妻五所生奴玉壽年十四八莒奴衆伊良妻二所生奴行眞年六十三婢龍今一所生奴能孫年

二十五二所生婢春代年十八草溪奴命存良妻一所生婢吾今年十七婢性仇之一所生婢性今年四十二奴豆里大良妻三所生婢莫非年三十▣(九)

虎溪婢卜守三所生婢莫今年十四所生奴間都未年五奴李萬良妻二所生婢文非年九婢三德三所生奴年一若木婢小斤德三所生奴於里

同年十九婢若德一所生放役奴命山年四十一婢梅花一所生婢衆生年六十六同婢一所生婢石今年四十四婢亏斤五所生婢吉非年十六婢夫叱實

一所生奴末乙同年六十奴難金二所生奴玉石年十五山陰婢亏巨之二所生奴銀同年三十二婢粉伊三所生奴今音石年星州婢李德一所生

婢年二密陽婢眞珠二所生奴玉連年十六任實婢孝德九所生婢彔今年十六婢莫只二所生奴象伊年二十一婢訥斤二所生婢加知

年十八康津奴訥山良妻二所生奴訥達年十七婢莫德二所生奴義同年十珍島婢小斤一所生婢玉生年六十二婢虫介所生奴萬山年四十三奴

三龍四所生年二靈光婢小非一所生奴於吐里年三十六海美奴長命一所生婢卜加年三十八伊川婢仲德三所生婢莫非年七明川奴金彔良

妻七所生婢終伊年二十七咸興奴每邑吐里良妻一所生奴謁同年四十五二所生奴謁金年三十六奴今音松九所生婢順非年三十八同婢五所生奴叔▣

年四婢今知一所生婢銀臺年一婢老里加伊一所生奴金叱同改名孫同年三十一定平婢仍邑德八所生婢莫非年十一婢三月三所生婢▣…

年四婢三月五所生奴處同年二文川婢莫德一所生奴年十四鏡城婢莫德四所生奴今孫年二十江界奴双龍良妻六所生婢加也之年

四十九江西奴者斤同五所生年一印

二女從仕郞李熙妻李氏衿

京中婢哲今一所生婢波獨年四十二同婢一所生婢宝背年二十六二所生奴億同年二十三所生奴億山年十八婢宝背一所生婢淡之年三二所生

婢二非年一奴卵山良妻三所生婢今音知年三十婢今伊二所生婢栗伊年二十四五所生奴五十同年七婢孝生三所生婢地莊年二十婢今

月二所生奴貴民年二十八奴於乙非大良妻七所生奴雪山年二十二婢召史一所生婢今伊年十七婢其每二所生奴石乙仇知年三十八三所生放役奴▣(卜)

大年三十五婢小斤阿只一所生放役婢亏叱今年四十一同婢五所生婢於如年五婢宝代一所生婢卵今年五十四同婢三所生奴銀孫年十

九婢甫乙松三所生婢於▣…▣今年二十四金浦婢注之二所生婢甘勿年四十二珍島婢都里加二所生奴亡吐里年五十九積城奴吾莊良妻

一所生奴閏同年四草溪婢小莊一所生奴興守年六十七婢今音珍四所生奴命存年四十三江西奴於火金一所生婢遠時年四十全州奴

月千良妻三所生婢年二定平婢莫德一所生婢李德年二十婢三月一所生奴竹山年十八海美婢卜加一所生婢衆生年十婢卜非一所

生奴貴孫年十六鳳山婢都叱加一所生婢羅火大年八任實婢禿德二所生奴莫同年四十三奴金孫良妻一所生奴難孫年八三所生▣…

…▣年二咸興奴泉龍良妻四所生婢玉德年二十五同婢一所生奴末乙孫年四奴末應仇知良妻一所生奴獻德年五十一婢順非三所生

奴叔同年十三奴貴山良妻一所生婢今伊年十一婢泉今六所生奴哲孫年十五永川婢小莊二所生婢千德年五十一婢每邑德一所生奴亡吾

之年三十五安邊奴毛知里良妻三所生奴守達年三十七五所生婢春月年三十四鏡城奴巨乙金良妻二所生婢卜今年十一婢玉今二所生婢

白德年四十六臨津婢卜加一所生婢銀德年七十婢萬德一所生婢萬今年十六婢石乙今二所生奴閏同年十九奴勿金良妻四所生婢年一

延安婢於里加五所生婢內隱伊年三十七同婢一所生奴上佐年十六振威婢亏音加二所生奴李山年二十九星州婢老里加三所生婢古物伊年

四十婢今音都致三所生婢小斤召史年六十七長興婢則只五所生奴長未年四十六伊川婢長命六所生奴吾乙亇同年四十八婢仲德四所生奴莫

松年二明川奴金彔三所生婢龍今年三十九婢龍德一所生奴吾伊同年十光陽奴終守良妻二所生奴石從年三十三三所生婢石今年

三十若木婢冬非三所生婢今德年八舒川婢卵今三所生婢石伊年十九八莒婢龍今三所生奴連孫年八康津婢莫德三所生奴義山年

六寧遠奴末乙金良妻三所生奴莫同年二十四奴莫同良妻二所生婢古音之年八咸安婢貴德四所生婢黃犬伊年六印

六男李璦衿

京中婢金德一所生婢內隱伊年五十四婢仲非一所生婢孫非年二十九同婢一所生奴難同年七二所生奴閏同年二婢元萬三所生放役婢

自才年六十婢小斤阿只四所生婢守如今年二十五同婢一所生奴巨叱金年二婢從伊六所生奴順伊年十五婢栢伊三所生婢石乙德年五婢守

命一所生奴甘吐里年六十三婢春德三所生婢錦春年十婢四德一所生奴金孫年三臨津婢者斤召史二所生婢石乙今年五十四婢所生婢

三月年三十五奴勿金良妻一所生婢內隱非年十二朔寧婢長命五所生奴末乙巾年五十七同奴良妻一所生奴檢山年十三積城婢今音加六所生婢

白莊年五十一同婢一所生奴吾莊年二十九振威婢玉今二所生婢仲今年二十一婢於里德三所生奴貴山年舒川婢卵今五所生婢仇之年五

奴金大良妻一所生婢玉只年二十四虎溪婢卜守一所生婢卜德年二十一婢延伊三所生奴豆乙彦年六十六婢李德五所生奴竝同年三十三若木婢

小斤德四所生婢順今年十六婢冬非一所生奴金孫年十五婢林德一所生奴明山年十五星州婢其每二所生婢傾城年三十二同婢一所生婢傾

今年二婢末乙今一所生奴千連年三奴金卜只良妻一所生婢今德年三草溪奴命存良妻三所生奴李孫年十五所生年一永川婢牧丹三

所生婢延非年六十七山陽奴尙伊良妻一所生奴賓伊年十一晋州婢金德一所生奴裵京年六十咸安奴鄭夫一所生婢碧桃年二十九奴金龍

二所生奴千金年十八蔚山婢介莊三所生婢者斤召史年四十六珍島奴三龍良妻二所生婢四非年九南原奴李存良妻一所生婢龍德年二十五

任實婢孝德七所生奴元金年二十婢訥斤一所生放役奴玉同年三十一康津奴莫金良妻三所生奴豆含年十四白川婢莫加三所生奴莫松

年三十同奴良妻三所生奴山伊年三延安奴金禾良妻二所生婢甘音德年九婢內隱伊四所生婢檢崇年八婢於里加四所生奴目隱大年四十一

定平婢仍邑隱七所生奴興山年十五婢莫德二所生婢李台年十二四所生奴李孫年四婢三月三所生奴叔珍年十二四所生奴處山年五慶

源婢佛台三所生奴哲山年四十三咸興奴今音松良妻八所生奴順右年四十四婢萬德二所生婢斤非年十五奴泉龍良妻三所生奴玉同

年二十七奴謁同良妻二所生奴連山年二十二奴松介良妻三所生婢年二婢老里加二所生奴金伊同年二十九安邊奴莫只良妻

三所生婢守明年三十三同婢三所生婢重德年六婢粉德五所生婢莫德年四十三明川婢龍德二所生婢古音之年二三陟婢小斤召

史三所生奴仇里大年四十伊川婢長命四所生婢毛老非年五十八婢玉今一所生婢玉德年十六咸從奴川龍良妻二所生奴檢知年四

十五順川奴末應達良妻二所生奴李存年四十舒川婢玉只一所生年二定平奴末乙金二所生婢三月年三十一印

七男李玖衿

京中婢宝背三所生奴檢佛年四十八婢大非一所生奴孝孫年十九婢今音都致四所生婢加隱非年六十五婢從伊八所生奴莫同年九婢

於里加三所生奴亡吾之年四十五六所生婢莫今年三十婢仍邑隱二所生婢銀非年三十三婢卵乙今四所生婢加知今年十六婢今音知一所生

婢卜非年十一婢白隱德四所生婢欣非年三十八婢內隱伊三所生婢件里年十一婢栢伊一所生奴黃孫年十一四所生婢奏巨伊年三婢

春德四所生奴李石年四咸安奴卵山良妻二所生婢月今年三十四四所生奴今音金年二十八同奴良妻二所生奴古間年二婢月

娟一所生婢月非年二十二婢彔中二所生婢都德年五三所生奴都山年一任實婢孝德八所生婢金伊今年十八長興婢金德一所生

奴貴生年二十五虎溪婢守德四所生奴莫乃年二十五婢雙非二所生婢石乙非年十二咸興婢貴今一所生婢卜非年二十四同婢一所生奴金伊

萬年四婢獻德五所生奴仇叱同年十五婢甘同二所生奴每邑山改名孟山年三十四婢小斤德二所生婢虫介年十六延安婢於里加一所生奴金

禾年五十一婢內隱伊三所生婢六月年十五所生奴李孫年二婢月非二所生奴勿金年二十八臨津奴同三良妻一所生奴仲萬年五十八婢白

隱之一所生奴銀從年三臨江奴守命良妻一所生婢鄭非年三奴於乙非大良妻八所生奴終山年十三定平奴訖斤二所生婢仍邑隱年

五十四同婢九所生婢莫今年六八莒奴衆伊二所生婢召史年五十八安邊婢春月二所生婢春非年十五婢莫德三所生奴都致年三伊

川婢仲德二所生婢於能▣(牛)年十明川奴金彔良妻二所生奴金龍年四十一四所生婢龍德年三十九三陟奴松山良妻一所生婢仍邑

德年二十四奴仇里大良妻五所生婢年一海美婢卜加二所生婢本都只年七星州奴石乙山良妻三所生婢卜非年十三婢性非

所生婢其每年五十二原州婢莫今一所生奴昌孫年十八丹城婢牧丹一所生奴斤重年四十七永川婢德莊一所生婢古春四十四草

溪婢者斤一所生婢今音德年六十振威婢亏音加一所生放役婢於里德年四十三婢其每一所生婢玉今年四十三同婢四所生奴莫同

年十四開城奴仇石所生婢今伊年五十五甲山婢銀珠一所生奴長孫年十八寧遠奴朴哲二所生奴莫同年四十五鏡城婢莫德一所生奴

巨乙金年三十一若木婢冬非五所生奴金哲年一江西奴者斤同良妻一所生奴大同年二十四尼山婢永伊五所生奴仁卜年十五光陽奴從守

良妻六所生婢莫德年二十山陽奴尙伊良妻三所生奴屯伊年七珍島奴三龍良妻一所生奴四同年十三楊州婢良衣德二所生奴每

邑山年十六南海婢金德三所生奴裵中山年五十五康津婢白隱莊二所生奴白隱金年二十印

此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆

父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事

幼學李 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

李 [着名][署押]

幼學李 [着名][署押]

將仕郞李 [着名][署押]

筆執承義副尉前行副司猛尹 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

宣務郞前工曺佐郞李 [着名][署押]

}}

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿
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(Introduction)<br />
The seventh year of Hongzhi (1494), sixth month, twenty-seventh day. The unanimous (agreement) [on property distribution] among siblings born of the same mother. ([Property] endowed by parents) as well as specially-acquired endowment <ref>Separately-acquired property by children from their parents for particular achievements, such as passing examinations, etc. </ref> (to be calculated and equally distributed for each share) in accordance with law. <ref>經國大典, basic constitutional code of Chosŏn.</ref><br />
All-comprehensive record for each share is for our children and grandchildren to pass down and carry out for a long time and use in cases of employing slaves. Slaves in charge of tomb management, male slave Kŭmsan, male slave Mangŏji, male slave Ch’ŏndong and the rest were exempt from tribute. Like other slaves who are exempt from tribute have them each rely on their own share.<br />
I will designate a male slave Chŏngbu from Haman and a male slave younger Olmi from Ansŏng and the rest as superintendents of the tombs. Descendants according to each share will employ slaves as outlined in the contents of this document.<br />
For any reason if there is a dispute among each other report to the government office to resolve and straighten out the matters.<br />

(Part 2)
<br />Sixth Son Yi Ae’s Inheritance
<br />At the capital, female slave’s first born female slave Naeŭni, aged 54.
<br />Female slave Chungbi’s first born female slave Sonbi, aged 29;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Nandong, aged 7;
<br />Second born male slave Yundong, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Wŏnman’s third born female slave (exempted from tribute) Chajae, aged 60.
<br />Female slave Sogŭnaji’s fourth born female slave Suyŏgŭm, aged 25;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Kŏjilgŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Chongi’s sixth born male slave Suni, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Paegi’s third born female slave Sŏgŭldŏk, aged 5.
<br />Female slave Sumyŏng’s first born male slave Kamt'oi, aged 63.
<br />Female slave Ch'undŏk’s third born female slave Kŭmch'un, aged 10.
<br />Female slave Sadŏk’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 3.
<br />At Imjin, female slave Chagŭnsosa’s second born female slave Sŏgŭlgŭm, aged 54.
<br />Female slave [?]’s [?] born female slave Samwŏl, aged 35.
<br />Male slave Mulgŭm’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Naeŭnbi, aged 12.
<br />At Sangnyŏng<ref>the old name for Ryŏnch'ŏn 漣川 in Kyŏnggi Province and Ch'ŏrwŏn 鐵原 in Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fifth born male slave Marŭlgŏn, aged 57;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Kŏmsan, aged 13.
<br />At Chŏksŏng<ref>the old name for P'aju 坡州 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmga’s sixth born female slave Paekchang, aged 51;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Ojang, aged 29.
<br />At Chinwi<ref>the old name for P'yŏngt'aek 平澤 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Okkŭm’s second born female slave Chunggŭm, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Ǒidŏk’s third born male slave Kwisan, aged [?].
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Ch'ungch'ŏng Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Ran'gŭm’s fifth born female slave Kuji, aged 5.
<br />Male slave Kŭmdae’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Okchi, aged 24.
<br />At Hogye<ref>the old name for Mun'gyŏng 聞慶 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poksu’s first born female slave Poktŏk, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Yŏni’s third born male slave Tuŭrŏn, aged 66.
<br />Female slave Idŏk’s fifth born male slave Pyŏngdong, aged 33.
<br />At Yangmok<ref>the old name for Ch'ilgok 漆谷 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭndŏk’s fourth born female slave Sun'gŭm, aged 16.
<br />Female slave Tongbi’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Rimdŏk’s first born male slave Myŏngsan, aged 15.
<br />At Sŏngju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kimae’s second born female slave Kyŏngsŏng, aged 32;
<br />Same female slave’s first born female slave Kyŏnggŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Marŭlgŭm’s first born male slave Ch'ŏllyŏn, aged 3.
<br />Male slave Kŭmbokchi’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Kŭmdŏk, aged 3.
<br />At Ch'ogye<ref>the old name for Hapch'ŏn 陜川 in South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Myŏngjon’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Ison, aged 10;
<br />Fifth born [?] slave [?], aged 1.
<br />At Yŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Moktan’s third born female slave Yŏnbi, aged 67.
<br />At Sanyang<ref>also an old name for Mun'gyŏng</ref>, male slave Sangi’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Pini, aged 11.
<br />At Chinju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmdŏk’s first born male slave Paegyŏng, aged 60.
<br />At Haman<ref>in nowadays central part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea </ref>, male slave Chŏngbu’s first born female slave Pyŏkto, aged 29.
<br />Male slave Kŭmnyong’s second born male slave Ch'ŏn'gŭm, aged 18.
<br />At Ulsan, female slave Kaejang’s third born female slave Chagŭnsosa, aged 46.
<br />At Chindo<ref>an island off the coast of nowadays South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Samnyong’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Sabi, aged 9.
<br />At Namwŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Ijon’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Ryongdŏk, aged 25.
<br />At Imsil<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Hyodŏk’s seventh born male slave Wŏn'gŭm, aged 20.
<br />Female slave Nulgŭn’s first born male slave (exempted from tribute) Oktong, aged 31.
<br />At Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Makkŭm’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Tuham, aged 14.
<br />At Paekch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Makka’s third born male slave Maksong, aged 30;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Sani, aged 3.
<br />At Yŏnan<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Kŭmhwa’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Kamŭmdŏk, aged 9.
<br />Female slave Naeŭni’s forth born female slave Kŏmsung, aged 8.
<br />Female slave Ǒiga’s forth born male slave Mogŭndae, aged 41.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ingŭbŭn’s seventh born male slave Hŭngsan, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Maktŏk’s second born female slave It'ae, aged 12;
<br />Forth born male slave Ison, aged 4.
<br />Female slave Samwŏl’s third born male slave Sukchin, aged 12;
<br />Fourth born male slave Ch'ŏsan, aged 5.
<br />At Kyŏngwŏn<ref>in North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Pult'ae’s third born male slave Ch'ŏlssan, aged 43.
<br />At Hamhŭng, male slave Kŭmŭmsong’s commoner wife’s eighth born male slave Sunu, aged 44.
<br />Female slave Mandŏk’s second born female slave Kŭnbi, aged 15.
<br />Male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Oktong, aged 27.
<br />Male slave Tongnyang’s commoner wife second born Ryŏnsan, aged 22.
<br />Male slave Songgae’s commoner wife third born female slave [?], aged 2.
<br />Female slave Noiga’s second born male slave Kŭmidong, aged 29.
<br />At Anbyŏn<ref>in nowadays northern part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Makchi’s commoner wife’s third female slave Sumyŏng, aged 33;
<br />Same female slave’s third born female slave Chungdŏk, aged 6.
<br />Female slave Pundŏk’s fifth born female slave Maktŏk, aged 43.
<br />At Myŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ryongdŏk’s second born female slave Koŭmji, aged 2.
<br />At Samch'ŏk<ref> in nowadays southeastern part of Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭnsosa’s third born male slave Kuidae, aged 40.
<br />At Ich'ŏn<ref>in nowadays western part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fourth born female slave Monobi, aged 58.
<br />Female slave Okkŭm’s first born female slave Oktŏk, aged 16.
<br />At Hamjong<ref>in nowadays western part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Kŏmji, aged 45.
<br />At Sunch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays central part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭngdal’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Ijon, aged 40.
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn, female slave Okchi’s first born [?], aged 2.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭlgŭm’s second born female slave Samwŏl, aged 31.
<br />The list ends
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=='''References'''==
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=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

2017-07-20T06:11:19Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1494년이애남매화회문기1.jpg|
|English = A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae
|Chinese = 1494年李璦男妹和會文記
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1494년 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 李瑺, 李瑋, 李氏, 李琜, 李(玉+束), 李瑽, 李氏, 李璦, 李玖
|Year = 1494
|Key Concepts= Neo-Confucianism, Gender, Property, Inheritance
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기2.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(2)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기3.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(3)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(全)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿

咸安婢道里莊六所生婢內隱今年八十一同婢三所生奴姜萬年五十三所生婢小斤德年四十五同婢二所生婢吉德年二十二三所生奴

丁山年十八四所生婢燕非年十五婢吉德一所生婢同德年三▣▣▣▣▣▣(奴火伊良妻所)生婢彔中年三十二同婢一所生奴家都致年▣▣▣▣▣▣▣(九婢仇叱德二所生)

婢貴今年四十九同婢三所生奴米伊年四婢閏德一所生奴▣…▣▣▣▣▣(年十四婢)▣…▣所生奴加音伊年八婢月今二所生婢順▣▣▣▣▣▣(德年六京中婢)

古邑之五所生婢古非年五十七奴莫三良妻二所生奴今▣…▣十三同婢一所生奴貴孫年四十婢▣…

奴亇頓年四十婢命吉二所生婢石乙非年四十五▣…▣回年四三所生奴年二奴龍金良妻▣▣▣(一所生)

奴銀同年二十三婢者斤一所生奴走叱同年四婢卵今二所生婢▣▣年二十二婢▣▣▣一所生奴石崇年▣十婢內隱伊二所生奴▣▣▣▣(石伊年二)

十六婢夫成二所生婢同今年三十三三所生奴仇等伊年二十七婢同今一所生奴孫同年七二所生奴孫山年四婢小斤阿只二所生放役婢

守今年三十九婢亏叱今三所生婢永老年十三婢終今二所生奴種從年十奴加外四所生婢終今年四十八金浦婢孝道二所生婢强非年二十三

同婢一所生婢安非年五任實婢孝德一所生奴欣孫年四十三所生婢今之年三十五四所生婢粉之年二十七同婢一所生婢延之年七婢今之一所生

婢洪非年六二所生奴年四奴李存良妻二所生婢龍今年十八婢龍德一所生奴年四婢訥斤三所生奴金伊同年十七四所生婢件里今▣(年)

六婢粉加一所生婢年二臨津婢銀德二所生奴佛金年三十三婢白隱莊一所生婢白隱之年三十五婢玉非三所生奴玉屯年二十五伊川婢

長命二所生婢玉梅年六十五同婢三所生奴勿金年二十六婢毛老非一所▣(生)奴金山改名末乙金年二十七婢仲德一所生婢松阿之年十二朔寧婢▣(玉)

非一所生婢玉今年四十二靈光婢古音未一所生奴莫金年七十三婢小非二所生奴龍萬年三十海美婢莫莊三所生奴遠伊年五十五奴長命二

所生婢卜非年三十九康津婢孝道三所生奴莫金年五十七同奴良妻四所生奴姜守年九咸興婢順非四所生婢守非年六奴謁同三所生婢連

今年十七定平婢仍邑隱五所生奴仇叱金年二十一六所生奴仇叱同年十九奴訖斤五所生婢莫德年四十婢三月一所生奴金山年十三二所生婢▣

德年九虎溪婢李德三所生奴崔山年三十九三陟婢小斤召史二所生奴朴大年四十七奴仇里大良妻四所生婢古春年三江陵羽溪婢德

之三所生婢內隱加年四十七婢內隱今二所生婢年三延安婢▣▣(長壽)五所生婢於里加年六十九白川奴莫松良妻一所生婢延臺年十鳳山婢欣

生三所生婢都叱加年三十同婢二所生婢年六八莒奴崔山良妻一所生奴終山年十三所生奴年一密陽婢內隱伊一所生婢眞珠年

四十一河陽婢玉來二所生奴玉萬年四十九珍島婢內隱月一所生奴三龍年三十七星州婢傾國二所生奴銀山年十四永川婢千德一所生奴千同年

十九二所生婢貴德年十四草溪奴命存良妻二所生婢談德年十五奴李生二所生奴銀同年十六開城婢今伊四所生奴末乙孫年十三振威婢玉今▣

所生婢姜德年十七咸從婢小全一所生婢義非年二十慶源奴哲山良妻四所生奴玉只年一鏡城奴巨乙金良妻三所生奴石乙山年六明川婢龍

今二所生婢收養非年一光陽奴終守良妻五所生婢石非年二十三順川奴禿同良妻一所生奴石乙伊年十七咸興婢叔今一所生婢乃斤乃年▣

十四同婢二所生婢內隱台年十三印

二男從仕郞李瑋衿

京中婢仇德一所生婢貴非年四十二同婢二所生奴山守年十六三所生婢同叱德年十二四所生奴敬孫年七婢小斤阿只三所生奴守山年三十六

婢孫莊一所生婢訥斤年五十九婢小斤知二所生婢石乙非年三十同婢一所生奴巨叱金年七二所生婢哲今年一婢獻德三所生婢卜非年二十九同

婢一所生婢卜代年五二所生婢孝道年二婢仇未一所生奴芿叱同年三十一同奴良妻一所生婢芿叱德年四二所生奴虛叱文伊年二婢竹非一所生

婢於乙非年二十二婢孝今三所生婢貴今年十八婢終今一所生婢長今年二十三婢仍邑德一所生奴權孫年四婢亏叱今六所生婢於邑知年三婢

性非一所生奴加叱同年三十九奴介同良妻一所生婢丹之年五十八婢性非一所生奴卜中年三十八金浦婢注之一所生婢孝道年四十九同婢一所生

奴禿同年二十六楊州婢良衣德五所生婢莫今年五臨津婢其每二所生奴今音同年四十二三所生婢萬德年四十婢善今二所生婢芿叱非年

九三所生婢芿叱加年六婢銀德三所生奴佛衆年三十奴勿金二所生婢銀非年七積城婢白莊二所生奴番其年二十六若木婢小斤德二所生▣

今音夫伊改名檢佛年二十二五所生奴者古未年十四婢莫非一所生婢夫貴年四十三奴難金良妻一所生奴玉山年二十星州婢傾國三所生奴

年六婢老里加所生放役奴牛未致年七十八莒婢宝全一所生婢龍今年五十三婢召史三所生奴加介年二十六山陽奴尙伊良妻二所生婢賓

今年九高靈婢者斤召史三所生婢莫德年三十二永川婢黃珍伊一所生婢金德年五十二虎溪婢双非改名三德一所生婢三非年十六光陽

奴終守良妻七所生奴莫金年十七咸安婢四月二所生奴火伊年六十一婢德非一所生婢則今年三十六婢月娟二所生奴石乙金年十三婢犬伊一

所生婢年一南海奴金萬良妻一所生婢晋非年二十六奴哲同良妻三所生奴允孫年十八四所生婢黃玉年十六黃澗婢內隱月二所生奴

開金年三十四康津婢孝道一所生奴姜元年六十七二所生奴姜金改名士義年六十二奴孝生良妻三所生奴仇里年十四全州婢佛德二所生奴月

千年三十一同奴二所生婢今終年四珍島奴萬山良妻一所生奴萬同年十九尼山婢多勿沙里一所生婢入沙里年五海美奴長命良妻三所生婢

卜珍伊年三十六咸興婢貴今二所生婢斤非年十二奴龍吉良妻二所生奴貴山年三十四奴每邑吐里良妻三所生婢金今年二十六同婢一所生婢

同非年六奴末應仇知良妻二所生婢小斤德年四十婢琴瑟一所生婢勿金年十婢順非六所生奴年一甲山奴長孫良妻二所生奴玉同年四安邊

奴莫只良妻四所生奴順伊年三十奴銀丁良妻一所生奴貴石年七三陟婢夫田一所生奴松山年四十八婢仍邑德一所生奴於應同年十二順川婢卜德一

所生奴春山年四十五婢莫德一所生奴先山年四寧邊奴莫同良妻一所生婢古音德年十三婢宝背三所生婢亡德年十四印

長女前行副司猛尹化溟妻李氏衿

京中婢阿乙吾之四所生婢性今年五十三同婢一所生婢貴非年二十七二所生婢同伊年十六三所生婢本都只年十一婢貴非一所生婢阿望年四婢

甫乙松二所生奴彭公年二十七婢無心一所生奴犬伊年十六婢亏叱今二所生婢豆田年十五婢德今一所生婢西德年二十五婢春德二所生奴柴孔

年十四婢莫德一所生奴崔連年五十五婢卵乙知二所生放役婢無作今年二十六婢小斤阿只二所生奴千同年二十九舒川婢德伊一所生婢卵

今年四十二同婢一所生婢仇叱德年二十六四所生婢莫西非年十二奴佛排良妻一所生奴京山年十九海美婢卜加三所生奴年二楊州婢

內隱伊一所生婢良衣德年四十五同婢四所生奴碩同年六奴長命所生奴莫同年二十三臨津婢四月一所生奴遠金年六十八婢善今一所生婢

芿叱德年十三婢萬德四所生婢莫非年三積城奴吾莊二所生婢年臨江奴於乙非大良妻六所生奴守命年二十七振威婢於里德一所生

婢無心年十五婢四桂二所生奴碩石乙伊年十九虎溪奴於乙非大二所生婢水淸年三十八婢守德三所生婢三德年三十五若木奴林福良

妻二所生奴佛生年二十九婢小莊一所生婢小斤德年五十四婢冬非二所生奴銀同年十八莒婢召史一所生奴崔山年三十四草溪婢亏同三所

生奴無里同年二十五婢卜只二所生奴欣山年四十七奴命存四所生奴李先年七安康婢今音德一所生婢豆於里年二十二所生婢小非年十四

咸安婢八月三所生婢小斤召史年六十婢貴今一所生婢犬伊年二十一婢月非一所生婢佛非年一任實婢佛德三所生婢月今年二十七同婢

一所生婢孝德二所生奴金孫年三十七康津婢欣加二所生奴乙夫年五十四奴莫金良妻一所生婢永德年二十一同婢一所生婢年六

二所生羅州奴鐵山良妻所生奴牛叱同年三十一益山奴同叱三四所生婢每邑加年六十二安邊奴莫只良妻一所生奴銀丁年三十九同奴

良妻二所生奴貴珍年五奴莫只五所生婢新今年二十二婢莫德二所生奴今音豆伊年六咸興奴龍吉良妻三所生奴貴生年三十二奴謁同

良妻五所生奴連孫年十一奴松介良妻一所生婢松非年五婢玉德二所生婢年一奴豆乙彦良妻六所生婢老里加年五十六婢閑今一所生

奴李山年二十六文川任內龍津婢丹陽一所生婢貴今年六十五定平婢莫加一所生奴貴同年四十婢仍邑隱一所生婢三月年三十四三所生奴

石柱年二十五同奴良妻一所生奴年一慶源奴哲山良妻三所生奴都也之年七鏡城婢莫只十一所生婢莫德年五十七甲山奴長孫

良妻三所生婢玉德年二婢銀珠二所生婢銀今年十四江陵婢內隱加一所生婢內隱莊改名內隱今年二十三同婢一所生婢內隱非▣▣(年七)三

陟奴仇里大良妻三所生婢叱同三年六咸從奴川龍良妻一所生婢小全年四十七江西婢宝文一所生奴者斤同年四十六朔寧奴末乙

巾良妻二所生婢檢德年十一印

三男將仕郞李琜衿

京中婢心方二所生婢春德年三十八同婢一所生婢烏梅年十五婢宝代四所生婢莫之年二十八同婢一所生奴石孫年六婢仲非二所生奴孫山

年二十六婢夫成一所生放役奴同伊年三十六婢三月一所生放役奴都致年五十二婢加也之二所生婢閏德年二十六婢小斤阿只五所生奴守同年

二十三婢從伊七所生婢莫只年十二婢彔德三所生婢終今年五十三臨津婢銀德一所生奴勿金年三十七楊州婢良衣德三所生婢碩今

年十四振威婢玉今五所生奴莫山年十二六所生婢安今年三婢於里德二所生婢無加里年安城婢七月四所生婢中秋年三十七尼山奴▣

里金良妻所生婢永伊年五十二同婢三所生婢多勿沙里年二十五舒川婢松伊一所生奴金大年七十婢卵乙今二所生奴眞山年二十二伊川

婢玉梅二所生婢仲德年三十一婢長命三所生奴玉山年六十四延安婢順加一所生婢甫中加伊年三十五奴金禾良妻一所生奴甘音山年十三四所

生婢春德年三任實婢孝德五所生婢粉加年二十五六所生奴元孫年二十三婢內隱加五所生奴亡龍年五十八康津婢則只六所生婢莫德年

三十四全州奴月千良妻一所生奴月同年十珍島奴三龍三所生婢而非年六咸安奴鄭夫良妻二所生奴鄭善年二十三婢四月三所生婢德非年

五十八婢貴今二所生奴家同年十八山陽奴道者三所生奴尙伊年三十八密陽奴李元良妻▣(一)所生婢內隱伊年六十四虎溪奴李萬良妻一所生

李文年十六婢水淸一所生婢双今年六婢卜守二所生婢莫德年十五永川婢千德三所生奴貴山年十草溪婢永守三所生奴牛未致年三十▣(八)

若木奴林福良妻一所生婢林德年四十三星州奴石乙山良妻一所生婢李德年二十七婢小斤召史所生婢末乙今年二十七奴金卜只二所生

婢年一婢傾國一所生奴玉山年十七婢古勿伊一所生年二興陽婢者斤二所生奴光金年三十安邊婢守明一所生婢玉今年

十一二所生奴重石年九奴莫只良妻二所生奴金同年三十六六所生婢莫今年十九奴銀丁良妻三所生奴貴知年二咸興奴龍吉四所生

奴貴忠年三十一婢泉今五所生婢斤非年十六奴謁同六所生奴莫孫年十婢古音德六所生奴泉龍年五十八婢金今二所生年

四婢老里加三所生婢內隱非年十八婢閑今二所生婢龍今年十四奴龍吉良妻五所生奴松介年二十六富寧婢春花八所生奴孟▣(同)

年十五定平婢莫德三所生婢件里德年八慶源奴哲山良妻二所生婢玉今年十二明川婢龍今一所生婢走伊今年六鏡城奴巨乙金

良妻四所生奴年一寧遠奴豆乙彦良妻一所生婢朴莊年十六江西奴者斤同良妻四所生奴義存年八順川奴春山良妻二所生婢順今年▣▣(五印)

四男李{玉+束}衿

京中婢內隱伊一所生婢佛今年四十二同婢二所生奴佛山年九三所生奴季同年五四所生奴莫山年一婢宝全三所生婢四德年二十九婢終

今四所生婢臺加年八婢月非四所生婢從伊年五十一同婢一所生奴春同年三十三五所生奴順斤年十九婢亏叱今四所生婢貴欣年▣

婢春花一所生奴貴孫年三十八婢亏同二所生婢仍邑德年三十六婢古非一所生放役婢猪非年十八婢都致四所生放役婢無心年五十八

婢守如今二所生奴末乙柱年一咸興婢獻德四所生婢四月年十八七所生婢今之年十二奴今音松五所生婢萬德年五十三奴龍吉良妻一所

生婢貴今年四十四奴泉龍良妻五所生婢玉之年十六婢小斤德三所生奴貴{宀+失}年十三四所生奴無豆里年二婢貴今三所生奴今同年八婢琴

瑟二所生婢豆應今年六奴松介良妻二所生婢年婢泉今四所生婢今知年二十定平婢三月二所生奴徽孫改名叔孫年十六端

川婢金莊二所生婢卜非三十六寧遠奴龍已良妻一所生婢宝背年五十五安邊婢莫德一所生奴石乙金年十三鏡城婢延非四所生奴末

應金年二十四婢卜只一所生奴石同年四十九文川婢內隱伊二所生婢莫德年三十三慶源奴哲山良妻一所生婢粉今年十三永興奴亏▣

亇良妻四所生奴哲京年十九江西奴者斤同良妻二所生婢大德年二十二郭山奴長守良妻一所生婢若非年三十一順川奴元奉良妻二所生

奴加叱同年五十二同奴一所生婢莫德年二十七靈光婢小非三所生婢內隱今年二十一任實婢性非二所生奴欣山年五十六同奴良妻一所生▣

金孫年五婢亏同一所生奴李存年四十五同奴良妻三所生奴李忠年十四四所生婢存非年九五所生婢吾音之年六益山婢甘莊四所生

奴吉生年五十康津奴莫金良妻二所生奴自明年十七星州婢其每三所生奴億守年二十六奴石乙山良妻二所生奴石柱年十七婢小非四所生

奴金卜只年二十九虎溪婢守德二所生婢卜守年四十一婢李德一所生奴內隱同年四十八婢水淸二所生婢正月年三若木婢小斤德一所生

婢冬非年三十四同婢四所生婢金今年五婢林德二所生奴件里同年十咸安奴卵山良妻一所生婢月娟年三十九奴今音金良妻一所生

奴北間年四八莒奴崔山良妻二所生婢夫今年五延安婢月非一所生奴禿同年四十二婢內隱伊二所生婢內隱文伊年十三奴金禾良妻▣(三)

所生婢貴德年六白川奴莫松二所生婢永今年七尼山婢永伊四所生奴金伊同年二十舒川婢德伊二所生奴佛排年三十八海美奴長▣(命)

良妻四所生奴每邑同年三十臨津婢其每一所生奴檢佛年五十四婢石乙今三所生奴哲同年十六楊州婢加叱加一所生奴下通年三十八利川

婢冬白一所生婢命吉年六十六三陟奴仇里大良妻二所生奴同叱金年十四海美奴每邑同一所生奴年二印

五男李瑽衿

京中婢夫成五所生奴無作只年二十二婢訥斤一所生婢栢伊年三十一婢內隱伊四所生婢加德年六婢亏叱今一所生婢舍非年二十四同婢一所

生婢末乙石年三婢甫乙松四所生奴今孫年十七婢玉梅一所生奴吳山年二十八婢性非四所生奴目隱同年二十四婢石乙非一所生奴牛叱同年▣▣

三利川婢冬白六所生奴麻老年四十九婢七月二所生婢孝養年四十六同婢三所生奴馬叱同年十四四所生奴年六臨津婢者斤一所生

婢善今年三十三婢萬德三所生婢守今年七奴勿金良妻三所生婢銀莊年五婢三月一所生奴北間年六楊州婢良衣德一所生婢每邑之年

十九安城奴金千良妻三所生奴者斤吾乙未年二十八咸安婢仇叱德四所生婢貴德年四十二同婢三所生婢加音勿加伊年九五所生奴佛乙加年

三婢月今一所生婢順非年十二南海奴哲同良妻五所生奴玉壽年十四八莒奴衆伊良妻二所生奴行眞年六十三婢龍今一所生奴能孫年

二十五二所生婢春代年十八草溪奴命存良妻一所生婢吾今年十七婢性仇之一所生婢性今年四十二奴豆里大良妻三所生婢莫非年三十▣(九)

虎溪婢卜守三所生婢莫今年十四所生奴間都未年五奴李萬良妻二所生婢文非年九婢三德三所生奴年一若木婢小斤德三所生奴於里

同年十九婢若德一所生放役奴命山年四十一婢梅花一所生婢衆生年六十六同婢一所生婢石今年四十四婢亏斤五所生婢吉非年十六婢夫叱實

一所生奴末乙同年六十奴難金二所生奴玉石年十五山陰婢亏巨之二所生奴銀同年三十二婢粉伊三所生奴今音石年星州婢李德一所生

婢年二密陽婢眞珠二所生奴玉連年十六任實婢孝德九所生婢彔今年十六婢莫只二所生奴象伊年二十一婢訥斤二所生婢加知

年十八康津奴訥山良妻二所生奴訥達年十七婢莫德二所生奴義同年十珍島婢小斤一所生婢玉生年六十二婢虫介所生奴萬山年四十三奴

三龍四所生年二靈光婢小非一所生奴於吐里年三十六海美奴長命一所生婢卜加年三十八伊川婢仲德三所生婢莫非年七明川奴金彔良

妻七所生婢終伊年二十七咸興奴每邑吐里良妻一所生奴謁同年四十五二所生奴謁金年三十六奴今音松九所生婢順非年三十八同婢五所生奴叔▣

年四婢今知一所生婢銀臺年一婢老里加伊一所生奴金叱同改名孫同年三十一定平婢仍邑德八所生婢莫非年十一婢三月三所生婢▣…

年四婢三月五所生奴處同年二文川婢莫德一所生奴年十四鏡城婢莫德四所生奴今孫年二十江界奴双龍良妻六所生婢加也之年

四十九江西奴者斤同五所生年一印

二女從仕郞李熙妻李氏衿

京中婢哲今一所生婢波獨年四十二同婢一所生婢宝背年二十六二所生奴億同年二十三所生奴億山年十八婢宝背一所生婢淡之年三二所生

婢二非年一奴卵山良妻三所生婢今音知年三十婢今伊二所生婢栗伊年二十四五所生奴五十同年七婢孝生三所生婢地莊年二十婢今

月二所生奴貴民年二十八奴於乙非大良妻七所生奴雪山年二十二婢召史一所生婢今伊年十七婢其每二所生奴石乙仇知年三十八三所生放役奴▣(卜)

大年三十五婢小斤阿只一所生放役婢亏叱今年四十一同婢五所生婢於如年五婢宝代一所生婢卵今年五十四同婢三所生奴銀孫年十

九婢甫乙松三所生婢於▣…▣今年二十四金浦婢注之二所生婢甘勿年四十二珍島婢都里加二所生奴亡吐里年五十九積城奴吾莊良妻

一所生奴閏同年四草溪婢小莊一所生奴興守年六十七婢今音珍四所生奴命存年四十三江西奴於火金一所生婢遠時年四十全州奴

月千良妻三所生婢年二定平婢莫德一所生婢李德年二十婢三月一所生奴竹山年十八海美婢卜加一所生婢衆生年十婢卜非一所

生奴貴孫年十六鳳山婢都叱加一所生婢羅火大年八任實婢禿德二所生奴莫同年四十三奴金孫良妻一所生奴難孫年八三所生▣…

…▣年二咸興奴泉龍良妻四所生婢玉德年二十五同婢一所生奴末乙孫年四奴末應仇知良妻一所生奴獻德年五十一婢順非三所生

奴叔同年十三奴貴山良妻一所生婢今伊年十一婢泉今六所生奴哲孫年十五永川婢小莊二所生婢千德年五十一婢每邑德一所生奴亡吾

之年三十五安邊奴毛知里良妻三所生奴守達年三十七五所生婢春月年三十四鏡城奴巨乙金良妻二所生婢卜今年十一婢玉今二所生婢

白德年四十六臨津婢卜加一所生婢銀德年七十婢萬德一所生婢萬今年十六婢石乙今二所生奴閏同年十九奴勿金良妻四所生婢年一

延安婢於里加五所生婢內隱伊年三十七同婢一所生奴上佐年十六振威婢亏音加二所生奴李山年二十九星州婢老里加三所生婢古物伊年

四十婢今音都致三所生婢小斤召史年六十七長興婢則只五所生奴長未年四十六伊川婢長命六所生奴吾乙亇同年四十八婢仲德四所生奴莫

松年二明川奴金彔三所生婢龍今年三十九婢龍德一所生奴吾伊同年十光陽奴終守良妻二所生奴石從年三十三三所生婢石今年

三十若木婢冬非三所生婢今德年八舒川婢卵今三所生婢石伊年十九八莒婢龍今三所生奴連孫年八康津婢莫德三所生奴義山年

六寧遠奴末乙金良妻三所生奴莫同年二十四奴莫同良妻二所生婢古音之年八咸安婢貴德四所生婢黃犬伊年六印

六男李璦衿

京中婢金德一所生婢內隱伊年五十四婢仲非一所生婢孫非年二十九同婢一所生奴難同年七二所生奴閏同年二婢元萬三所生放役婢

自才年六十婢小斤阿只四所生婢守如今年二十五同婢一所生奴巨叱金年二婢從伊六所生奴順伊年十五婢栢伊三所生婢石乙德年五婢守

命一所生奴甘吐里年六十三婢春德三所生婢錦春年十婢四德一所生奴金孫年三臨津婢者斤召史二所生婢石乙今年五十四婢所生婢

三月年三十五奴勿金良妻一所生婢內隱非年十二朔寧婢長命五所生奴末乙巾年五十七同奴良妻一所生奴檢山年十三積城婢今音加六所生婢

白莊年五十一同婢一所生奴吾莊年二十九振威婢玉今二所生婢仲今年二十一婢於里德三所生奴貴山年舒川婢卵今五所生婢仇之年五

奴金大良妻一所生婢玉只年二十四虎溪婢卜守一所生婢卜德年二十一婢延伊三所生奴豆乙彦年六十六婢李德五所生奴竝同年三十三若木婢

小斤德四所生婢順今年十六婢冬非一所生奴金孫年十五婢林德一所生奴明山年十五星州婢其每二所生婢傾城年三十二同婢一所生婢傾

今年二婢末乙今一所生奴千連年三奴金卜只良妻一所生婢今德年三草溪奴命存良妻三所生奴李孫年十五所生年一永川婢牧丹三

所生婢延非年六十七山陽奴尙伊良妻一所生奴賓伊年十一晋州婢金德一所生奴裵京年六十咸安奴鄭夫一所生婢碧桃年二十九奴金龍

二所生奴千金年十八蔚山婢介莊三所生婢者斤召史年四十六珍島奴三龍良妻二所生婢四非年九南原奴李存良妻一所生婢龍德年二十五

任實婢孝德七所生奴元金年二十婢訥斤一所生放役奴玉同年三十一康津奴莫金良妻三所生奴豆含年十四白川婢莫加三所生奴莫松

年三十同奴良妻三所生奴山伊年三延安奴金禾良妻二所生婢甘音德年九婢內隱伊四所生婢檢崇年八婢於里加四所生奴目隱大年四十一

定平婢仍邑隱七所生奴興山年十五婢莫德二所生婢李台年十二四所生奴李孫年四婢三月三所生奴叔珍年十二四所生奴處山年五慶

源婢佛台三所生奴哲山年四十三咸興奴今音松良妻八所生奴順右年四十四婢萬德二所生婢斤非年十五奴泉龍良妻三所生奴玉同

年二十七奴謁同良妻二所生奴連山年二十二奴松介良妻三所生婢年二婢老里加二所生奴金伊同年二十九安邊奴莫只良妻

三所生婢守明年三十三同婢三所生婢重德年六婢粉德五所生婢莫德年四十三明川婢龍德二所生婢古音之年二三陟婢小斤召

史三所生奴仇里大年四十伊川婢長命四所生婢毛老非年五十八婢玉今一所生婢玉德年十六咸從奴川龍良妻二所生奴檢知年四

十五順川奴末應達良妻二所生奴李存年四十舒川婢玉只一所生年二定平奴末乙金二所生婢三月年三十一印

七男李玖衿

京中婢宝背三所生奴檢佛年四十八婢大非一所生奴孝孫年十九婢今音都致四所生婢加隱非年六十五婢從伊八所生奴莫同年九婢

於里加三所生奴亡吾之年四十五六所生婢莫今年三十婢仍邑隱二所生婢銀非年三十三婢卵乙今四所生婢加知今年十六婢今音知一所生

婢卜非年十一婢白隱德四所生婢欣非年三十八婢內隱伊三所生婢件里年十一婢栢伊一所生奴黃孫年十一四所生婢奏巨伊年三婢

春德四所生奴李石年四咸安奴卵山良妻二所生婢月今年三十四四所生奴今音金年二十八同奴良妻二所生奴古間年二婢月

娟一所生婢月非年二十二婢彔中二所生婢都德年五三所生奴都山年一任實婢孝德八所生婢金伊今年十八長興婢金德一所生

奴貴生年二十五虎溪婢守德四所生奴莫乃年二十五婢雙非二所生婢石乙非年十二咸興婢貴今一所生婢卜非年二十四同婢一所生奴金伊

萬年四婢獻德五所生奴仇叱同年十五婢甘同二所生奴每邑山改名孟山年三十四婢小斤德二所生婢虫介年十六延安婢於里加一所生奴金

禾年五十一婢內隱伊三所生婢六月年十五所生奴李孫年二婢月非二所生奴勿金年二十八臨津奴同三良妻一所生奴仲萬年五十八婢白

隱之一所生奴銀從年三臨江奴守命良妻一所生婢鄭非年三奴於乙非大良妻八所生奴終山年十三定平奴訖斤二所生婢仍邑隱年

五十四同婢九所生婢莫今年六八莒奴衆伊二所生婢召史年五十八安邊婢春月二所生婢春非年十五婢莫德三所生奴都致年三伊

川婢仲德二所生婢於能▣(牛)年十明川奴金彔良妻二所生奴金龍年四十一四所生婢龍德年三十九三陟奴松山良妻一所生婢仍邑

德年二十四奴仇里大良妻五所生婢年一海美婢卜加二所生婢本都只年七星州奴石乙山良妻三所生婢卜非年十三婢性非

所生婢其每年五十二原州婢莫今一所生奴昌孫年十八丹城婢牧丹一所生奴斤重年四十七永川婢德莊一所生婢古春四十四草

溪婢者斤一所生婢今音德年六十振威婢亏音加一所生放役婢於里德年四十三婢其每一所生婢玉今年四十三同婢四所生奴莫同

年十四開城奴仇石所生婢今伊年五十五甲山婢銀珠一所生奴長孫年十八寧遠奴朴哲二所生奴莫同年四十五鏡城婢莫德一所生奴

巨乙金年三十一若木婢冬非五所生奴金哲年一江西奴者斤同良妻一所生奴大同年二十四尼山婢永伊五所生奴仁卜年十五光陽奴從守

良妻六所生婢莫德年二十山陽奴尙伊良妻三所生奴屯伊年七珍島奴三龍良妻一所生奴四同年十三楊州婢良衣德二所生奴每

邑山年十六南海婢金德三所生奴裵中山年五十五康津婢白隱莊二所生奴白隱金年二十印

此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆

父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事

幼學李 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

李 [着名][署押]

幼學李 [着名][署押]

將仕郞李 [着名][署押]

筆執承義副尉前行副司猛尹 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

宣務郞前工曺佐郞李 [着名][署押]

}}

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿
||
(Introduction)<br />
The seventh year of Hongzhi (1494), sixth month, twenty-seventh day. The unanimous (agreement) [on property distribution] among siblings born of the same mother. ([Property] endowed by parents) as well as specially-acquired endowment <ref>Separately-acquired property by children from their parents for particular achievements, such as passing examinations, etc. </ref> (to be calculated and equally distributed for each share) in accordance with law. <ref>經國大典, basic constitutional code of Chosŏn.</ref>(2)<br />
All-comprehensive record for each share is for our children and grandchildren to pass down and carry out for a long time and use in cases of employing slaves. Slaves in charge of tomb management, male slave Kŭmsan, male slave Mangŏji, male slave Ch’ŏndong and the rest were exempt from tribute. Like other slaves who are exempt from tribute have them each rely on their own share.<br />
I will designate a male slave Chŏngbu from Haman and a male slave younger Olmi from Ansŏng and the rest as superintendents of the tombs. Descendants according to each share will employ slaves as outlined in the contents of this document.<br />
For any reason if there is a dispute among each other report to the government office to resolve and straighten out the matters.<br />

(Part 2)
<br />Sixth Son Yi Ae’s Inheritance
<br />At the capital, female slave’s first born female slave Naeŭni, aged 54.
<br />Female slave Chungbi’s first born female slave Sonbi, aged 29;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Nandong, aged 7;
<br />Second born male slave Yundong, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Wŏnman’s third born female slave (exempted from tribute) Chajae, aged 60.
<br />Female slave Sogŭnaji’s fourth born female slave Suyŏgŭm, aged 25;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Kŏjilgŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Chongi’s sixth born male slave Suni, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Paegi’s third born female slave Sŏgŭldŏk, aged 5.
<br />Female slave Sumyŏng’s first born male slave Kamt'oi, aged 63.
<br />Female slave Ch'undŏk’s third born female slave Kŭmch'un, aged 10.
<br />Female slave Sadŏk’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 3.
<br />At Imjin, female slave Chagŭnsosa’s second born female slave Sŏgŭlgŭm, aged 54.
<br />Female slave [?]’s [?] born female slave Samwŏl, aged 35.
<br />Male slave Mulgŭm’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Naeŭnbi, aged 12.
<br />At Sangnyŏng<ref>the old name for Ryŏnch'ŏn 漣川 in Kyŏnggi Province and Ch'ŏrwŏn 鐵原 in Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fifth born male slave Marŭlgŏn, aged 57;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Kŏmsan, aged 13.
<br />At Chŏksŏng<ref>the old name for P'aju 坡州 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmga’s sixth born female slave Paekchang, aged 51;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Ojang, aged 29.
<br />At Chinwi<ref>the old name for P'yŏngt'aek 平澤 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Okkŭm’s second born female slave Chunggŭm, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Ǒidŏk’s third born male slave Kwisan, aged [?].
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Ch'ungch'ŏng Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Ran'gŭm’s fifth born female slave Kuji, aged 5.
<br />Male slave Kŭmdae’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Okchi, aged 24.
<br />At Hogye<ref>the old name for Mun'gyŏng 聞慶 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poksu’s first born female slave Poktŏk, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Yŏni’s third born male slave Tuŭrŏn, aged 66.
<br />Female slave Idŏk’s fifth born male slave Pyŏngdong, aged 33.
<br />At Yangmok<ref>the old name for Ch'ilgok 漆谷 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭndŏk’s fourth born female slave Sun'gŭm, aged 16.
<br />Female slave Tongbi’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Rimdŏk’s first born male slave Myŏngsan, aged 15.
<br />At Sŏngju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kimae’s second born female slave Kyŏngsŏng, aged 32;
<br />Same female slave’s first born female slave Kyŏnggŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Marŭlgŭm’s first born male slave Ch'ŏllyŏn, aged 3.
<br />Male slave Kŭmbokchi’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Kŭmdŏk, aged 3.
<br />At Ch'ogye<ref>the old name for Hapch'ŏn 陜川 in South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Myŏngjon’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Ison, aged 10;
<br />Fifth born [?] slave [?], aged 1.
<br />At Yŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Moktan’s third born female slave Yŏnbi, aged 67.
<br />At Sanyang<ref>also an old name for Mun'gyŏng</ref>, male slave Sangi’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Pini, aged 11.
<br />At Chinju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmdŏk’s first born male slave Paegyŏng, aged 60.
<br />At Haman<ref>in nowadays central part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea </ref>, male slave Chŏngbu’s first born female slave Pyŏkto, aged 29.
<br />Male slave Kŭmnyong’s second born male slave Ch'ŏn'gŭm, aged 18.
<br />At Ulsan, female slave Kaejang’s third born female slave Chagŭnsosa, aged 46.
<br />At Chindo<ref>an island off the coast of nowadays South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Samnyong’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Sabi, aged 9.
<br />At Namwŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Ijon’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Ryongdŏk, aged 25.
<br />At Imsil<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Hyodŏk’s seventh born male slave Wŏn'gŭm, aged 20.
<br />Female slave Nulgŭn’s first born male slave (exempted from tribute) Oktong, aged 31.
<br />At Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Makkŭm’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Tuham, aged 14.
<br />At Paekch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Makka’s third born male slave Maksong, aged 30;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Sani, aged 3.
<br />At Yŏnan<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Kŭmhwa’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Kamŭmdŏk, aged 9.
<br />Female slave Naeŭni’s forth born female slave Kŏmsung, aged 8.
<br />Female slave Ǒiga’s forth born male slave Mogŭndae, aged 41.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ingŭbŭn’s seventh born male slave Hŭngsan, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Maktŏk’s second born female slave It'ae, aged 12;
<br />Forth born male slave Ison, aged 4.
<br />Female slave Samwŏl’s third born male slave Sukchin, aged 12;
<br />Fourth born male slave Ch'ŏsan, aged 5.
<br />At Kyŏngwŏn<ref>in North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Pult'ae’s third born male slave Ch'ŏlssan, aged 43.
<br />At Hamhŭng, male slave Kŭmŭmsong’s commoner wife’s eighth born male slave Sunu, aged 44.
<br />Female slave Mandŏk’s second born female slave Kŭnbi, aged 15.
<br />Male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Oktong, aged 27.
<br />Male slave Tongnyang’s commoner wife second born Ryŏnsan, aged 22.
<br />Male slave Songgae’s commoner wife third born female slave [?], aged 2.
<br />Female slave Noiga’s second born male slave Kŭmidong, aged 29.
<br />At Anbyŏn<ref>in nowadays northern part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Makchi’s commoner wife’s third female slave Sumyŏng, aged 33;
<br />Same female slave’s third born female slave Chungdŏk, aged 6.
<br />Female slave Pundŏk’s fifth born female slave Maktŏk, aged 43.
<br />At Myŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ryongdŏk’s second born female slave Koŭmji, aged 2.
<br />At Samch'ŏk<ref> in nowadays southeastern part of Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭnsosa’s third born male slave Kuidae, aged 40.
<br />At Ich'ŏn<ref>in nowadays western part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fourth born female slave Monobi, aged 58.
<br />Female slave Okkŭm’s first born female slave Oktŏk, aged 16.
<br />At Hamjong<ref>in nowadays western part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Kŏmji, aged 45.
<br />At Sunch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays central part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭngdal’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Ijon, aged 40.
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn, female slave Okchi’s first born [?], aged 2.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭlgŭm’s second born female slave Samwŏl, aged 31.
<br />The list ends
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(translation)
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=='''Further Readings'''==

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=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

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=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

2017-07-20T06:08:16Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1494년이애남매화회문기1.jpg|
|English = A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae
|Chinese = 1494年李璦男妹和會文記
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1494년 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 李瑺, 李瑋, 李氏, 李琜, 李(玉+束), 李瑽, 李氏, 李璦, 李玖
|Year = 1494
|Key Concepts= Neo-Confucianism, Gender, Property, Inheritance
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기2.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(2)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기3.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(3)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(全)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿

咸安婢道里莊六所生婢內隱今年八十一同婢三所生奴姜萬年五十三所生婢小斤德年四十五同婢二所生婢吉德年二十二三所生奴

丁山年十八四所生婢燕非年十五婢吉德一所生婢同德年三▣▣▣▣▣▣(奴火伊良妻所)生婢彔中年三十二同婢一所生奴家都致年▣▣▣▣▣▣▣(九婢仇叱德二所生)

婢貴今年四十九同婢三所生奴米伊年四婢閏德一所生奴▣…▣▣▣▣▣(年十四婢)▣…▣所生奴加音伊年八婢月今二所生婢順▣▣▣▣▣▣(德年六京中婢)

古邑之五所生婢古非年五十七奴莫三良妻二所生奴今▣…▣十三同婢一所生奴貴孫年四十婢▣…

奴亇頓年四十婢命吉二所生婢石乙非年四十五▣…▣回年四三所生奴年二奴龍金良妻▣▣▣(一所生)

奴銀同年二十三婢者斤一所生奴走叱同年四婢卵今二所生婢▣▣年二十二婢▣▣▣一所生奴石崇年▣十婢內隱伊二所生奴▣▣▣▣(石伊年二)

十六婢夫成二所生婢同今年三十三三所生奴仇等伊年二十七婢同今一所生奴孫同年七二所生奴孫山年四婢小斤阿只二所生放役婢

守今年三十九婢亏叱今三所生婢永老年十三婢終今二所生奴種從年十奴加外四所生婢終今年四十八金浦婢孝道二所生婢强非年二十三

同婢一所生婢安非年五任實婢孝德一所生奴欣孫年四十三所生婢今之年三十五四所生婢粉之年二十七同婢一所生婢延之年七婢今之一所生

婢洪非年六二所生奴年四奴李存良妻二所生婢龍今年十八婢龍德一所生奴年四婢訥斤三所生奴金伊同年十七四所生婢件里今▣(年)

六婢粉加一所生婢年二臨津婢銀德二所生奴佛金年三十三婢白隱莊一所生婢白隱之年三十五婢玉非三所生奴玉屯年二十五伊川婢

長命二所生婢玉梅年六十五同婢三所生奴勿金年二十六婢毛老非一所▣(生)奴金山改名末乙金年二十七婢仲德一所生婢松阿之年十二朔寧婢▣(玉)

非一所生婢玉今年四十二靈光婢古音未一所生奴莫金年七十三婢小非二所生奴龍萬年三十海美婢莫莊三所生奴遠伊年五十五奴長命二

所生婢卜非年三十九康津婢孝道三所生奴莫金年五十七同奴良妻四所生奴姜守年九咸興婢順非四所生婢守非年六奴謁同三所生婢連

今年十七定平婢仍邑隱五所生奴仇叱金年二十一六所生奴仇叱同年十九奴訖斤五所生婢莫德年四十婢三月一所生奴金山年十三二所生婢▣

德年九虎溪婢李德三所生奴崔山年三十九三陟婢小斤召史二所生奴朴大年四十七奴仇里大良妻四所生婢古春年三江陵羽溪婢德

之三所生婢內隱加年四十七婢內隱今二所生婢年三延安婢▣▣(長壽)五所生婢於里加年六十九白川奴莫松良妻一所生婢延臺年十鳳山婢欣

生三所生婢都叱加年三十同婢二所生婢年六八莒奴崔山良妻一所生奴終山年十三所生奴年一密陽婢內隱伊一所生婢眞珠年

四十一河陽婢玉來二所生奴玉萬年四十九珍島婢內隱月一所生奴三龍年三十七星州婢傾國二所生奴銀山年十四永川婢千德一所生奴千同年

十九二所生婢貴德年十四草溪奴命存良妻二所生婢談德年十五奴李生二所生奴銀同年十六開城婢今伊四所生奴末乙孫年十三振威婢玉今▣

所生婢姜德年十七咸從婢小全一所生婢義非年二十慶源奴哲山良妻四所生奴玉只年一鏡城奴巨乙金良妻三所生奴石乙山年六明川婢龍

今二所生婢收養非年一光陽奴終守良妻五所生婢石非年二十三順川奴禿同良妻一所生奴石乙伊年十七咸興婢叔今一所生婢乃斤乃年▣

十四同婢二所生婢內隱台年十三印

二男從仕郞李瑋衿

京中婢仇德一所生婢貴非年四十二同婢二所生奴山守年十六三所生婢同叱德年十二四所生奴敬孫年七婢小斤阿只三所生奴守山年三十六

婢孫莊一所生婢訥斤年五十九婢小斤知二所生婢石乙非年三十同婢一所生奴巨叱金年七二所生婢哲今年一婢獻德三所生婢卜非年二十九同

婢一所生婢卜代年五二所生婢孝道年二婢仇未一所生奴芿叱同年三十一同奴良妻一所生婢芿叱德年四二所生奴虛叱文伊年二婢竹非一所生

婢於乙非年二十二婢孝今三所生婢貴今年十八婢終今一所生婢長今年二十三婢仍邑德一所生奴權孫年四婢亏叱今六所生婢於邑知年三婢

性非一所生奴加叱同年三十九奴介同良妻一所生婢丹之年五十八婢性非一所生奴卜中年三十八金浦婢注之一所生婢孝道年四十九同婢一所生

奴禿同年二十六楊州婢良衣德五所生婢莫今年五臨津婢其每二所生奴今音同年四十二三所生婢萬德年四十婢善今二所生婢芿叱非年

九三所生婢芿叱加年六婢銀德三所生奴佛衆年三十奴勿金二所生婢銀非年七積城婢白莊二所生奴番其年二十六若木婢小斤德二所生▣

今音夫伊改名檢佛年二十二五所生奴者古未年十四婢莫非一所生婢夫貴年四十三奴難金良妻一所生奴玉山年二十星州婢傾國三所生奴

年六婢老里加所生放役奴牛未致年七十八莒婢宝全一所生婢龍今年五十三婢召史三所生奴加介年二十六山陽奴尙伊良妻二所生婢賓

今年九高靈婢者斤召史三所生婢莫德年三十二永川婢黃珍伊一所生婢金德年五十二虎溪婢双非改名三德一所生婢三非年十六光陽

奴終守良妻七所生奴莫金年十七咸安婢四月二所生奴火伊年六十一婢德非一所生婢則今年三十六婢月娟二所生奴石乙金年十三婢犬伊一

所生婢年一南海奴金萬良妻一所生婢晋非年二十六奴哲同良妻三所生奴允孫年十八四所生婢黃玉年十六黃澗婢內隱月二所生奴

開金年三十四康津婢孝道一所生奴姜元年六十七二所生奴姜金改名士義年六十二奴孝生良妻三所生奴仇里年十四全州婢佛德二所生奴月

千年三十一同奴二所生婢今終年四珍島奴萬山良妻一所生奴萬同年十九尼山婢多勿沙里一所生婢入沙里年五海美奴長命良妻三所生婢

卜珍伊年三十六咸興婢貴今二所生婢斤非年十二奴龍吉良妻二所生奴貴山年三十四奴每邑吐里良妻三所生婢金今年二十六同婢一所生婢

同非年六奴末應仇知良妻二所生婢小斤德年四十婢琴瑟一所生婢勿金年十婢順非六所生奴年一甲山奴長孫良妻二所生奴玉同年四安邊

奴莫只良妻四所生奴順伊年三十奴銀丁良妻一所生奴貴石年七三陟婢夫田一所生奴松山年四十八婢仍邑德一所生奴於應同年十二順川婢卜德一

所生奴春山年四十五婢莫德一所生奴先山年四寧邊奴莫同良妻一所生婢古音德年十三婢宝背三所生婢亡德年十四印

長女前行副司猛尹化溟妻李氏衿

京中婢阿乙吾之四所生婢性今年五十三同婢一所生婢貴非年二十七二所生婢同伊年十六三所生婢本都只年十一婢貴非一所生婢阿望年四婢

甫乙松二所生奴彭公年二十七婢無心一所生奴犬伊年十六婢亏叱今二所生婢豆田年十五婢德今一所生婢西德年二十五婢春德二所生奴柴孔

年十四婢莫德一所生奴崔連年五十五婢卵乙知二所生放役婢無作今年二十六婢小斤阿只二所生奴千同年二十九舒川婢德伊一所生婢卵

今年四十二同婢一所生婢仇叱德年二十六四所生婢莫西非年十二奴佛排良妻一所生奴京山年十九海美婢卜加三所生奴年二楊州婢

內隱伊一所生婢良衣德年四十五同婢四所生奴碩同年六奴長命所生奴莫同年二十三臨津婢四月一所生奴遠金年六十八婢善今一所生婢

芿叱德年十三婢萬德四所生婢莫非年三積城奴吾莊二所生婢年臨江奴於乙非大良妻六所生奴守命年二十七振威婢於里德一所生

婢無心年十五婢四桂二所生奴碩石乙伊年十九虎溪奴於乙非大二所生婢水淸年三十八婢守德三所生婢三德年三十五若木奴林福良

妻二所生奴佛生年二十九婢小莊一所生婢小斤德年五十四婢冬非二所生奴銀同年十八莒婢召史一所生奴崔山年三十四草溪婢亏同三所

生奴無里同年二十五婢卜只二所生奴欣山年四十七奴命存四所生奴李先年七安康婢今音德一所生婢豆於里年二十二所生婢小非年十四

咸安婢八月三所生婢小斤召史年六十婢貴今一所生婢犬伊年二十一婢月非一所生婢佛非年一任實婢佛德三所生婢月今年二十七同婢

一所生婢孝德二所生奴金孫年三十七康津婢欣加二所生奴乙夫年五十四奴莫金良妻一所生婢永德年二十一同婢一所生婢年六

二所生羅州奴鐵山良妻所生奴牛叱同年三十一益山奴同叱三四所生婢每邑加年六十二安邊奴莫只良妻一所生奴銀丁年三十九同奴

良妻二所生奴貴珍年五奴莫只五所生婢新今年二十二婢莫德二所生奴今音豆伊年六咸興奴龍吉良妻三所生奴貴生年三十二奴謁同

良妻五所生奴連孫年十一奴松介良妻一所生婢松非年五婢玉德二所生婢年一奴豆乙彦良妻六所生婢老里加年五十六婢閑今一所生

奴李山年二十六文川任內龍津婢丹陽一所生婢貴今年六十五定平婢莫加一所生奴貴同年四十婢仍邑隱一所生婢三月年三十四三所生奴

石柱年二十五同奴良妻一所生奴年一慶源奴哲山良妻三所生奴都也之年七鏡城婢莫只十一所生婢莫德年五十七甲山奴長孫

良妻三所生婢玉德年二婢銀珠二所生婢銀今年十四江陵婢內隱加一所生婢內隱莊改名內隱今年二十三同婢一所生婢內隱非▣▣(年七)三

陟奴仇里大良妻三所生婢叱同三年六咸從奴川龍良妻一所生婢小全年四十七江西婢宝文一所生奴者斤同年四十六朔寧奴末乙

巾良妻二所生婢檢德年十一印

三男將仕郞李琜衿

京中婢心方二所生婢春德年三十八同婢一所生婢烏梅年十五婢宝代四所生婢莫之年二十八同婢一所生奴石孫年六婢仲非二所生奴孫山

年二十六婢夫成一所生放役奴同伊年三十六婢三月一所生放役奴都致年五十二婢加也之二所生婢閏德年二十六婢小斤阿只五所生奴守同年

二十三婢從伊七所生婢莫只年十二婢彔德三所生婢終今年五十三臨津婢銀德一所生奴勿金年三十七楊州婢良衣德三所生婢碩今

年十四振威婢玉今五所生奴莫山年十二六所生婢安今年三婢於里德二所生婢無加里年安城婢七月四所生婢中秋年三十七尼山奴▣

里金良妻所生婢永伊年五十二同婢三所生婢多勿沙里年二十五舒川婢松伊一所生奴金大年七十婢卵乙今二所生奴眞山年二十二伊川

婢玉梅二所生婢仲德年三十一婢長命三所生奴玉山年六十四延安婢順加一所生婢甫中加伊年三十五奴金禾良妻一所生奴甘音山年十三四所

生婢春德年三任實婢孝德五所生婢粉加年二十五六所生奴元孫年二十三婢內隱加五所生奴亡龍年五十八康津婢則只六所生婢莫德年

三十四全州奴月千良妻一所生奴月同年十珍島奴三龍三所生婢而非年六咸安奴鄭夫良妻二所生奴鄭善年二十三婢四月三所生婢德非年

五十八婢貴今二所生奴家同年十八山陽奴道者三所生奴尙伊年三十八密陽奴李元良妻▣(一)所生婢內隱伊年六十四虎溪奴李萬良妻一所生

李文年十六婢水淸一所生婢双今年六婢卜守二所生婢莫德年十五永川婢千德三所生奴貴山年十草溪婢永守三所生奴牛未致年三十▣(八)

若木奴林福良妻一所生婢林德年四十三星州奴石乙山良妻一所生婢李德年二十七婢小斤召史所生婢末乙今年二十七奴金卜只二所生

婢年一婢傾國一所生奴玉山年十七婢古勿伊一所生年二興陽婢者斤二所生奴光金年三十安邊婢守明一所生婢玉今年

十一二所生奴重石年九奴莫只良妻二所生奴金同年三十六六所生婢莫今年十九奴銀丁良妻三所生奴貴知年二咸興奴龍吉四所生

奴貴忠年三十一婢泉今五所生婢斤非年十六奴謁同六所生奴莫孫年十婢古音德六所生奴泉龍年五十八婢金今二所生年

四婢老里加三所生婢內隱非年十八婢閑今二所生婢龍今年十四奴龍吉良妻五所生奴松介年二十六富寧婢春花八所生奴孟▣(同)

年十五定平婢莫德三所生婢件里德年八慶源奴哲山良妻二所生婢玉今年十二明川婢龍今一所生婢走伊今年六鏡城奴巨乙金

良妻四所生奴年一寧遠奴豆乙彦良妻一所生婢朴莊年十六江西奴者斤同良妻四所生奴義存年八順川奴春山良妻二所生婢順今年▣▣(五印)

四男李{玉+束}衿

京中婢內隱伊一所生婢佛今年四十二同婢二所生奴佛山年九三所生奴季同年五四所生奴莫山年一婢宝全三所生婢四德年二十九婢終

今四所生婢臺加年八婢月非四所生婢從伊年五十一同婢一所生奴春同年三十三五所生奴順斤年十九婢亏叱今四所生婢貴欣年▣

婢春花一所生奴貴孫年三十八婢亏同二所生婢仍邑德年三十六婢古非一所生放役婢猪非年十八婢都致四所生放役婢無心年五十八

婢守如今二所生奴末乙柱年一咸興婢獻德四所生婢四月年十八七所生婢今之年十二奴今音松五所生婢萬德年五十三奴龍吉良妻一所

生婢貴今年四十四奴泉龍良妻五所生婢玉之年十六婢小斤德三所生奴貴{宀+失}年十三四所生奴無豆里年二婢貴今三所生奴今同年八婢琴

瑟二所生婢豆應今年六奴松介良妻二所生婢年婢泉今四所生婢今知年二十定平婢三月二所生奴徽孫改名叔孫年十六端

川婢金莊二所生婢卜非三十六寧遠奴龍已良妻一所生婢宝背年五十五安邊婢莫德一所生奴石乙金年十三鏡城婢延非四所生奴末

應金年二十四婢卜只一所生奴石同年四十九文川婢內隱伊二所生婢莫德年三十三慶源奴哲山良妻一所生婢粉今年十三永興奴亏▣

亇良妻四所生奴哲京年十九江西奴者斤同良妻二所生婢大德年二十二郭山奴長守良妻一所生婢若非年三十一順川奴元奉良妻二所生

奴加叱同年五十二同奴一所生婢莫德年二十七靈光婢小非三所生婢內隱今年二十一任實婢性非二所生奴欣山年五十六同奴良妻一所生▣

金孫年五婢亏同一所生奴李存年四十五同奴良妻三所生奴李忠年十四四所生婢存非年九五所生婢吾音之年六益山婢甘莊四所生

奴吉生年五十康津奴莫金良妻二所生奴自明年十七星州婢其每三所生奴億守年二十六奴石乙山良妻二所生奴石柱年十七婢小非四所生

奴金卜只年二十九虎溪婢守德二所生婢卜守年四十一婢李德一所生奴內隱同年四十八婢水淸二所生婢正月年三若木婢小斤德一所生

婢冬非年三十四同婢四所生婢金今年五婢林德二所生奴件里同年十咸安奴卵山良妻一所生婢月娟年三十九奴今音金良妻一所生

奴北間年四八莒奴崔山良妻二所生婢夫今年五延安婢月非一所生奴禿同年四十二婢內隱伊二所生婢內隱文伊年十三奴金禾良妻▣(三)

所生婢貴德年六白川奴莫松二所生婢永今年七尼山婢永伊四所生奴金伊同年二十舒川婢德伊二所生奴佛排年三十八海美奴長▣(命)

良妻四所生奴每邑同年三十臨津婢其每一所生奴檢佛年五十四婢石乙今三所生奴哲同年十六楊州婢加叱加一所生奴下通年三十八利川

婢冬白一所生婢命吉年六十六三陟奴仇里大良妻二所生奴同叱金年十四海美奴每邑同一所生奴年二印

五男李瑽衿

京中婢夫成五所生奴無作只年二十二婢訥斤一所生婢栢伊年三十一婢內隱伊四所生婢加德年六婢亏叱今一所生婢舍非年二十四同婢一所

生婢末乙石年三婢甫乙松四所生奴今孫年十七婢玉梅一所生奴吳山年二十八婢性非四所生奴目隱同年二十四婢石乙非一所生奴牛叱同年▣▣

三利川婢冬白六所生奴麻老年四十九婢七月二所生婢孝養年四十六同婢三所生奴馬叱同年十四四所生奴年六臨津婢者斤一所生

婢善今年三十三婢萬德三所生婢守今年七奴勿金良妻三所生婢銀莊年五婢三月一所生奴北間年六楊州婢良衣德一所生婢每邑之年

十九安城奴金千良妻三所生奴者斤吾乙未年二十八咸安婢仇叱德四所生婢貴德年四十二同婢三所生婢加音勿加伊年九五所生奴佛乙加年

三婢月今一所生婢順非年十二南海奴哲同良妻五所生奴玉壽年十四八莒奴衆伊良妻二所生奴行眞年六十三婢龍今一所生奴能孫年

二十五二所生婢春代年十八草溪奴命存良妻一所生婢吾今年十七婢性仇之一所生婢性今年四十二奴豆里大良妻三所生婢莫非年三十▣(九)

虎溪婢卜守三所生婢莫今年十四所生奴間都未年五奴李萬良妻二所生婢文非年九婢三德三所生奴年一若木婢小斤德三所生奴於里

同年十九婢若德一所生放役奴命山年四十一婢梅花一所生婢衆生年六十六同婢一所生婢石今年四十四婢亏斤五所生婢吉非年十六婢夫叱實

一所生奴末乙同年六十奴難金二所生奴玉石年十五山陰婢亏巨之二所生奴銀同年三十二婢粉伊三所生奴今音石年星州婢李德一所生

婢年二密陽婢眞珠二所生奴玉連年十六任實婢孝德九所生婢彔今年十六婢莫只二所生奴象伊年二十一婢訥斤二所生婢加知

年十八康津奴訥山良妻二所生奴訥達年十七婢莫德二所生奴義同年十珍島婢小斤一所生婢玉生年六十二婢虫介所生奴萬山年四十三奴

三龍四所生年二靈光婢小非一所生奴於吐里年三十六海美奴長命一所生婢卜加年三十八伊川婢仲德三所生婢莫非年七明川奴金彔良

妻七所生婢終伊年二十七咸興奴每邑吐里良妻一所生奴謁同年四十五二所生奴謁金年三十六奴今音松九所生婢順非年三十八同婢五所生奴叔▣

年四婢今知一所生婢銀臺年一婢老里加伊一所生奴金叱同改名孫同年三十一定平婢仍邑德八所生婢莫非年十一婢三月三所生婢▣…

年四婢三月五所生奴處同年二文川婢莫德一所生奴年十四鏡城婢莫德四所生奴今孫年二十江界奴双龍良妻六所生婢加也之年

四十九江西奴者斤同五所生年一印

二女從仕郞李熙妻李氏衿

京中婢哲今一所生婢波獨年四十二同婢一所生婢宝背年二十六二所生奴億同年二十三所生奴億山年十八婢宝背一所生婢淡之年三二所生

婢二非年一奴卵山良妻三所生婢今音知年三十婢今伊二所生婢栗伊年二十四五所生奴五十同年七婢孝生三所生婢地莊年二十婢今

月二所生奴貴民年二十八奴於乙非大良妻七所生奴雪山年二十二婢召史一所生婢今伊年十七婢其每二所生奴石乙仇知年三十八三所生放役奴▣(卜)

大年三十五婢小斤阿只一所生放役婢亏叱今年四十一同婢五所生婢於如年五婢宝代一所生婢卵今年五十四同婢三所生奴銀孫年十

九婢甫乙松三所生婢於▣…▣今年二十四金浦婢注之二所生婢甘勿年四十二珍島婢都里加二所生奴亡吐里年五十九積城奴吾莊良妻

一所生奴閏同年四草溪婢小莊一所生奴興守年六十七婢今音珍四所生奴命存年四十三江西奴於火金一所生婢遠時年四十全州奴

月千良妻三所生婢年二定平婢莫德一所生婢李德年二十婢三月一所生奴竹山年十八海美婢卜加一所生婢衆生年十婢卜非一所

生奴貴孫年十六鳳山婢都叱加一所生婢羅火大年八任實婢禿德二所生奴莫同年四十三奴金孫良妻一所生奴難孫年八三所生▣…

…▣年二咸興奴泉龍良妻四所生婢玉德年二十五同婢一所生奴末乙孫年四奴末應仇知良妻一所生奴獻德年五十一婢順非三所生

奴叔同年十三奴貴山良妻一所生婢今伊年十一婢泉今六所生奴哲孫年十五永川婢小莊二所生婢千德年五十一婢每邑德一所生奴亡吾

之年三十五安邊奴毛知里良妻三所生奴守達年三十七五所生婢春月年三十四鏡城奴巨乙金良妻二所生婢卜今年十一婢玉今二所生婢

白德年四十六臨津婢卜加一所生婢銀德年七十婢萬德一所生婢萬今年十六婢石乙今二所生奴閏同年十九奴勿金良妻四所生婢年一

延安婢於里加五所生婢內隱伊年三十七同婢一所生奴上佐年十六振威婢亏音加二所生奴李山年二十九星州婢老里加三所生婢古物伊年

四十婢今音都致三所生婢小斤召史年六十七長興婢則只五所生奴長未年四十六伊川婢長命六所生奴吾乙亇同年四十八婢仲德四所生奴莫

松年二明川奴金彔三所生婢龍今年三十九婢龍德一所生奴吾伊同年十光陽奴終守良妻二所生奴石從年三十三三所生婢石今年

三十若木婢冬非三所生婢今德年八舒川婢卵今三所生婢石伊年十九八莒婢龍今三所生奴連孫年八康津婢莫德三所生奴義山年

六寧遠奴末乙金良妻三所生奴莫同年二十四奴莫同良妻二所生婢古音之年八咸安婢貴德四所生婢黃犬伊年六印

六男李璦衿

京中婢金德一所生婢內隱伊年五十四婢仲非一所生婢孫非年二十九同婢一所生奴難同年七二所生奴閏同年二婢元萬三所生放役婢

自才年六十婢小斤阿只四所生婢守如今年二十五同婢一所生奴巨叱金年二婢從伊六所生奴順伊年十五婢栢伊三所生婢石乙德年五婢守

命一所生奴甘吐里年六十三婢春德三所生婢錦春年十婢四德一所生奴金孫年三臨津婢者斤召史二所生婢石乙今年五十四婢所生婢

三月年三十五奴勿金良妻一所生婢內隱非年十二朔寧婢長命五所生奴末乙巾年五十七同奴良妻一所生奴檢山年十三積城婢今音加六所生婢

白莊年五十一同婢一所生奴吾莊年二十九振威婢玉今二所生婢仲今年二十一婢於里德三所生奴貴山年舒川婢卵今五所生婢仇之年五

奴金大良妻一所生婢玉只年二十四虎溪婢卜守一所生婢卜德年二十一婢延伊三所生奴豆乙彦年六十六婢李德五所生奴竝同年三十三若木婢

小斤德四所生婢順今年十六婢冬非一所生奴金孫年十五婢林德一所生奴明山年十五星州婢其每二所生婢傾城年三十二同婢一所生婢傾

今年二婢末乙今一所生奴千連年三奴金卜只良妻一所生婢今德年三草溪奴命存良妻三所生奴李孫年十五所生年一永川婢牧丹三

所生婢延非年六十七山陽奴尙伊良妻一所生奴賓伊年十一晋州婢金德一所生奴裵京年六十咸安奴鄭夫一所生婢碧桃年二十九奴金龍

二所生奴千金年十八蔚山婢介莊三所生婢者斤召史年四十六珍島奴三龍良妻二所生婢四非年九南原奴李存良妻一所生婢龍德年二十五

任實婢孝德七所生奴元金年二十婢訥斤一所生放役奴玉同年三十一康津奴莫金良妻三所生奴豆含年十四白川婢莫加三所生奴莫松

年三十同奴良妻三所生奴山伊年三延安奴金禾良妻二所生婢甘音德年九婢內隱伊四所生婢檢崇年八婢於里加四所生奴目隱大年四十一

定平婢仍邑隱七所生奴興山年十五婢莫德二所生婢李台年十二四所生奴李孫年四婢三月三所生奴叔珍年十二四所生奴處山年五慶

源婢佛台三所生奴哲山年四十三咸興奴今音松良妻八所生奴順右年四十四婢萬德二所生婢斤非年十五奴泉龍良妻三所生奴玉同

年二十七奴謁同良妻二所生奴連山年二十二奴松介良妻三所生婢年二婢老里加二所生奴金伊同年二十九安邊奴莫只良妻

三所生婢守明年三十三同婢三所生婢重德年六婢粉德五所生婢莫德年四十三明川婢龍德二所生婢古音之年二三陟婢小斤召

史三所生奴仇里大年四十伊川婢長命四所生婢毛老非年五十八婢玉今一所生婢玉德年十六咸從奴川龍良妻二所生奴檢知年四

十五順川奴末應達良妻二所生奴李存年四十舒川婢玉只一所生年二定平奴末乙金二所生婢三月年三十一印

七男李玖衿

京中婢宝背三所生奴檢佛年四十八婢大非一所生奴孝孫年十九婢今音都致四所生婢加隱非年六十五婢從伊八所生奴莫同年九婢

於里加三所生奴亡吾之年四十五六所生婢莫今年三十婢仍邑隱二所生婢銀非年三十三婢卵乙今四所生婢加知今年十六婢今音知一所生

婢卜非年十一婢白隱德四所生婢欣非年三十八婢內隱伊三所生婢件里年十一婢栢伊一所生奴黃孫年十一四所生婢奏巨伊年三婢

春德四所生奴李石年四咸安奴卵山良妻二所生婢月今年三十四四所生奴今音金年二十八同奴良妻二所生奴古間年二婢月

娟一所生婢月非年二十二婢彔中二所生婢都德年五三所生奴都山年一任實婢孝德八所生婢金伊今年十八長興婢金德一所生

奴貴生年二十五虎溪婢守德四所生奴莫乃年二十五婢雙非二所生婢石乙非年十二咸興婢貴今一所生婢卜非年二十四同婢一所生奴金伊

萬年四婢獻德五所生奴仇叱同年十五婢甘同二所生奴每邑山改名孟山年三十四婢小斤德二所生婢虫介年十六延安婢於里加一所生奴金

禾年五十一婢內隱伊三所生婢六月年十五所生奴李孫年二婢月非二所生奴勿金年二十八臨津奴同三良妻一所生奴仲萬年五十八婢白

隱之一所生奴銀從年三臨江奴守命良妻一所生婢鄭非年三奴於乙非大良妻八所生奴終山年十三定平奴訖斤二所生婢仍邑隱年

五十四同婢九所生婢莫今年六八莒奴衆伊二所生婢召史年五十八安邊婢春月二所生婢春非年十五婢莫德三所生奴都致年三伊

川婢仲德二所生婢於能▣(牛)年十明川奴金彔良妻二所生奴金龍年四十一四所生婢龍德年三十九三陟奴松山良妻一所生婢仍邑

德年二十四奴仇里大良妻五所生婢年一海美婢卜加二所生婢本都只年七星州奴石乙山良妻三所生婢卜非年十三婢性非

所生婢其每年五十二原州婢莫今一所生奴昌孫年十八丹城婢牧丹一所生奴斤重年四十七永川婢德莊一所生婢古春四十四草

溪婢者斤一所生婢今音德年六十振威婢亏音加一所生放役婢於里德年四十三婢其每一所生婢玉今年四十三同婢四所生奴莫同

年十四開城奴仇石所生婢今伊年五十五甲山婢銀珠一所生奴長孫年十八寧遠奴朴哲二所生奴莫同年四十五鏡城婢莫德一所生奴

巨乙金年三十一若木婢冬非五所生奴金哲年一江西奴者斤同良妻一所生奴大同年二十四尼山婢永伊五所生奴仁卜年十五光陽奴從守

良妻六所生婢莫德年二十山陽奴尙伊良妻三所生奴屯伊年七珍島奴三龍良妻一所生奴四同年十三楊州婢良衣德二所生奴每

邑山年十六南海婢金德三所生奴裵中山年五十五康津婢白隱莊二所生奴白隱金年二十印

此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆

父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事

幼學李 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

李 [着名][署押]

幼學李 [着名][署押]

將仕郞李 [着名][署押]

筆執承義副尉前行副司猛尹 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

宣務郞前工曺佐郞李 [着名][署押]

}}

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿
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(Introduction)<br />
The seventh year of Hongzhi (1494), sixth month, twenty-seventh day. The unanimous (agreement) [on property distribution] among siblings born of the same mother. ([Property] endowed by parents) as well as specially-acquired endowment <ref>Separately-acquired property by children from their parents for particular achievements, such as passing examinations, etc(1) (to be calculated and equally distributed for each share) in accordance with law. (2)<br />
All-comprehensive record for each share is for our children and grandchildren to pass down and carry out for a long time and use in cases of employing slaves. Slaves in charge of tomb management, male slave Kŭmsan, male slave Mangŏji, male slave Ch’ŏndong and the rest were exempt from tribute. Like other slaves who are exempt from tribute have them each rely on their own share.<br />
I will designate a male slave Chŏngbu from Haman and a male slave younger Olmi from Ansŏng and the rest as superintendents of the tombs. Descendants according to each share will employ slaves as outlined in the contents of this document.<br />
For any reason if there is a dispute among each other report to the government office to resolve and straighten out the matters.<br />

(1) .<br />
(2) Basic constitutional code of Chosŏn.<br />

(Part 2)
<br />Sixth Son Yi Ae’s Inheritance
<br />At the capital, female slave’s first born female slave Naeŭni, aged 54.
<br />Female slave Chungbi’s first born female slave Sonbi, aged 29;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Nandong, aged 7;
<br />Second born male slave Yundong, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Wŏnman’s third born female slave (exempted from tribute) Chajae, aged 60.
<br />Female slave Sogŭnaji’s fourth born female slave Suyŏgŭm, aged 25;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Kŏjilgŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Chongi’s sixth born male slave Suni, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Paegi’s third born female slave Sŏgŭldŏk, aged 5.
<br />Female slave Sumyŏng’s first born male slave Kamt'oi, aged 63.
<br />Female slave Ch'undŏk’s third born female slave Kŭmch'un, aged 10.
<br />Female slave Sadŏk’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 3.
<br />At Imjin, female slave Chagŭnsosa’s second born female slave Sŏgŭlgŭm, aged 54.
<br />Female slave [?]’s [?] born female slave Samwŏl, aged 35.
<br />Male slave Mulgŭm’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Naeŭnbi, aged 12.
<br />At Sangnyŏng<ref>the old name for Ryŏnch'ŏn 漣川 in Kyŏnggi Province and Ch'ŏrwŏn 鐵原 in Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fifth born male slave Marŭlgŏn, aged 57;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Kŏmsan, aged 13.
<br />At Chŏksŏng<ref>the old name for P'aju 坡州 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmga’s sixth born female slave Paekchang, aged 51;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Ojang, aged 29.
<br />At Chinwi<ref>the old name for P'yŏngt'aek 平澤 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Okkŭm’s second born female slave Chunggŭm, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Ǒidŏk’s third born male slave Kwisan, aged [?].
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Ch'ungch'ŏng Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Ran'gŭm’s fifth born female slave Kuji, aged 5.
<br />Male slave Kŭmdae’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Okchi, aged 24.
<br />At Hogye<ref>the old name for Mun'gyŏng 聞慶 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poksu’s first born female slave Poktŏk, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Yŏni’s third born male slave Tuŭrŏn, aged 66.
<br />Female slave Idŏk’s fifth born male slave Pyŏngdong, aged 33.
<br />At Yangmok<ref>the old name for Ch'ilgok 漆谷 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭndŏk’s fourth born female slave Sun'gŭm, aged 16.
<br />Female slave Tongbi’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Rimdŏk’s first born male slave Myŏngsan, aged 15.
<br />At Sŏngju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kimae’s second born female slave Kyŏngsŏng, aged 32;
<br />Same female slave’s first born female slave Kyŏnggŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Marŭlgŭm’s first born male slave Ch'ŏllyŏn, aged 3.
<br />Male slave Kŭmbokchi’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Kŭmdŏk, aged 3.
<br />At Ch'ogye<ref>the old name for Hapch'ŏn 陜川 in South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Myŏngjon’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Ison, aged 10;
<br />Fifth born [?] slave [?], aged 1.
<br />At Yŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Moktan’s third born female slave Yŏnbi, aged 67.
<br />At Sanyang<ref>also an old name for Mun'gyŏng</ref>, male slave Sangi’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Pini, aged 11.
<br />At Chinju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmdŏk’s first born male slave Paegyŏng, aged 60.
<br />At Haman<ref>in nowadays central part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea </ref>, male slave Chŏngbu’s first born female slave Pyŏkto, aged 29.
<br />Male slave Kŭmnyong’s second born male slave Ch'ŏn'gŭm, aged 18.
<br />At Ulsan, female slave Kaejang’s third born female slave Chagŭnsosa, aged 46.
<br />At Chindo<ref>an island off the coast of nowadays South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Samnyong’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Sabi, aged 9.
<br />At Namwŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Ijon’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Ryongdŏk, aged 25.
<br />At Imsil<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Hyodŏk’s seventh born male slave Wŏn'gŭm, aged 20.
<br />Female slave Nulgŭn’s first born male slave (exempted from tribute) Oktong, aged 31.
<br />At Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Makkŭm’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Tuham, aged 14.
<br />At Paekch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Makka’s third born male slave Maksong, aged 30;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Sani, aged 3.
<br />At Yŏnan<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Kŭmhwa’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Kamŭmdŏk, aged 9.
<br />Female slave Naeŭni’s forth born female slave Kŏmsung, aged 8.
<br />Female slave Ǒiga’s forth born male slave Mogŭndae, aged 41.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ingŭbŭn’s seventh born male slave Hŭngsan, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Maktŏk’s second born female slave It'ae, aged 12;
<br />Forth born male slave Ison, aged 4.
<br />Female slave Samwŏl’s third born male slave Sukchin, aged 12;
<br />Fourth born male slave Ch'ŏsan, aged 5.
<br />At Kyŏngwŏn<ref>in North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Pult'ae’s third born male slave Ch'ŏlssan, aged 43.
<br />At Hamhŭng, male slave Kŭmŭmsong’s commoner wife’s eighth born male slave Sunu, aged 44.
<br />Female slave Mandŏk’s second born female slave Kŭnbi, aged 15.
<br />Male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Oktong, aged 27.
<br />Male slave Tongnyang’s commoner wife second born Ryŏnsan, aged 22.
<br />Male slave Songgae’s commoner wife third born female slave [?], aged 2.
<br />Female slave Noiga’s second born male slave Kŭmidong, aged 29.
<br />At Anbyŏn<ref>in nowadays northern part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Makchi’s commoner wife’s third female slave Sumyŏng, aged 33;
<br />Same female slave’s third born female slave Chungdŏk, aged 6.
<br />Female slave Pundŏk’s fifth born female slave Maktŏk, aged 43.
<br />At Myŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ryongdŏk’s second born female slave Koŭmji, aged 2.
<br />At Samch'ŏk<ref> in nowadays southeastern part of Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭnsosa’s third born male slave Kuidae, aged 40.
<br />At Ich'ŏn<ref>in nowadays western part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fourth born female slave Monobi, aged 58.
<br />Female slave Okkŭm’s first born female slave Oktŏk, aged 16.
<br />At Hamjong<ref>in nowadays western part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Kŏmji, aged 45.
<br />At Sunch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays central part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭngdal’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Ijon, aged 40.
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn, female slave Okchi’s first born [?], aged 2.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭlgŭm’s second born female slave Samwŏl, aged 31.
<br />The list ends
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=='''Translation'''==

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=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

2017-07-20T06:03:58Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1494년이애남매화회문기1.jpg|
|English = A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae
|Chinese = 1494年李璦男妹和會文記
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1494.1111-20101008.B021a_033_00184_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1494년 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 李瑺, 李瑋, 李氏, 李琜, 李(玉+束), 李瑽, 李氏, 李璦, 李玖
|Year = 1494
|Key Concepts= Neo-Confucianism, Gender, Property, Inheritance
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기2.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(2)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기3.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(3)
파일:1494년이애남매화회문기.jpg|* 李璦男妹和會文記 이애 남매 화회문기(''Yi Ae nammae hwahoemungi'') 1494(全)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{{원문텍스트
| =
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿

咸安婢道里莊六所生婢內隱今年八十一同婢三所生奴姜萬年五十三所生婢小斤德年四十五同婢二所生婢吉德年二十二三所生奴

丁山年十八四所生婢燕非年十五婢吉德一所生婢同德年三▣▣▣▣▣▣(奴火伊良妻所)生婢彔中年三十二同婢一所生奴家都致年▣▣▣▣▣▣▣(九婢仇叱德二所生)

婢貴今年四十九同婢三所生奴米伊年四婢閏德一所生奴▣…▣▣▣▣▣(年十四婢)▣…▣所生奴加音伊年八婢月今二所生婢順▣▣▣▣▣▣(德年六京中婢)

古邑之五所生婢古非年五十七奴莫三良妻二所生奴今▣…▣十三同婢一所生奴貴孫年四十婢▣…

奴亇頓年四十婢命吉二所生婢石乙非年四十五▣…▣回年四三所生奴年二奴龍金良妻▣▣▣(一所生)

奴銀同年二十三婢者斤一所生奴走叱同年四婢卵今二所生婢▣▣年二十二婢▣▣▣一所生奴石崇年▣十婢內隱伊二所生奴▣▣▣▣(石伊年二)

十六婢夫成二所生婢同今年三十三三所生奴仇等伊年二十七婢同今一所生奴孫同年七二所生奴孫山年四婢小斤阿只二所生放役婢

守今年三十九婢亏叱今三所生婢永老年十三婢終今二所生奴種從年十奴加外四所生婢終今年四十八金浦婢孝道二所生婢强非年二十三

同婢一所生婢安非年五任實婢孝德一所生奴欣孫年四十三所生婢今之年三十五四所生婢粉之年二十七同婢一所生婢延之年七婢今之一所生

婢洪非年六二所生奴年四奴李存良妻二所生婢龍今年十八婢龍德一所生奴年四婢訥斤三所生奴金伊同年十七四所生婢件里今▣(年)

六婢粉加一所生婢年二臨津婢銀德二所生奴佛金年三十三婢白隱莊一所生婢白隱之年三十五婢玉非三所生奴玉屯年二十五伊川婢

長命二所生婢玉梅年六十五同婢三所生奴勿金年二十六婢毛老非一所▣(生)奴金山改名末乙金年二十七婢仲德一所生婢松阿之年十二朔寧婢▣(玉)

非一所生婢玉今年四十二靈光婢古音未一所生奴莫金年七十三婢小非二所生奴龍萬年三十海美婢莫莊三所生奴遠伊年五十五奴長命二

所生婢卜非年三十九康津婢孝道三所生奴莫金年五十七同奴良妻四所生奴姜守年九咸興婢順非四所生婢守非年六奴謁同三所生婢連

今年十七定平婢仍邑隱五所生奴仇叱金年二十一六所生奴仇叱同年十九奴訖斤五所生婢莫德年四十婢三月一所生奴金山年十三二所生婢▣

德年九虎溪婢李德三所生奴崔山年三十九三陟婢小斤召史二所生奴朴大年四十七奴仇里大良妻四所生婢古春年三江陵羽溪婢德

之三所生婢內隱加年四十七婢內隱今二所生婢年三延安婢▣▣(長壽)五所生婢於里加年六十九白川奴莫松良妻一所生婢延臺年十鳳山婢欣

生三所生婢都叱加年三十同婢二所生婢年六八莒奴崔山良妻一所生奴終山年十三所生奴年一密陽婢內隱伊一所生婢眞珠年

四十一河陽婢玉來二所生奴玉萬年四十九珍島婢內隱月一所生奴三龍年三十七星州婢傾國二所生奴銀山年十四永川婢千德一所生奴千同年

十九二所生婢貴德年十四草溪奴命存良妻二所生婢談德年十五奴李生二所生奴銀同年十六開城婢今伊四所生奴末乙孫年十三振威婢玉今▣

所生婢姜德年十七咸從婢小全一所生婢義非年二十慶源奴哲山良妻四所生奴玉只年一鏡城奴巨乙金良妻三所生奴石乙山年六明川婢龍

今二所生婢收養非年一光陽奴終守良妻五所生婢石非年二十三順川奴禿同良妻一所生奴石乙伊年十七咸興婢叔今一所生婢乃斤乃年▣

十四同婢二所生婢內隱台年十三印

二男從仕郞李瑋衿

京中婢仇德一所生婢貴非年四十二同婢二所生奴山守年十六三所生婢同叱德年十二四所生奴敬孫年七婢小斤阿只三所生奴守山年三十六

婢孫莊一所生婢訥斤年五十九婢小斤知二所生婢石乙非年三十同婢一所生奴巨叱金年七二所生婢哲今年一婢獻德三所生婢卜非年二十九同

婢一所生婢卜代年五二所生婢孝道年二婢仇未一所生奴芿叱同年三十一同奴良妻一所生婢芿叱德年四二所生奴虛叱文伊年二婢竹非一所生

婢於乙非年二十二婢孝今三所生婢貴今年十八婢終今一所生婢長今年二十三婢仍邑德一所生奴權孫年四婢亏叱今六所生婢於邑知年三婢

性非一所生奴加叱同年三十九奴介同良妻一所生婢丹之年五十八婢性非一所生奴卜中年三十八金浦婢注之一所生婢孝道年四十九同婢一所生

奴禿同年二十六楊州婢良衣德五所生婢莫今年五臨津婢其每二所生奴今音同年四十二三所生婢萬德年四十婢善今二所生婢芿叱非年

九三所生婢芿叱加年六婢銀德三所生奴佛衆年三十奴勿金二所生婢銀非年七積城婢白莊二所生奴番其年二十六若木婢小斤德二所生▣

今音夫伊改名檢佛年二十二五所生奴者古未年十四婢莫非一所生婢夫貴年四十三奴難金良妻一所生奴玉山年二十星州婢傾國三所生奴

年六婢老里加所生放役奴牛未致年七十八莒婢宝全一所生婢龍今年五十三婢召史三所生奴加介年二十六山陽奴尙伊良妻二所生婢賓

今年九高靈婢者斤召史三所生婢莫德年三十二永川婢黃珍伊一所生婢金德年五十二虎溪婢双非改名三德一所生婢三非年十六光陽

奴終守良妻七所生奴莫金年十七咸安婢四月二所生奴火伊年六十一婢德非一所生婢則今年三十六婢月娟二所生奴石乙金年十三婢犬伊一

所生婢年一南海奴金萬良妻一所生婢晋非年二十六奴哲同良妻三所生奴允孫年十八四所生婢黃玉年十六黃澗婢內隱月二所生奴

開金年三十四康津婢孝道一所生奴姜元年六十七二所生奴姜金改名士義年六十二奴孝生良妻三所生奴仇里年十四全州婢佛德二所生奴月

千年三十一同奴二所生婢今終年四珍島奴萬山良妻一所生奴萬同年十九尼山婢多勿沙里一所生婢入沙里年五海美奴長命良妻三所生婢

卜珍伊年三十六咸興婢貴今二所生婢斤非年十二奴龍吉良妻二所生奴貴山年三十四奴每邑吐里良妻三所生婢金今年二十六同婢一所生婢

同非年六奴末應仇知良妻二所生婢小斤德年四十婢琴瑟一所生婢勿金年十婢順非六所生奴年一甲山奴長孫良妻二所生奴玉同年四安邊

奴莫只良妻四所生奴順伊年三十奴銀丁良妻一所生奴貴石年七三陟婢夫田一所生奴松山年四十八婢仍邑德一所生奴於應同年十二順川婢卜德一

所生奴春山年四十五婢莫德一所生奴先山年四寧邊奴莫同良妻一所生婢古音德年十三婢宝背三所生婢亡德年十四印

長女前行副司猛尹化溟妻李氏衿

京中婢阿乙吾之四所生婢性今年五十三同婢一所生婢貴非年二十七二所生婢同伊年十六三所生婢本都只年十一婢貴非一所生婢阿望年四婢

甫乙松二所生奴彭公年二十七婢無心一所生奴犬伊年十六婢亏叱今二所生婢豆田年十五婢德今一所生婢西德年二十五婢春德二所生奴柴孔

年十四婢莫德一所生奴崔連年五十五婢卵乙知二所生放役婢無作今年二十六婢小斤阿只二所生奴千同年二十九舒川婢德伊一所生婢卵

今年四十二同婢一所生婢仇叱德年二十六四所生婢莫西非年十二奴佛排良妻一所生奴京山年十九海美婢卜加三所生奴年二楊州婢

內隱伊一所生婢良衣德年四十五同婢四所生奴碩同年六奴長命所生奴莫同年二十三臨津婢四月一所生奴遠金年六十八婢善今一所生婢

芿叱德年十三婢萬德四所生婢莫非年三積城奴吾莊二所生婢年臨江奴於乙非大良妻六所生奴守命年二十七振威婢於里德一所生

婢無心年十五婢四桂二所生奴碩石乙伊年十九虎溪奴於乙非大二所生婢水淸年三十八婢守德三所生婢三德年三十五若木奴林福良

妻二所生奴佛生年二十九婢小莊一所生婢小斤德年五十四婢冬非二所生奴銀同年十八莒婢召史一所生奴崔山年三十四草溪婢亏同三所

生奴無里同年二十五婢卜只二所生奴欣山年四十七奴命存四所生奴李先年七安康婢今音德一所生婢豆於里年二十二所生婢小非年十四

咸安婢八月三所生婢小斤召史年六十婢貴今一所生婢犬伊年二十一婢月非一所生婢佛非年一任實婢佛德三所生婢月今年二十七同婢

一所生婢孝德二所生奴金孫年三十七康津婢欣加二所生奴乙夫年五十四奴莫金良妻一所生婢永德年二十一同婢一所生婢年六

二所生羅州奴鐵山良妻所生奴牛叱同年三十一益山奴同叱三四所生婢每邑加年六十二安邊奴莫只良妻一所生奴銀丁年三十九同奴

良妻二所生奴貴珍年五奴莫只五所生婢新今年二十二婢莫德二所生奴今音豆伊年六咸興奴龍吉良妻三所生奴貴生年三十二奴謁同

良妻五所生奴連孫年十一奴松介良妻一所生婢松非年五婢玉德二所生婢年一奴豆乙彦良妻六所生婢老里加年五十六婢閑今一所生

奴李山年二十六文川任內龍津婢丹陽一所生婢貴今年六十五定平婢莫加一所生奴貴同年四十婢仍邑隱一所生婢三月年三十四三所生奴

石柱年二十五同奴良妻一所生奴年一慶源奴哲山良妻三所生奴都也之年七鏡城婢莫只十一所生婢莫德年五十七甲山奴長孫

良妻三所生婢玉德年二婢銀珠二所生婢銀今年十四江陵婢內隱加一所生婢內隱莊改名內隱今年二十三同婢一所生婢內隱非▣▣(年七)三

陟奴仇里大良妻三所生婢叱同三年六咸從奴川龍良妻一所生婢小全年四十七江西婢宝文一所生奴者斤同年四十六朔寧奴末乙

巾良妻二所生婢檢德年十一印

三男將仕郞李琜衿

京中婢心方二所生婢春德年三十八同婢一所生婢烏梅年十五婢宝代四所生婢莫之年二十八同婢一所生奴石孫年六婢仲非二所生奴孫山

年二十六婢夫成一所生放役奴同伊年三十六婢三月一所生放役奴都致年五十二婢加也之二所生婢閏德年二十六婢小斤阿只五所生奴守同年

二十三婢從伊七所生婢莫只年十二婢彔德三所生婢終今年五十三臨津婢銀德一所生奴勿金年三十七楊州婢良衣德三所生婢碩今

年十四振威婢玉今五所生奴莫山年十二六所生婢安今年三婢於里德二所生婢無加里年安城婢七月四所生婢中秋年三十七尼山奴▣

里金良妻所生婢永伊年五十二同婢三所生婢多勿沙里年二十五舒川婢松伊一所生奴金大年七十婢卵乙今二所生奴眞山年二十二伊川

婢玉梅二所生婢仲德年三十一婢長命三所生奴玉山年六十四延安婢順加一所生婢甫中加伊年三十五奴金禾良妻一所生奴甘音山年十三四所

生婢春德年三任實婢孝德五所生婢粉加年二十五六所生奴元孫年二十三婢內隱加五所生奴亡龍年五十八康津婢則只六所生婢莫德年

三十四全州奴月千良妻一所生奴月同年十珍島奴三龍三所生婢而非年六咸安奴鄭夫良妻二所生奴鄭善年二十三婢四月三所生婢德非年

五十八婢貴今二所生奴家同年十八山陽奴道者三所生奴尙伊年三十八密陽奴李元良妻▣(一)所生婢內隱伊年六十四虎溪奴李萬良妻一所生

李文年十六婢水淸一所生婢双今年六婢卜守二所生婢莫德年十五永川婢千德三所生奴貴山年十草溪婢永守三所生奴牛未致年三十▣(八)

若木奴林福良妻一所生婢林德年四十三星州奴石乙山良妻一所生婢李德年二十七婢小斤召史所生婢末乙今年二十七奴金卜只二所生

婢年一婢傾國一所生奴玉山年十七婢古勿伊一所生年二興陽婢者斤二所生奴光金年三十安邊婢守明一所生婢玉今年

十一二所生奴重石年九奴莫只良妻二所生奴金同年三十六六所生婢莫今年十九奴銀丁良妻三所生奴貴知年二咸興奴龍吉四所生

奴貴忠年三十一婢泉今五所生婢斤非年十六奴謁同六所生奴莫孫年十婢古音德六所生奴泉龍年五十八婢金今二所生年

四婢老里加三所生婢內隱非年十八婢閑今二所生婢龍今年十四奴龍吉良妻五所生奴松介年二十六富寧婢春花八所生奴孟▣(同)

年十五定平婢莫德三所生婢件里德年八慶源奴哲山良妻二所生婢玉今年十二明川婢龍今一所生婢走伊今年六鏡城奴巨乙金

良妻四所生奴年一寧遠奴豆乙彦良妻一所生婢朴莊年十六江西奴者斤同良妻四所生奴義存年八順川奴春山良妻二所生婢順今年▣▣(五印)

四男李{玉+束}衿

京中婢內隱伊一所生婢佛今年四十二同婢二所生奴佛山年九三所生奴季同年五四所生奴莫山年一婢宝全三所生婢四德年二十九婢終

今四所生婢臺加年八婢月非四所生婢從伊年五十一同婢一所生奴春同年三十三五所生奴順斤年十九婢亏叱今四所生婢貴欣年▣

婢春花一所生奴貴孫年三十八婢亏同二所生婢仍邑德年三十六婢古非一所生放役婢猪非年十八婢都致四所生放役婢無心年五十八

婢守如今二所生奴末乙柱年一咸興婢獻德四所生婢四月年十八七所生婢今之年十二奴今音松五所生婢萬德年五十三奴龍吉良妻一所

生婢貴今年四十四奴泉龍良妻五所生婢玉之年十六婢小斤德三所生奴貴{宀+失}年十三四所生奴無豆里年二婢貴今三所生奴今同年八婢琴

瑟二所生婢豆應今年六奴松介良妻二所生婢年婢泉今四所生婢今知年二十定平婢三月二所生奴徽孫改名叔孫年十六端

川婢金莊二所生婢卜非三十六寧遠奴龍已良妻一所生婢宝背年五十五安邊婢莫德一所生奴石乙金年十三鏡城婢延非四所生奴末

應金年二十四婢卜只一所生奴石同年四十九文川婢內隱伊二所生婢莫德年三十三慶源奴哲山良妻一所生婢粉今年十三永興奴亏▣

亇良妻四所生奴哲京年十九江西奴者斤同良妻二所生婢大德年二十二郭山奴長守良妻一所生婢若非年三十一順川奴元奉良妻二所生

奴加叱同年五十二同奴一所生婢莫德年二十七靈光婢小非三所生婢內隱今年二十一任實婢性非二所生奴欣山年五十六同奴良妻一所生▣

金孫年五婢亏同一所生奴李存年四十五同奴良妻三所生奴李忠年十四四所生婢存非年九五所生婢吾音之年六益山婢甘莊四所生

奴吉生年五十康津奴莫金良妻二所生奴自明年十七星州婢其每三所生奴億守年二十六奴石乙山良妻二所生奴石柱年十七婢小非四所生

奴金卜只年二十九虎溪婢守德二所生婢卜守年四十一婢李德一所生奴內隱同年四十八婢水淸二所生婢正月年三若木婢小斤德一所生

婢冬非年三十四同婢四所生婢金今年五婢林德二所生奴件里同年十咸安奴卵山良妻一所生婢月娟年三十九奴今音金良妻一所生

奴北間年四八莒奴崔山良妻二所生婢夫今年五延安婢月非一所生奴禿同年四十二婢內隱伊二所生婢內隱文伊年十三奴金禾良妻▣(三)

所生婢貴德年六白川奴莫松二所生婢永今年七尼山婢永伊四所生奴金伊同年二十舒川婢德伊二所生奴佛排年三十八海美奴長▣(命)

良妻四所生奴每邑同年三十臨津婢其每一所生奴檢佛年五十四婢石乙今三所生奴哲同年十六楊州婢加叱加一所生奴下通年三十八利川

婢冬白一所生婢命吉年六十六三陟奴仇里大良妻二所生奴同叱金年十四海美奴每邑同一所生奴年二印

五男李瑽衿

京中婢夫成五所生奴無作只年二十二婢訥斤一所生婢栢伊年三十一婢內隱伊四所生婢加德年六婢亏叱今一所生婢舍非年二十四同婢一所

生婢末乙石年三婢甫乙松四所生奴今孫年十七婢玉梅一所生奴吳山年二十八婢性非四所生奴目隱同年二十四婢石乙非一所生奴牛叱同年▣▣

三利川婢冬白六所生奴麻老年四十九婢七月二所生婢孝養年四十六同婢三所生奴馬叱同年十四四所生奴年六臨津婢者斤一所生

婢善今年三十三婢萬德三所生婢守今年七奴勿金良妻三所生婢銀莊年五婢三月一所生奴北間年六楊州婢良衣德一所生婢每邑之年

十九安城奴金千良妻三所生奴者斤吾乙未年二十八咸安婢仇叱德四所生婢貴德年四十二同婢三所生婢加音勿加伊年九五所生奴佛乙加年

三婢月今一所生婢順非年十二南海奴哲同良妻五所生奴玉壽年十四八莒奴衆伊良妻二所生奴行眞年六十三婢龍今一所生奴能孫年

二十五二所生婢春代年十八草溪奴命存良妻一所生婢吾今年十七婢性仇之一所生婢性今年四十二奴豆里大良妻三所生婢莫非年三十▣(九)

虎溪婢卜守三所生婢莫今年十四所生奴間都未年五奴李萬良妻二所生婢文非年九婢三德三所生奴年一若木婢小斤德三所生奴於里

同年十九婢若德一所生放役奴命山年四十一婢梅花一所生婢衆生年六十六同婢一所生婢石今年四十四婢亏斤五所生婢吉非年十六婢夫叱實

一所生奴末乙同年六十奴難金二所生奴玉石年十五山陰婢亏巨之二所生奴銀同年三十二婢粉伊三所生奴今音石年星州婢李德一所生

婢年二密陽婢眞珠二所生奴玉連年十六任實婢孝德九所生婢彔今年十六婢莫只二所生奴象伊年二十一婢訥斤二所生婢加知

年十八康津奴訥山良妻二所生奴訥達年十七婢莫德二所生奴義同年十珍島婢小斤一所生婢玉生年六十二婢虫介所生奴萬山年四十三奴

三龍四所生年二靈光婢小非一所生奴於吐里年三十六海美奴長命一所生婢卜加年三十八伊川婢仲德三所生婢莫非年七明川奴金彔良

妻七所生婢終伊年二十七咸興奴每邑吐里良妻一所生奴謁同年四十五二所生奴謁金年三十六奴今音松九所生婢順非年三十八同婢五所生奴叔▣

年四婢今知一所生婢銀臺年一婢老里加伊一所生奴金叱同改名孫同年三十一定平婢仍邑德八所生婢莫非年十一婢三月三所生婢▣…

年四婢三月五所生奴處同年二文川婢莫德一所生奴年十四鏡城婢莫德四所生奴今孫年二十江界奴双龍良妻六所生婢加也之年

四十九江西奴者斤同五所生年一印

二女從仕郞李熙妻李氏衿

京中婢哲今一所生婢波獨年四十二同婢一所生婢宝背年二十六二所生奴億同年二十三所生奴億山年十八婢宝背一所生婢淡之年三二所生

婢二非年一奴卵山良妻三所生婢今音知年三十婢今伊二所生婢栗伊年二十四五所生奴五十同年七婢孝生三所生婢地莊年二十婢今

月二所生奴貴民年二十八奴於乙非大良妻七所生奴雪山年二十二婢召史一所生婢今伊年十七婢其每二所生奴石乙仇知年三十八三所生放役奴▣(卜)

大年三十五婢小斤阿只一所生放役婢亏叱今年四十一同婢五所生婢於如年五婢宝代一所生婢卵今年五十四同婢三所生奴銀孫年十

九婢甫乙松三所生婢於▣…▣今年二十四金浦婢注之二所生婢甘勿年四十二珍島婢都里加二所生奴亡吐里年五十九積城奴吾莊良妻

一所生奴閏同年四草溪婢小莊一所生奴興守年六十七婢今音珍四所生奴命存年四十三江西奴於火金一所生婢遠時年四十全州奴

月千良妻三所生婢年二定平婢莫德一所生婢李德年二十婢三月一所生奴竹山年十八海美婢卜加一所生婢衆生年十婢卜非一所

生奴貴孫年十六鳳山婢都叱加一所生婢羅火大年八任實婢禿德二所生奴莫同年四十三奴金孫良妻一所生奴難孫年八三所生▣…

…▣年二咸興奴泉龍良妻四所生婢玉德年二十五同婢一所生奴末乙孫年四奴末應仇知良妻一所生奴獻德年五十一婢順非三所生

奴叔同年十三奴貴山良妻一所生婢今伊年十一婢泉今六所生奴哲孫年十五永川婢小莊二所生婢千德年五十一婢每邑德一所生奴亡吾

之年三十五安邊奴毛知里良妻三所生奴守達年三十七五所生婢春月年三十四鏡城奴巨乙金良妻二所生婢卜今年十一婢玉今二所生婢

白德年四十六臨津婢卜加一所生婢銀德年七十婢萬德一所生婢萬今年十六婢石乙今二所生奴閏同年十九奴勿金良妻四所生婢年一

延安婢於里加五所生婢內隱伊年三十七同婢一所生奴上佐年十六振威婢亏音加二所生奴李山年二十九星州婢老里加三所生婢古物伊年

四十婢今音都致三所生婢小斤召史年六十七長興婢則只五所生奴長未年四十六伊川婢長命六所生奴吾乙亇同年四十八婢仲德四所生奴莫

松年二明川奴金彔三所生婢龍今年三十九婢龍德一所生奴吾伊同年十光陽奴終守良妻二所生奴石從年三十三三所生婢石今年

三十若木婢冬非三所生婢今德年八舒川婢卵今三所生婢石伊年十九八莒婢龍今三所生奴連孫年八康津婢莫德三所生奴義山年

六寧遠奴末乙金良妻三所生奴莫同年二十四奴莫同良妻二所生婢古音之年八咸安婢貴德四所生婢黃犬伊年六印

六男李璦衿

京中婢金德一所生婢內隱伊年五十四婢仲非一所生婢孫非年二十九同婢一所生奴難同年七二所生奴閏同年二婢元萬三所生放役婢

自才年六十婢小斤阿只四所生婢守如今年二十五同婢一所生奴巨叱金年二婢從伊六所生奴順伊年十五婢栢伊三所生婢石乙德年五婢守

命一所生奴甘吐里年六十三婢春德三所生婢錦春年十婢四德一所生奴金孫年三臨津婢者斤召史二所生婢石乙今年五十四婢所生婢

三月年三十五奴勿金良妻一所生婢內隱非年十二朔寧婢長命五所生奴末乙巾年五十七同奴良妻一所生奴檢山年十三積城婢今音加六所生婢

白莊年五十一同婢一所生奴吾莊年二十九振威婢玉今二所生婢仲今年二十一婢於里德三所生奴貴山年舒川婢卵今五所生婢仇之年五

奴金大良妻一所生婢玉只年二十四虎溪婢卜守一所生婢卜德年二十一婢延伊三所生奴豆乙彦年六十六婢李德五所生奴竝同年三十三若木婢

小斤德四所生婢順今年十六婢冬非一所生奴金孫年十五婢林德一所生奴明山年十五星州婢其每二所生婢傾城年三十二同婢一所生婢傾

今年二婢末乙今一所生奴千連年三奴金卜只良妻一所生婢今德年三草溪奴命存良妻三所生奴李孫年十五所生年一永川婢牧丹三

所生婢延非年六十七山陽奴尙伊良妻一所生奴賓伊年十一晋州婢金德一所生奴裵京年六十咸安奴鄭夫一所生婢碧桃年二十九奴金龍

二所生奴千金年十八蔚山婢介莊三所生婢者斤召史年四十六珍島奴三龍良妻二所生婢四非年九南原奴李存良妻一所生婢龍德年二十五

任實婢孝德七所生奴元金年二十婢訥斤一所生放役奴玉同年三十一康津奴莫金良妻三所生奴豆含年十四白川婢莫加三所生奴莫松

年三十同奴良妻三所生奴山伊年三延安奴金禾良妻二所生婢甘音德年九婢內隱伊四所生婢檢崇年八婢於里加四所生奴目隱大年四十一

定平婢仍邑隱七所生奴興山年十五婢莫德二所生婢李台年十二四所生奴李孫年四婢三月三所生奴叔珍年十二四所生奴處山年五慶

源婢佛台三所生奴哲山年四十三咸興奴今音松良妻八所生奴順右年四十四婢萬德二所生婢斤非年十五奴泉龍良妻三所生奴玉同

年二十七奴謁同良妻二所生奴連山年二十二奴松介良妻三所生婢年二婢老里加二所生奴金伊同年二十九安邊奴莫只良妻

三所生婢守明年三十三同婢三所生婢重德年六婢粉德五所生婢莫德年四十三明川婢龍德二所生婢古音之年二三陟婢小斤召

史三所生奴仇里大年四十伊川婢長命四所生婢毛老非年五十八婢玉今一所生婢玉德年十六咸從奴川龍良妻二所生奴檢知年四

十五順川奴末應達良妻二所生奴李存年四十舒川婢玉只一所生年二定平奴末乙金二所生婢三月年三十一印

七男李玖衿

京中婢宝背三所生奴檢佛年四十八婢大非一所生奴孝孫年十九婢今音都致四所生婢加隱非年六十五婢從伊八所生奴莫同年九婢

於里加三所生奴亡吾之年四十五六所生婢莫今年三十婢仍邑隱二所生婢銀非年三十三婢卵乙今四所生婢加知今年十六婢今音知一所生

婢卜非年十一婢白隱德四所生婢欣非年三十八婢內隱伊三所生婢件里年十一婢栢伊一所生奴黃孫年十一四所生婢奏巨伊年三婢

春德四所生奴李石年四咸安奴卵山良妻二所生婢月今年三十四四所生奴今音金年二十八同奴良妻二所生奴古間年二婢月

娟一所生婢月非年二十二婢彔中二所生婢都德年五三所生奴都山年一任實婢孝德八所生婢金伊今年十八長興婢金德一所生

奴貴生年二十五虎溪婢守德四所生奴莫乃年二十五婢雙非二所生婢石乙非年十二咸興婢貴今一所生婢卜非年二十四同婢一所生奴金伊

萬年四婢獻德五所生奴仇叱同年十五婢甘同二所生奴每邑山改名孟山年三十四婢小斤德二所生婢虫介年十六延安婢於里加一所生奴金

禾年五十一婢內隱伊三所生婢六月年十五所生奴李孫年二婢月非二所生奴勿金年二十八臨津奴同三良妻一所生奴仲萬年五十八婢白

隱之一所生奴銀從年三臨江奴守命良妻一所生婢鄭非年三奴於乙非大良妻八所生奴終山年十三定平奴訖斤二所生婢仍邑隱年

五十四同婢九所生婢莫今年六八莒奴衆伊二所生婢召史年五十八安邊婢春月二所生婢春非年十五婢莫德三所生奴都致年三伊

川婢仲德二所生婢於能▣(牛)年十明川奴金彔良妻二所生奴金龍年四十一四所生婢龍德年三十九三陟奴松山良妻一所生婢仍邑

德年二十四奴仇里大良妻五所生婢年一海美婢卜加二所生婢本都只年七星州奴石乙山良妻三所生婢卜非年十三婢性非

所生婢其每年五十二原州婢莫今一所生奴昌孫年十八丹城婢牧丹一所生奴斤重年四十七永川婢德莊一所生婢古春四十四草

溪婢者斤一所生婢今音德年六十振威婢亏音加一所生放役婢於里德年四十三婢其每一所生婢玉今年四十三同婢四所生奴莫同

年十四開城奴仇石所生婢今伊年五十五甲山婢銀珠一所生奴長孫年十八寧遠奴朴哲二所生奴莫同年四十五鏡城婢莫德一所生奴

巨乙金年三十一若木婢冬非五所生奴金哲年一江西奴者斤同良妻一所生奴大同年二十四尼山婢永伊五所生奴仁卜年十五光陽奴從守

良妻六所生婢莫德年二十山陽奴尙伊良妻三所生奴屯伊年七珍島奴三龍良妻一所生奴四同年十三楊州婢良衣德二所生奴每

邑山年十六南海婢金德三所生奴裵中山年五十五康津婢白隱莊二所生奴白隱金年二十印

此亦中李玖段年少乙仍于執籌分衿叱分是遣文記成置時着名不得爲齊孽妹孟非段前矣婢一口以贖身爲㫆

父邊奴婢未滿分數乙仍于許給不得爲臥乎事

幼學李 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

李 [着名][署押]

幼學李 [着名][署押]

將仕郞李 [着名][署押]

筆執承義副尉前行副司猛尹 [着名][署押]

從仕郞李 [着名][署押]

宣務郞前工曺佐郞李 [着名][署押]

}}

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
弘治七年甲寅六月二十七日同腹和▣(會)▣…▣▣▣(親給)別給導良依法▣▣▣▣▣▣(執籌平均分衿)▣…

幷以各衿俱錄爲去乎子孫傳持鎭長使用爲齊行▣▣(者奴)▣▣▣今山奴亡吾▣▣(之奴)千同等乙良放役他餘放役奴婢例以各衿依止爲㫆

咸安奴鄭夫安城奴者斤吾乙未等段竝只墓直以定體爲有▣…▣爲乎矣後所生乙良依止各衿戈只使用爲齊爲等如文記▣▣▣(內皃如)

使內乎矣他條以爭望隅有去等告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

長男前工曺佐郞李瑺衿
||
(Introduction)<br />
The seventh year of Hongzhi (1494), sixth month, twenty-seventh day. The unanimous (agreement) [on property distribution] among siblings born of the same mother. ([Property] endowed by parents) as well as specially-acquired endowment (1) (to be calculated and equally distributed for each share) in accordance with law. (2)<br />
All-comprehensive record for each share is for our children and grandchildren to pass down and carry out for a long time and use in cases of employing slaves. Slaves in charge of tomb management, male slave Kŭmsan, male slave Mangŏji, male slave Ch’ŏndong and the rest were exempt from tribute. Like other slaves who are exempt from tribute have them each rely on their own share.<br />
I will designate a male slave Chŏngbu from Haman and a male slave younger Olmi from Ansŏng and the rest as superintendents of the tombs. Descendants according to each share will employ slaves as outlined in the contents of this document.<br />
For any reason if there is a dispute among each other report to the government office to resolve and straighten out the matters.<br />

(1) Separately-acquired property by children from their parents for particular achievements, such as passing examinations, etc.<br />
(2) Basic constitutional code of Chosŏn.<br />

(Part 2)
<br />Sixth Son Yi Ae’s Inheritance
<br />At the capital, female slave’s first born female slave Naeŭni, aged 54.
<br />Female slave Chungbi’s first born female slave Sonbi, aged 29;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Nandong, aged 7;
<br />Second born male slave Yundong, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Wŏnman’s third born female slave (exempted from tribute) Chajae, aged 60.
<br />Female slave Sogŭnaji’s fourth born female slave Suyŏgŭm, aged 25;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Kŏjilgŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Chongi’s sixth born male slave Suni, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Paegi’s third born female slave Sŏgŭldŏk, aged 5.
<br />Female slave Sumyŏng’s first born male slave Kamt'oi, aged 63.
<br />Female slave Ch'undŏk’s third born female slave Kŭmch'un, aged 10.
<br />Female slave Sadŏk’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 3.
<br />At Imjin, female slave Chagŭnsosa’s second born female slave Sŏgŭlgŭm, aged 54.
<br />Female slave [?]’s [?] born female slave Samwŏl, aged 35.
<br />Male slave Mulgŭm’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Naeŭnbi, aged 12.
<br />At Sangnyŏng<ref>the old name for Ryŏnch'ŏn 漣川 in Kyŏnggi Province and Ch'ŏrwŏn 鐵原 in Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fifth born male slave Marŭlgŏn, aged 57;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Kŏmsan, aged 13.
<br />At Chŏksŏng<ref>the old name for P'aju 坡州 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmga’s sixth born female slave Paekchang, aged 51;
<br />Same female slave’s first born male slave Ojang, aged 29.
<br />At Chinwi<ref>the old name for P'yŏngt'aek 平澤 in Kyŏnggi Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Okkŭm’s second born female slave Chunggŭm, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Ǒidŏk’s third born male slave Kwisan, aged [?].
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Ch'ungch'ŏng Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Ran'gŭm’s fifth born female slave Kuji, aged 5.
<br />Male slave Kŭmdae’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Okchi, aged 24.
<br />At Hogye<ref>the old name for Mun'gyŏng 聞慶 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poksu’s first born female slave Poktŏk, aged 21.
<br />Female slave Yŏni’s third born male slave Tuŭrŏn, aged 66.
<br />Female slave Idŏk’s fifth born male slave Pyŏngdong, aged 33.
<br />At Yangmok<ref>the old name for Ch'ilgok 漆谷 in North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭndŏk’s fourth born female slave Sun'gŭm, aged 16.
<br />Female slave Tongbi’s first born male slave Kŭmson, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Rimdŏk’s first born male slave Myŏngsan, aged 15.
<br />At Sŏngju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kimae’s second born female slave Kyŏngsŏng, aged 32;
<br />Same female slave’s first born female slave Kyŏnggŭm, aged 2.
<br />Female slave Marŭlgŭm’s first born male slave Ch'ŏllyŏn, aged 3.
<br />Male slave Kŭmbokchi’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Kŭmdŏk, aged 3.
<br />At Ch'ogye<ref>the old name for Hapch'ŏn 陜川 in South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Myŏngjon’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Ison, aged 10;
<br />Fifth born [?] slave [?], aged 1.
<br />At Yŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Moktan’s third born female slave Yŏnbi, aged 67.
<br />At Sanyang<ref>also an old name for Mun'gyŏng</ref>, male slave Sangi’s commoner wife’s first born male slave Pini, aged 11.
<br />At Chinju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmdŏk’s first born male slave Paegyŏng, aged 60.
<br />At Haman<ref>in nowadays central part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea </ref>, male slave Chŏngbu’s first born female slave Pyŏkto, aged 29.
<br />Male slave Kŭmnyong’s second born male slave Ch'ŏn'gŭm, aged 18.
<br />At Ulsan, female slave Kaejang’s third born female slave Chagŭnsosa, aged 46.
<br />At Chindo<ref>an island off the coast of nowadays South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Samnyong’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Sabi, aged 9.
<br />At Namwŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Ijon’s commoner wife’s first born female slave Ryongdŏk, aged 25.
<br />At Imsil<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of North Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Hyodŏk’s seventh born male slave Wŏn'gŭm, aged 20.
<br />Female slave Nulgŭn’s first born male slave (exempted from tribute) Oktong, aged 31.
<br />At Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, male slave Makkŭm’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Tuham, aged 14.
<br />At Paekch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Makka’s third born male slave Maksong, aged 30;
<br />Same male slave’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Sani, aged 3.
<br />At Yŏnan<ref>in nowadays southeastern part of South Hwanghae Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Kŭmhwa’s commoner wife’s second born female slave Kamŭmdŏk, aged 9.
<br />Female slave Naeŭni’s forth born female slave Kŏmsung, aged 8.
<br />Female slave Ǒiga’s forth born male slave Mogŭndae, aged 41.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ingŭbŭn’s seventh born male slave Hŭngsan, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Maktŏk’s second born female slave It'ae, aged 12;
<br />Forth born male slave Ison, aged 4.
<br />Female slave Samwŏl’s third born male slave Sukchin, aged 12;
<br />Fourth born male slave Ch'ŏsan, aged 5.
<br />At Kyŏngwŏn<ref>in North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Pult'ae’s third born male slave Ch'ŏlssan, aged 43.
<br />At Hamhŭng, male slave Kŭmŭmsong’s commoner wife’s eighth born male slave Sunu, aged 44.
<br />Female slave Mandŏk’s second born female slave Kŭnbi, aged 15.
<br />Male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s third born male slave Oktong, aged 27.
<br />Male slave Tongnyang’s commoner wife second born Ryŏnsan, aged 22.
<br />Male slave Songgae’s commoner wife third born female slave [?], aged 2.
<br />Female slave Noiga’s second born male slave Kŭmidong, aged 29.
<br />At Anbyŏn<ref>in nowadays northern part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Makchi’s commoner wife’s third female slave Sumyŏng, aged 33;
<br />Same female slave’s third born female slave Chungdŏk, aged 6.
<br />Female slave Pundŏk’s fifth born female slave Maktŏk, aged 43.
<br />At Myŏngch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Ryongdŏk’s second born female slave Koŭmji, aged 2.
<br />At Samch'ŏk<ref> in nowadays southeastern part of Kangwŏn Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Sogŭnsosa’s third born male slave Kuidae, aged 40.
<br />At Ich'ŏn<ref>in nowadays western part of Kangwŏn Province, North Korea</ref>, female slave Changmyŏng’s fourth born female slave Monobi, aged 58.
<br />Female slave Okkŭm’s first born female slave Oktŏk, aged 16.
<br />At Hamjong<ref>in nowadays western part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Ch'ŏllyong’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Kŏmji, aged 45.
<br />At Sunch'ŏn<ref>in nowadays central part of South P'yŏng'an Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭngdal’s commoner wife’s second born male slave Ijon, aged 40.
<br />At Sŏch'ŏn, female slave Okchi’s first born [?], aged 2.
<br />At Chŏngp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Hamgyŏng Province, North Korea</ref>, male slave Marŭlgŭm’s second born female slave Samwŏl, aged 31.
<br />The list ends
|-
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(translation)
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==
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=='''Further Readings'''==

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=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

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=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 元曉傳

2017-07-20T00:19:25Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 御製廣蕩

2017-07-18T08:37:35Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 14 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]
|Year = 1774
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo],
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

Coming Soon!!

===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====

*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]

上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
御製廣蕩

幾百年後能及古道

其於本事猶爲欠典

||
(translation)
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===
----
Translation:

御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony

幾百年後能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity

其於本事猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking

昨日以後其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1

嗟哉此理爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers

嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded

昔一名者今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?

得隴尋蜀人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this

其令此輩咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent

甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).

1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001

2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
----
御製廣蕩
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession

幾百年後能及古道
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached?
昨日以後其皆帖然
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out.
其於本事猶爲欠典
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have.
嗟哉此理爲子爲弟
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.
嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.
昔一名者今何餘憾
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.
得隴尋蜀人心皆然
Endless greed is the human nature.
其令此輩咸知予意
With the decree, they will all know my intention.
甲午年孟夏庚子日
April 18, 1774

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
御製廣蕩
Royal Writing on Great Harmony
幾百年後能及古道
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.
昨日以後其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state.
其於本事猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典)
이 부족하다 결전)
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking.
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers.
嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed.
昔一名者今何餘憾
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===

西元二零一七年丁酉七月三日韓國學中央研究院藏書閣奴主宋在倫前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段矣多院債而勢無報

故不得已自己所有壹拾口奴婢

美國羅城接奴朴哲同年參拾伍

中國福州接婢胡薄年贰拾柒

俄國莫城接婢馬四年參拾壹

中國天津接奴吱桾年叁拾貳

保加利亞接婢李痢那年叁拾玖

和蘭萊頓接奴康鐵年贰拾柒

香城接奴王頃筐年贰拾玖

德國耶拿接奴痲谷年參拾壹

滿洲瀋陽接婢喵冬伊年叁拾貳

韓國漢陽接婢亡吾之年參拾

合壹拾口身乙價折錢文歌一首儀數捧上爲遣右院前永永放賣爲去乎

日後若有雜談是去等持此文記告官卞正事

首奴安康勳

證保奴朴鍾㝢

證保婢瑪莎

證保奴任致均

證保婢李梨那

證保奴黃景光

證保奴戈麻丁

證保婢劉麗丹

證保婢金瑛

筆執婢胡靜

*Discussion Questions:
婢李梨那 (39) 保加利亞

母邊傳來美國羅城接奴朴哲同年參拾伍中國福州接婢胡薄年贰拾柒俄國莫城接婢馬四年參拾壹中國天津接奴吱桾年叁拾貳保加利亞接婢李痢那年叁拾玖和蘭萊頓接奴康鐵年贰拾柒香城接奴王頃筐年贰拾玖中國瀋陽接苗冬伊年叁拾貳德國耶拿接努痲谷年參拾壹

=='''Secondary Sources'''==
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 御製廣蕩

2017-07-18T08:32:32Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 14 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]
|Year = 1774
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo],
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

Coming Soon!!

===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====

*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]

上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
御製廣蕩

幾百年後能及古道

其於本事猶爲欠典

||
(translation)
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===
----
Translation:

御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony

幾百年後能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity

其於本事猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking

昨日以後其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1

嗟哉此理爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers

嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded

昔一名者今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?

得隴尋蜀人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this

其令此輩咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent

甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).

1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001

2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
----
御製廣蕩
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession

幾百年後能及古道
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached?
昨日以後其皆帖然
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out.
其於本事猶爲欠典
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have.
嗟哉此理爲子爲弟
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.
嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.
昔一名者今何餘憾
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.
得隴尋蜀人心皆然
Endless greed is the human nature.
其令此輩咸知予意
With the decree, they will all know my intention.
甲午年孟夏庚子日
April 18, 1774

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
御製廣蕩
Royal Writing on Great Harmony
幾百年後能及古道
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.
昨日以後其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state.
其於本事猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典)
이 부족하다 결전)
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking.
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers.
嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed.
昔一名者今何餘憾
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===

西元二零一七年丁酉七月三日韓國學中央研究院藏書閣奴主宋在倫前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段矣多院債而勢無報

故不得已自己所有壹拾口奴婢

美國羅城接奴朴哲同年參拾伍

中國福州接婢胡薄年贰拾柒

俄國莫城接婢馬四年參拾壹

中國天津接奴吱桾年叁拾貳

保加利亞接婢李痢那年叁拾玖

和蘭萊頓接奴康鐵年贰拾柒

香城接奴王頃筐年贰拾玖

德國耶拿接奴痲谷年參拾壹

滿洲瀋陽接婢喵冬伊年叁拾貳

韓國漢陽接婢亡吾之年參拾

永永放賣爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記告官卞正事

首奴安康勳

證保奴朴鍾㝢

證保婢瑪莎

證保奴任致均

證保婢李梨那

證保奴黃景光

證保奴戈麻丁

證保婢劉麗丹

證保婢金瑛

筆執婢胡靜

*Discussion Questions:
婢李梨那 (39) 保加利亞

母邊傳來美國羅城接奴朴哲同年參拾伍中國福州接婢胡薄年贰拾柒俄國莫城接婢馬四年參拾壹中國天津接奴吱桾年叁拾貳保加利亞接婢李痢那年叁拾玖和蘭萊頓接奴康鐵年贰拾柒香城接奴王頃筐年贰拾玖中國瀋陽接苗冬伊年叁拾貳德國耶拿接努痲谷年參拾壹

=='''Secondary Sources'''==
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 御製廣蕩

2017-07-18T08:30:17Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 14 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 영조어제광탕서중.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 御製廣蕩
|Korean = 어제광탕(''Eoje gwangtang'')
|Genre = [[Royal Documents]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo]
|Year = 1774
|Key Concepts= [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yeongjo_of_Joseon King Yeongjo],
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:어제문업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製問業|I-1. 御製問業 어제문업(''Eoje munup'') 1774
파일:영조탕평비.JPG|link=(Translation) 蕩平碑|I-2. 蕩平碑 탕평비(''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742
파일:영조균역준천사업.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|I-3. 御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773
파일:영조어제일초복고.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製壹初|I-4. 御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje ilcho'') 1774
파일:영조어제수윤음.JPG|link=(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|I-5. 御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje suyuneum'') 1774
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

Coming Soon!!

===='''Primary Sources: Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty'''====

*'''[http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001 영조실록 122권, 영조 50년 4월 17일 기해 1번째기사 1774년 청 건륭(乾隆) 39년]

上曰: "嫡室無子有妾子, 而以他人子爲後, 渠輩當冤之矣。文武旣通淸, 何獨不爲承嫡乎? 嫡妾俱無子云者, 是欺君也。"

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
御製廣蕩

幾百年後能及古道

其於本事猶爲欠典

||
(translation)
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Dohee Jeong, Jinsook You, Soyun Lee, Martin Gehlmann'''===
----
Translation:

御製廣蕩 Royal writing on Spreading Harmony

幾百年後能及古道 After a few hundred years, we may be able to attain the ways of antiquity

其於本事猶爲欠典 Regarding this (the present) matter, yet the king's grace bestowed was lacking

昨日以後其皆帖然 Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state #1

嗟哉此理爲子爲弟 Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers

嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣 Alas, in my twilight years, my enterprises have just been concluded

昔一名者今何餘憾 Those who in the past were sons of concubines, today what grievances can they harbor?

得隴尋蜀人心皆然 Gaining the Land of Long, one pursues the Land of Shu#2, human nature is just like this

其令此輩咸知予意 With this order these people will know my intent

甲午年孟夏庚子日 On the 18th Day of the 4th month in the kabo year (1774).

1. On the day before, the 17th Day of the 4th Month in the kabo year (1774) Yeongjo decreed that secondary sons could take over the family succession if the primary descent line was interrupted, See http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_15004017_001

2. A quotation from the Book of Later Han about Emperor Guangwu of Han who captured Gansu (隴) only to covet Sichuan (蜀). It metaphorically refers to the insatiable greed of human beings.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook You)'''===
----
御製廣蕩
Royal Writing on Removing Discrimination in Family Succession

幾百年後能及古道
How many centuries have been passed before the old way is reached?
昨日以後其皆帖然
Since yesterday, everything has been straightened out.
其於本事猶爲欠典
The only thing that worries me is any possible flaw the policy might have.
嗟哉此理爲子爲弟
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and younger brothers.
嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣
Oh! In my late years, my enterprises are completed.
昔一名者今何餘憾
Unlike as in the past, sons of concubines do not need to harbor leftover grievance today.
得隴尋蜀人心皆然
Endless greed is the human nature.
其令此輩咸知予意
With the decree, they will all know my intention.
甲午年孟夏庚子日
April 18, 1774

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
御製廣蕩
Royal Writing on Great Harmony
幾百年後能及古道
After hundreds of years have passed, the Old Way could be reached.
昨日以後其皆帖然 (편안하다 첩)
Since yesterday, all matters have come to a peaceful state.
其於本事猶爲欠典(은전恩典나라에서 내리는 혜택(惠澤)에 관하나 특전(特典)
이 부족하다 결전)
Regarding this matter, only the king's grace bestowed is lacking.
嗟哉此理(광탕) 爲子爲弟
Ah! This principle is designed for sons and brothers.
嗚呼暮年吾事畢矣
Oh! In my twilight years, my enterprises have just been completed.
昔一名者今何餘憾
In the past, [you were ]"일명자", Now, how could you have any remaining grievances to harbor.

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===

西元二零一七年丁酉七月三日韓國學中央研究院藏書閣奴主宋在倫前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段矣多院債而勢無報

故不得已自己所有壹拾口奴婢

美國羅城接奴朴哲同年參拾伍

中國福州接婢胡薄年贰拾柒

俄國莫城接婢馬四年參拾壹

中國天津接奴吱桾年叁拾貳

保加利亞接婢李痢那年叁拾玖

和蘭萊頓接奴康鐵年贰拾柒

香城接奴王頃筐年贰拾玖

德國耶拿接奴痲谷年參拾壹

滿洲瀋陽接婢喵冬伊年叁拾貳

韓國漢陽接婢禁泳年參拾

永永放賣爲去乎日後若有雜談是去等持此文記告官卞正事

首奴安康勳

證保奴朴鍾㝢

證保婢瑪莎

證保奴任致均

證保婢李梨那

證保奴黃景光

證保奴戈麻丁

證保婢劉麗丹

證保婢金瑛

筆執婢胡靜

*Discussion Questions:
婢李梨那 (39) 保加利亞

母邊傳來美國羅城接奴朴哲同年參拾伍中國福州接婢胡薄年贰拾柒俄國莫城接婢馬四年參拾壹中國天津接奴吱桾年叁拾貳保加利亞接婢李痢那年叁拾玖和蘭萊頓接奴康鐵年贰拾柒香城接奴王頃筐年贰拾玖中國瀋陽接苗冬伊年叁拾貳德國耶拿接努痲谷年參拾壹

=='''Secondary Sources'''==
Deuchler, Martina: "Heaven Does Not Discriminate": A Study of Secondary Sons in Chosŏn Korea, in: The Journal of Korean Studies, Vol. 6 (1988-1989), pp. 121-163 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41490199?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

Kim Haboush, Jahyun: Filial Emotions and Filial Values: Changing Patterns in The Discourse of Filiality in Late Chosŏn Korea, in: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jun., 1995), pp. 129-177 http://www.jstor.org/stable/2719422?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://kadhlab103.com/wiki/index.php/어제경민음 (Korean text) King Yeongjo’s Admonition for the People” (Eoje gyeongmineum 御製警民音, 1762)]'''
* View together with '''[[정조 윤음 번역|(Translation) King Jeongjo, “Royal dictum to encourage farming” (Gweonnong yuneum 勸農綸音, 1781)]]'''
</div>

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:13:53Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Masha) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

Pouring out the feelings of one unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been six-seven years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝做其好容巧其言笑以挑其心則視而不見爲臥乎所今宵明宵枕席流泉房帷之中便成楚越夫婦之間有若仇敵琴瑟之樂吾未見之也關雎之興吾未知之也

I have spent useless long nights and have waited eagerly for mornings. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

生不如死是乎厼
then life is not as good as death

且以天生之物理言之
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven

則禽有䲶鴦
Then among the birds there are mandarin ducks#1

木有連理
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2

雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna

連枝交柯草木之情也
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora

男兒情欲稟於陰陽
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature

可以人不如禽鳥草木乎
Could it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna?

1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples

2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which woman follows her husband is natural sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely according to the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:12:00Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Masha) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

Pouring out the feelings of one unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been 6-7 years, but we have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----
4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝做其好容巧其言笑以挑其心則視而不見爲臥乎所今宵明宵枕席流泉房帷之中便成楚越夫婦之間有若仇敵琴瑟之樂吾未見之也關雎之興吾未知之也

I have spent useless long nights and have waited eagerly for mornings. I have tried to seduce him with my beautiful face and I have intentionally made good words to steal his mind. However, he sees me without watching. Tonight and tomorrow night, there has been a fountain in my bed. Inside the screen in the room, it has become a war between Chu and Yue. The relationship between husband and wife is almost like that of enemies. I have never seen a joy between husband and wife. I have never known a delight of an osprey.

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

生不如死是乎厼
then life is not as good as death

且以天生之物理言之
To speak of the principle of things created by heaven

則禽有䲶鴦
Then among the birds there are mandarin ducks#1

木有連理
Among the trees there are those that grow together as one #2

雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也
The male bird flies to follow the female; this is the sentiment of all fauna

連枝交柯草木之情也
Two interlocking trees, this is the sentiment of all flora

男兒情欲稟於陰陽
Sensual yearnings of a man are endowed from nature

可以人不如禽鳥草木乎
Could it be possible that a man is not like flora and fauna?

1 mandarin ducks are a symbol for affectionate couples

2 two trees intersecting are a symbol for a conjugal union

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which woman follows her husband is the sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely by the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T06:04:21Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Masha) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 박명첩원청소지1.jpg
|English = A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady
|Chinese = 薄命妾原情所志
|Korean = 박명첩원청소지
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:박명첩원청소지2.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
파일:박명첩원청소지3.jpg|* 薄命妾原情所志 박명첩원청소지(''Pangmyŏngch'ŏbwŏnch'ŏngsoji'')
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

From 平民民願文書規式集

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 薄命妾原情所志

白等
天地之間寃痛事段
古有薄命妾
或色衰而見薄者
或情疎而見薄者有之

2. 而矣女之見薄
非色衰而然也
非情疎而然也
大槩矣女襁褓之秊
俱失父母見養於外家
芳年二十出嫁於錦城人
則郞年二十五歲也
男兒二十五歲
孰無陰陽之心

3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間
不見一番衾裡之樂
以靑春之心不勝其情
每於深夜觧裙就枕
手撫全身强要合歡
則聽而不聞

4. 虛送長夜苦待明朝
做其好容巧其言笑
以挑其心
則視而不見爲臥乎所
今宵明宵枕席流泉
房帷之中便成楚越
夫婦之間有若仇敵
琴瑟之樂吾未見之也
關雎之興吾未知之也

5. 身上新衣自然而緩
頭邊黛髻猶是虛文乙仍于
痛哭歸來方欲自決是如乎所
姑母唐突呈狀推尋設計爲乎所
所謂郎子以外皃見之
則面目肌髥太似人矣
而至於房事有同僧流
具體未達徒大無力
則猛虎之猶豫不如蜂蛘之螫
人皆曰無用將軍

6. 將軍無用武之術
則<函關>萬無自闢之理是如乎
乘夜渡盧深入不毛者
諸葛征伐立策
而髥婦良君
不知合變之術則已矣已矣
不去何俟
女子所仰望[放]良人者果何事耶
望其矣衣乎耶
望其食耶
非衣非食

7. 而所大望者
惟枕席上一事而矣
旣失耶望且無興
況則衣亦不足貴也
食亦不足貴也

8. 三生佳緣亦仍事
前生今生後生謂之三
而前後生猶不可信
而生於今之世不見今之世樂
可憐此生

9. 生不如死是乎厼
且以天生之物理言之
則禽有䲶鴦
木有連理
雄飛從雌者禽鳥之情也

連枝交柯草木之情也
男兒情欲稟於陰陽
可以人不如禽鳥草木乎

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也
女必從夫男女之情也
而使有情之物
隨無益之夫
必不肯從
天性之固然

11. 一女抱怨飛霜夜擊
內無怨女文王之治
男女區區私情仰訴於積善之下
無使靑春之女人虛老於無用將軍之家下
遂物理宜
千萬望良爲只爲
||
(translation)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
薄命妾原情所志

白等天地之間寃痛事段古有薄命妾或色衰而見薄者或情疎而見薄者有之

Pouring out the feelings of one unfortunate woman

Well known Under heaven are old stories about sorrowful and unfair cases of women, when their beauty goes with time or their love feelings do not meet a response.

*Discussion Questions:
Well-known are the duties of man and woman in their family (rituals, responsibilities to other family members etc). According to Choseon's legal code, has been harmonious sexual life treated as part of a harmonious family?

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

2. 而矣女之見薄非色衰而然也非情疎而然也大槩矣女襁褓之秊俱失父母見養於外家芳年二十出嫁於錦城人則郞年二十五歲也男兒二十五歲孰無陰陽之心

But as for this woman's meeting of misfortune, it is not due to the waning of beauty, it is not due to the estrangement of feelings. Since I was wrapped in a baby quilt, I lost both of my parents, and I was raised by my maternal relatives. At the young age of twenty, I was married off to a man in Geumseong. (1) At that time my husband was twenty-five-years old. Among twenty-five-year-old lads, who could possibly not have sexual desires?

(1) Present-day Naju.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Do you think this piece was written by a man or a woman? Who do think was the intended audience, men, women, or both? If this piece was written by a man, what can we make of the exaggerated description of female sexual desire?

2. Could sexual impotence really be a legitimate reason for divorce in the late-Joseon period?

3. In the writing, how does the speaker justify her sexual desire? How does she claim her sexual desire to be appropriate and natural, instead of licentious and degenerate?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----
3. 自相逢夜今至六七之間不見一番衾裡之樂以靑春之心不勝其情每於深夜觧裙就枕手撫全身强要合歡則聽而不聞<br />
Since the night we faced each other it has already been 6-7 years, but have not seen even one single moment of joy underneath the blankets. With my youthful mind I cannot contain my passion. Every time deep in the night I loosen my skirt and proceed to the bed. I stroke his whole body craving for a mutual delight. He listens yet does not heed.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />
1. If we evaluate from the perspective of a literary piece and perspective of a formal document, what differences can we find? Does the perspective change if we read it in male vs female voice? Based on the language and classical allusions used can we compare this piece to pieces of the similar genre in China? Was the format/style/vocabulary similar?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could they get married to each other?

What will happen if her husband do not agree upon divorce?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
Discussion questions: Prof. Jisoo Kim once wrote a book on the significance of resentment (怨) in Choson society, especially in the rubric of its legal discourses. Then, how did Choson bureaucracy consider such instances as a whole? 1) Did the local government accept her appeal? 2) Was it a common case for women to sue their husbands because of impotence?

3) To what extent did the legal documents contain one's private sexual experiences during the Choson period?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

As a piece of petition templet, we can infer two possibilities from this document: 1. Joseon females were allowable to propose a divorce -- this seems to go against the Confucian three rules (三纲). How could that happen at the Joseon society? 2. There were many divorce cases caused by the inharmony of the spouses relationship. Was this the most common reason for females to propose a divorce at that time?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
7. 而所大望者惟枕席上一事而矣旣失耶望且無興況則衣亦不足貴也食亦不足貴也

And what I hope greatly is merely an affair on the bed, nothing more. I already lost my hope and passion. Not to mention what I dress is not expensive, and what I eat is not exquisite.

*Discussion Questions:
#What does this document tell us about the sexuality of Chosŏn society? How does it differ from the traditional view?
#What is the purpose of this document? Considering its writing style, do you think that it was an actual legal petition or a literary satire of the period?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----
三生佳緣亦仍事前生今生後生謂之三而前後生猶不可信而生於今之世不見今之世樂可憐此生

the auspicious predestined bond is also so. The past, present and future reincarnations are the three lives. The Past and future reincarnations could not be counted on. Born to this life without being able to enjoy the pleasure of this life, what a pitiful life

*Discussion Questions:
With neo-Confucianism as the predominating ideology in Chosŏn society, a woman’s open demanding for spousal love and sexual desire audaciously challenge the neo-Confucian ideal of “存天理滅人慾subdue human desire with heavenly principle”.

How common was it for Chosŏn women to make such demands through legal means?

Was male impotent or homosexuality a valid and commonly accepted reason for divorces?

If a young couple was not reproducing, who would bear the blame?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Could we understand this document as a piece of erotic literature to entertain the reader, disguised as an official document?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

10. 夫唱婦隨夫婦之義也女必從夫男女之情也而使有情之物隨無益之夫必不肯從天性之固然

Having a harmonious relationship between husband and wife is couple's rightness. The way in which a woman follows her husband is the sentiment of man and woman. There are such things as feelings between the couple. Should be the man emotionless, the woman has no reason to follow him. It is definitely by the law of Nature.

*Discussion Questions:

1. Is this a format or a piece of satire based on a true life story of a woman?

2. Does this document reveal some aspect of Chosŏn women's sexuality? Is it realistic that Chosŏn women would file a suit for divorce because of her sexual dissatisfaction? Or is it a consideration for the law of Nature?

3. Is this written by a woman, by a man, or by a couple?

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (dohee jeong)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
this document writer is woman. so is it possible example of man?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

2017-07-18T05:45:50Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T02:47:40Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Masha) */

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

2017-07-18T02:37:54Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

2017-07-17T14:35:41Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1583년이준허통첩1.JPG
|English = A Document endorsing the son of a concubine : The Case of Yi Eonjeok’s (李彦迪, 1491-1553) grandson from concubinage
|Chinese = 1583年李浚許通牒
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XC.1583.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00034_XXX-IMG.001.jpg 1583년 이준 허통첩(''Lee Joon Heotongcheop'')]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Permissions
|Author = 禮曺
|Year = 1583
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
1. 禮曺萬曆十一年十二月初一日受

敎兵曹受敎內國家不幸北虜作耗防戌孔棘兵

粮俱闕

2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟

者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目

啓下爲白有如乎

3. 節學生李浚亦納可食稻米平捌

拾石于安邊府爲有昆依事目前後所生子

孫並許通者

萬曆十一年十二月日

給牒

判書 (手決) 參判參議 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　正郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞 (手決)

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　佐郞
||
1. (Masha): [The instructions] passed down from the Ministry of Rights, the 10th year of Wanli (1583), 12th month, first day. Instruct the Ministry of War to follow. Instruct that the country is in distress, the northern bandits are wrecking havoc, border defense is at critical stage and both troops and supplies are lacking.<br />

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Kim Young and King Kwong Wong'''===
----
2. 措備之策不可徒守常規庶孼無武才而納粟者並許通仕路亦備邊司同議成事目啓下爲白有如乎

As for the strategy of planning and preparation, it should not merely stick to conventions. The sons of concubines do not have martial talents. And for the those who pay grains, they should be allowed to go through the path of serving the government. As for this [recommendation], the Border Defense Council also agreed and became an article. Deliver it to subordinates and follow as it stated.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

2017-07-17T14:07:44Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1522년박영기토지매매명문.JPG
|English = A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master
|Chinese = 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX-IMG.jpg 1522년 박영기(朴榮基) 토지매매명문(土地賣買明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 私奴朴今
|Year = 1522
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉靖元年參月拾陸日朴榮基上典前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段奴矣身亦貧寒所致以還上

積納不得奴矣母邊傳來未今員路上路下兩畓

荒租參斗落只庫乙折木綿柒疋半捧上爲

遣永永放賣爲白去乎鎭長耕作敎矣後次奴

矣同生族類等亦爭望隅有去等此明文內

用良告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

畓主私奴朴今孫

證保依父司直韓玉同

證保班中奴金同

筆執私奴尹

||
First Part (Masha): The 1st year of Jiajing (1522), 3rd month, 16th day.(1) The Document to My Lord, Pak Younggi. As to what this documents pertains, the reason [for the transaction] is that I, slave, became destitute and impoverished. Therefore, I could not save up [enough grain] to return to the government. (2)<br />
(1) The date according to the Chinese reign system cannot be accurate because Joseon was not up to date<br />
(2) Each provincial office distributed grain to poor people every spring, and a new crop in autumn had to be harvested and returned in the same quantity.<br />

Middle Part (by Kim Young): I receive seven and a half bulks of cotton as the price for my maternal inheritance, the two unpolished-rice paddies above and below the Migeum Field that is three-majigi wide (1)

(1) One majigi, which originally means the area of land enough to plant one mal of grain, is roughly equivalent to 660 square meters. One mal is around 20 liters.

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===

In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units are different from Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. This document proves that a slave could own and sell his own property. It seems contradictory at a glance that a slave was a property of the master but at the same time he could own his private property. Does this mean that the master had limited legal rights over his slaves? What does this document tell us about the rights of slaves as economic agents?

2. When they took this contract to the local office for notarization, did the office make a copy of it? Also, did each party make and get a copy of the same contract?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
- What could be the potential benefits for a private slave to sell land aside from the one he mentioned in the document? What could be his other motivations? What were the benefits to keep the land? Could private slaves purchase land?<br />
- Is it possible that, because of his status, a private slave had no choice but to sell the land to the one of a higher status upon the latter's request?<br />

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Pak Kŭmson had to sell out his land because he could not pay back the grain loan (hwan'gok). Would it be common at that time that commoners or slaves were forced to sell out their means of production to repay their debt while rich ''yangban'' families accumulated wealth by taking advantage of this situation? Or would there be any cases that poor ''yangban'' had to sell out their properties to repay their debt to rich commoners or slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
1) In the second line, Doctor Jung read the term 환상 as 환자. How did it come about? And how can I figure out such "variants" of pronunciation in the Idu system?

2) The person who wrote down this contract was another private slave. And two witnesses of this deal are also slaves. Then, how can we re-appraise the social status of slaves in Choson Korea?

3)In this passage, a private slave is selling his land to his master. Was it a common case in early Choson? Then, were slaves allowed to keep their private property? If so, to what extent?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:

In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# As far as I know, the land belong to the master while the private slave acted as a tenant of the land. This transaction suggests that 1) the land was actually owned by the slave or 2) the slave sold the right to farm in the land to a third party. Which was the case?
# If it is the former then slave had the economic power to purchase and own land. Was there any law to regulate land-ownership of slave or land-ownership in general?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Given that in the conventional sense of slavery, the slave himself is a piece of property owned by the master, if a Korean slave could own property and freely transact what he owns, what does this tell us about the nature of Choson slavery from the perspective of property ownership?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. There are at least two slaves involved in the draft of the document. Are there hints concerning the relation between the selling slave and the buying yangban? (master and slave, distant family members, cases of tax fraud?)

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

This document is one example of numerous cases which show the economic conditions and activities and general conditions of "nobi" class in the Chosŏn period. The nobi Pak is erudite, capable of legal transactions, owning a piece of land, having inheritance, family and relatives, and is an individual managing his own life and future. He obviously has mentality to live the life of a humble but dignified human being. Additionally he may not need status, arrogance, and luxury but instead a virtuous scholar to give his respect to. Notwithstanding the existence of a variety of 'nobi' in the Chosŏn society, Pak represents one aspect of nobi class.

Who is he as self-claimed nobi? What is nobi? How this term, nobi, should be defined? Is there a Western concept or word that matches nobi of the Confucian Chosŏn? Should nobi be defined as "slave" and further the Chosŏn society as "slave society"? In a sense everybody of that society called oneself as the "servant" of some sort, may it be the Heaven, ancestor, master, teacher, or one's senior. Is humbling oneself the same as enslaving oneself? How can we deal with the cultural gaps between Korea and the West, and also between Korea and her neighbors? How about the multitude piles of private law suit documents only seen in Korean archives?

If the term slave was justified for nobi because that they were bought and sold, should we not consider the other numerous cases of both worlds in which parents sold their children as 'servants' or 'governors' or by any other names, as well as Korean yangban who sold and bought status? Is it not too shortsighted view of nobi to jump into the definition 'slave' which therefore defies the complex of nobi class, before making cautious examinations in light of Confucian Chosŏn civilization? It is feared otherwise that the shortcomings of scholarship might remain in the inclination of treating fellow humans as less than humans.

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. This was written by a slave on behalf of the two parties. It goes against all common sense that slaves write a document which has potential to be legally binding. What does it imply in terms of their status in commercial activities?

2. Assuming English-speaking readership, can we reorganize and translate this document in a [https://www.lawdepot.com/contracts/sales-agreement-form/#.WWgxIYjyg2x typical English sale contract format] that comprises of title, nonoperative part, operative part, and signature, etc.

==='''Student 12 : (dohee joeng)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
how did slaves learn Chinese character

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

2017-07-17T14:07:03Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1522년박영기토지매매명문.JPG
|English = A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master
|Chinese = 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX-IMG.jpg 1522년 박영기(朴榮基) 토지매매명문(土地賣買明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 私奴朴今
|Year = 1522
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉靖元年參月拾陸日朴榮基上典前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段奴矣身亦貧寒所致以還上

積納不得奴矣母邊傳來未今員路上路下兩畓

荒租參斗落只庫乙折木綿柒疋半捧上爲

遣永永放賣爲白去乎鎭長耕作敎矣後次奴

矣同生族類等亦爭望隅有去等此明文內

用良告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

畓主私奴朴今孫

證保依父司直韓玉同

證保班中奴金同

筆執私奴尹

||
First Part (Masha): The 1st year of Jiajing (1522), 3rd month, 16th day.(1) The Document to My Lord, Pak Younggi. As to what this documents pertains, the reason [for the transaction] is that I, slave, became destitute and impoverished. Therefore, I could not save up [enough grain] to return to the government. (2)<br />
(1) The date according to the Chinese reign system cannot be accurate because Joseon was not up to date)<br />
(2) Each provincial office distributed grain to poor people every spring, and a new crop in autumn had to be harvested and returned in the same quantity.<br />

Middle Part (by Kim Young): I receive seven and a half bulks of cotton as the price for my maternal inheritance, the two unpolished-rice paddies above and below the Migeum Field that is three-majigi wide (1)

(1) One majigi, which originally means the area of land enough to plant one mal of grain, is roughly equivalent to 660 square meters. One mal is around 20 liters.

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===

In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units are different from Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. This document proves that a slave could own and sell his own property. It seems contradictory at a glance that a slave was a property of the master but at the same time he could own his private property. Does this mean that the master had limited legal rights over his slaves? What does this document tell us about the rights of slaves as economic agents?

2. When they took this contract to the local office for notarization, did the office make a copy of it? Also, did each party make and get a copy of the same contract?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
- What could be the potential benefits for a private slave to sell land aside from the one he mentioned in the document? What could be his other motivations? What were the benefits to keep the land? Could private slaves purchase land?<br />
- Is it possible that, because of his status, a private slave had no choice but to sell the land to the one of a higher status upon the latter's request?<br />

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Pak Kŭmson had to sell out his land because he could not pay back the grain loan (hwan'gok). Would it be common at that time that commoners or slaves were forced to sell out their means of production to repay their debt while rich ''yangban'' families accumulated wealth by taking advantage of this situation? Or would there be any cases that poor ''yangban'' had to sell out their properties to repay their debt to rich commoners or slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
1) In the second line, Doctor Jung read the term 환상 as 환자. How did it come about? And how can I figure out such "variants" of pronunciation in the Idu system?

2) The person who wrote down this contract was another private slave. And two witnesses of this deal are also slaves. Then, how can we re-appraise the social status of slaves in Choson Korea?

3)In this passage, a private slave is selling his land to his master. Was it a common case in early Choson? Then, were slaves allowed to keep their private property? If so, to what extent?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:

In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# As far as I know, the land belong to the master while the private slave acted as a tenant of the land. This transaction suggests that 1) the land was actually owned by the slave or 2) the slave sold the right to farm in the land to a third party. Which was the case?
# If it is the former then slave had the economic power to purchase and own land. Was there any law to regulate land-ownership of slave or land-ownership in general?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Given that in the conventional sense of slavery, the slave himself is a piece of property owned by the master, if a Korean slave could own property and freely transact what he owns, what does this tell us about the nature of Choson slavery from the perspective of property ownership?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. There are at least two slaves involved in the draft of the document. Are there hints concerning the relation between the selling slave and the buying yangban? (master and slave, distant family members, cases of tax fraud?)

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

This document is one example of numerous cases which show the economic conditions and activities and general conditions of "nobi" class in the Chosŏn period. The nobi Pak is erudite, capable of legal transactions, owning a piece of land, having inheritance, family and relatives, and is an individual managing his own life and future. He obviously has mentality to live the life of a humble but dignified human being. Additionally he may not need status, arrogance, and luxury but instead a virtuous scholar to give his respect to. Notwithstanding the existence of a variety of 'nobi' in the Chosŏn society, Pak represents one aspect of nobi class.

Who is he as self-claimed nobi? What is nobi? How this term, nobi, should be defined? Is there a Western concept or word that matches nobi of the Confucian Chosŏn? Should nobi be defined as "slave" and further the Chosŏn society as "slave society"? In a sense everybody of that society called oneself as the "servant" of some sort, may it be the Heaven, ancestor, master, teacher, or one's senior. Is humbling oneself the same as enslaving oneself? How can we deal with the cultural gaps between Korea and the West, and also between Korea and her neighbors? How about the multitude piles of private law suit documents only seen in Korean archives?

If the term slave was justified for nobi because that they were bought and sold, should we not consider the other numerous cases of both worlds in which parents sold their children as 'servants' or 'governors' or by any other names, as well as Korean yangban who sold and bought status? Is it not too shortsighted view of nobi to jump into the definition 'slave' which therefore defies the complex of nobi class, before making cautious examinations in light of Confucian Chosŏn civilization? It is feared otherwise that the shortcomings of scholarship might remain in the inclination of treating fellow humans as less than humans.

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. This was written by a slave on behalf of the two parties. It goes against all common sense that slaves write a document which has potential to be legally binding. What does it imply in terms of their status in commercial activities?

2. Assuming English-speaking readership, can we reorganize and translate this document in a [https://www.lawdepot.com/contracts/sales-agreement-form/#.WWgxIYjyg2x typical English sale contract format] that comprises of title, nonoperative part, operative part, and signature, etc.

==='''Student 12 : (dohee joeng)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
how did slaves learn Chinese character

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-17T02:52:39Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文

2017-07-17T00:43:20Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

2017-07-14T07:04:56Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

2017-07-14T02:50:55Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

2017-07-13T05:29:20Z

Mashakobzeva: /* Student 3 : (Masha) */

장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

(Translation) 東史綱目 序

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

파일:건릉지첩1.1.JPG

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 1493年 鄭眉壽 明文

(Translation) 1493年 鄭眉壽 明文

(Translation) 1688年 金璠 分財記

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1910年 朴海溟 賣夢明文

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1614年 寺奴 斗(伊+叱)間 奴婢賣買明文

(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1494年 李璦 男妹 和會文記

(Translation) 1494年 李璦 男妹 和會文記

(Translation) 1494年 李璦 男妹 和會文記

(Translation) 1494年 李璦 男妹 和會文記

(Translation) 元曉傳

(Translation) 御製廣蕩

(Translation) 御製廣蕩

(Translation) 御製廣蕩

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 朴突夢傳

(Translation) 1583年 李浚 許通牒

(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1910年 朴海溟 賣夢明文

(Translation) 1801年 龍山書院 首奴 禹發 自賣明文

(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 東史綱目序

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文

(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文

(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記

(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文

(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記