장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

(Translation) 麗史提綱

2020-11-23T07:01:43Z

Kingkwow:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 여사제강01.jpg
|English = Yŏsa Chegang
|Chinese = 麗史提綱
|Korean = [http://dl.nanet.go.kr/SearchDetailView.do?cn=OLDP1200500314&sysid=openap 여사제강]
|Genre = Old Books (古書)
|Type = History 歷史書
|Author = 兪棨
|Year = 1667
|Key Concepts= History
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

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파일:여사제강02.jpg|* 麗史提綱序 여사제강 서(''Yeosa jegang seo'') 1667(2)
파일:여사제강03.jpg|* 麗史提綱序 여사제강 서(''Yeosa jegang seo'') 1667(3)
파일:여사제강04.jpg|* 麗史提綱序 여사제강 서(''Yeosa jegang seo'') 1667(4)
파일:여사제강05.jpg|* 麗史提綱序 여사제강 서(''Yeosa jegang seo'') 1667(5)
파일:여사제강06.jpg|* 麗史提綱序 여사제강 서(''Yeosa jegang seo'') 1667(6)
파일:여사제강07.jpg|* 麗史提綱序 여사제강 서(''Yeosa jegang seo'') 1667(7)
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=='''Introduction'''==
The ''Yŏsa chegang'' 麗史提綱 (the Annotated Outline of Koryŏ History), compiled by Yu Kye 兪棨 (1607-1664), was published in 1667, three years after the compiler’s death. It seems, according to the preface written by Song Si-yŏl 宋時烈 (1607-1689), Yu Kye was unable to publish the history book before he died, and so he helped the publication. The history book has a total of 23 volumes, covering the history of Koryŏ from the beginning of T’aejo 太祖’s reign (r. 918-943) to the reign of King Ch’ang 昌王 (r. 1388-1389). Interestingly, the reign of King Kongyang 恭讓王 (r.1389-1392) is left out from this history. As the preface and explanatory notes state, the historiographical genre of the book follows that of Zhu Xi朱熹 (1130-1200)’s ''Zizhi tongjian gangmu'' 資治通鑑綱目 (the Annotated Outline of the Comprehensive Mirror) – the ''kangmok'' 綱目 (Ch. ''gangmu'', annotated outline).<br />

With the rising prominence of Confucian-minded literati at the court, the Chosŏn state (1392-1910) put great emphasis on the writing of history. As early as the beginning of the dynasty, the state had already commissioned several historical texts, notably: the Koryŏsa 高麗史 (the History of Koryŏ) in 1451, the ''Koryŏsa chŏryo'' 高麗史節要 (Essentials of Koryŏ History) in 1452, and in 1486 the ''Tongguk t’onggam'' 東國通鑑 (the Comprehensive Mirror of the Eastern Country), which was modeled on the Northern Song historian Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019-1086)’s ''Zizhi tongjian'' 資治通鑑 (the Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Governance).<ref> Ch'oe, “An Outline History of Korean Historiography,” 11.</ref> Beside the state-endorsed historical works, a new historiographical trend began to develop in the sixteenth century. Private compilation of history, such as Pak Sang 朴祥 (1474-1530)’s ''Tongguk saryak'' 東國史略 (the Abridged History of the Eastern Country) and O Un 吳澐 (1540-1617)’s ''Tongsa ch'anyo'' 東史纂要 (the Compendium of the History of the East) marked this trend. And along this trend was the rise of Zhu Xi’s historiography starting from the seventeenth century.<ref> Chŏng, “Traditional Historical Consciousness and Historiography,” 131-132.</ref><br />

The ''Yŏsa chegang'', thus, can be seen as a product of the historiographical development in the Chosŏn period. But more importantly, what underlay this historical trend was the Confucian view of history. Particularly, the praise and criticism on the kings and officials of the ''Tongguk t’onggam'' reflects the Neo-Confucian historiography that influenced later historical writings, including Yu Kye’s own ''Yŏsa chegang''.<ref>Ibid., 129.</ref> As he explains it in the explanatory notes, Yu Kye, however, used another form of historiography that was advocated by the Neo-Confucian Zhu Xi to advance his Neo-Confucian view of history. But this change of using a different historical genre had no bearing on the general Confucian view of history as he retains the praise and criticism of his predecessors. Furthermore, the various comments made by Song Si-yŏl in his preface regarding the downfall of the Koryŏ dynasty also reflect his Neo-Confucian view of history.<br />

One of the reasons that Yu Kye disregarded the previous ''t’onggam'' historiographical genre when compiling the ''Yŏsa chegang'' was to facilitate the study of history. In this regard, it seems he was successful as later King Yŏngjo 英祖 (r. 1774-1776) studied it in his royal lectures, although it was not presented to the monarch during his lifetime.<ref>Haboush, “Confucian Rhetoric and Ritual,” 59.</ref> The list of historical works that the monarch read included some of the ''t’onggam'' and ''kangmok'' works mentioned above, alongside with other Confucian classics.<ref>Ibid., 55-59.</ref> The study of history, particularly the Neo-Confucian vision of history, was thus essential to the upbringing of the monarch as the case of Yŏngjo shows.<br />

Since historical learning had a major bearing on the monarch, it was Song Si-yŏl’s imperative to recommend Yu Kye’s historical work to be presented to the Chosŏn king. Aside from this reason, Song Si-yŏl’s preface also reveals his political stance in the interstate relations between Chosŏn and the Qing dynasty (1636-1912). In the preface, he expresses his disgust to the marriage between Koryŏ and the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368), and at the same time his approval to the relations between Koryŏ and the Song dynasty (960-1276). This can be seen as a parallel of the struggle between the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the Manchus, and Chosŏn in Northeast Asia in the early seventeenth century as the situations then were similar: the Koryŏ-Song relations symbolize the Chosŏn-Ming while the Koryŏ-Yuan relations symbolize the Chosŏn-Qing. Considering the fact that Song Si-yŏl was a hardliner of pro-Ming policy in the Chosŏn court throughout his official career and that the last Manchu invasion was merely 30 years prior to the publication, anti-Qing sentiment remained prominent in the court albeit the Ming was destroyed 23 years ago. Therefore Song Si-yŏl’s comment in the preface is politically charged as he hoped that unlike the late Koryŏ which sided with the Yuan, the Chosŏn state should follow the example of early Koryŏ, upholding the moral principle – an essential concept of Neo-Confucianism.<br />

=='''Original Script'''==

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麗史提綱序

高麗史凡一百三十七卷，有世家有列傳，有志有表，辭事散出，不可領要，市南兪公棨爲是之病。略依朱子凡例，表年著統，大書提要。而又分註以備事，總十二卷，名曰麗史提綱。嗚呼，欲知麗氏始終者，觀於是而可以如指掌矣。蓋嘗論之，麗祖之功，可謂盛矣，其歷世至於四百七十年之多無怪也。然四百七十年之間，治日絶少而亂日甚多。至於中葉以後則其亂尤甚矣。然究其所以然，則莫不由荒怠淫佚，以喪其修齊之道，故卒爲倫綱弗正(夷狄禽獸)之歸。逮自宣惠以後，則又自以爲結親胡元，可恃以爲安，而無意於自治。故卒至父子相圖，君臣相譖，妃匹亦相恨訟其君。若漂偶凍雀之可哀，其綿延歲年者，特貞疾不死之象爾。且如南海之揭陽，韓文公尙以爲遠惡。，至有黃陵之禱。而顧乃以千乘之君，只與數十傔徒，投畀於此，而卒死於道路。至於吐蕃之謫，則又不忍言矣。羯羠之愛，其可恃哉。故麗氏歷世之多，不若不多之爲愈也。然南宋之人，尙稱其風俗之好何也。蓋當夷虜充塞之時，以嘗臣服於宋朝也。艱關海陸，朝聘猶通，又嘗求醫，密效忠款，此實天理之不泯者。故時有禮義之俗，而見稱於中朝如此。且受其臣忠義之報，前有李益齋諸公，後有鄭圃隱諸賢，其事跡昭著。此皆屢書而不一書者也，豈所謂積陰之中，陽未嘗無者耶。蓋嘗聞大綱槩擧而鑑戒著矣。兪公此書，殆庶幾焉。昔司馬公編進資治通鑑，揆其名義，蓋欲資世治而通爲後鑑也。兪公用心之勤，未必不出於此。而惜乎，未及奏御也。然此書終不可私也。儻有天幸，得蒙睿覽，則其有助於聖朝之鑑戒也，豈其少哉。語曰法後王何也，以其近也。然則其所不可法者，亦當愈近而愈爲戒也。愚旣爲是說，以列篇首，而因有所感焉。夫高麗以東表偏服，距全閩萬有餘里。而其見稱於朱夫子者甚詳，其爲榮耀，豈止如華衮而已。而爲麗史者乃無一言以爲引重者，豈當時文獻不足而然歟。我朝風敎，專尙洛建，一變麗俗，使當朱子之世，則其所稱道，又當如何。而謂今日又以爲如何也，竊不勝慨然太息。而因掇麗朝之猥見稱說者數條，隨類附見，使覽者有考焉。嗚呼，九原可作則市南公亦必莞爾而笑也。崇禎丁未元月二十六日。恩津宋時烈序。
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Preface of the ''Annotated Outline of Koryŏ History''

The ''History of Koryŏ'' has a total of 137 chapters. It has annals, biographies, treatises and tables. Speeches and events appear scattered; one cannot comprehend its essence. The Honorable Sinam Yu Kye saw it as a shortcoming. He roughly followed Master Zhu's<ref>Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200), one of the founding fathers of the Neo-Confucian school in the late Southern Song period.</ref> standard to lay out the chronicle and manifest legitimacy: the great scripts raise the outlines and then the annotations complete those that are left out. The book has a total of 12 volumes and is named the ''Annotated Outline of Koryŏ History''. Alas! If one wants to know the rise and fall of the Koryŏ dynasty, read this book then one will know it like looking at one’s palm and fingers. Let me try to discuss it. The achievements of Koryŏ T'aejo can be said to be many, so it is not surprising that his dynasty experienced as many as 470 of years. But during these 470 years, peaceful and prosperous days were extremely rare, and yet days in disorder were excessively many. After the middle period, its chaos was especially severe. Nevertheless, investigating its cause, it was none other than the negligence [in governance] and debauchery, so as to lose the way of self-cultivation. Therefore, it returned to the state where the cardinal virtues and relationships were not properly manifested. Ever since the period after Sŏn and Hye,<ref> Refers to King Ch’ungsŏn 忠宣王 (r. 1298, 1308-1313) and King Ch’unghye 忠惠王 (r. 1330-1332, 1339-1344), who were respectively the second and the fourth king married a Mongol princess.</ref> by marrying with the barbaric Yuan, the kings presumed that they were able to rely on this security, and had no intention of self-governing. Eventually, this led to father and son plotting against each other, ruler and ministers slandering each other, husband and wife also hating each other and bringing their dispute to the court. This resembles the misery of a freezing lone wandering bird, which lingers for years, and matches the sign of one suffering from chronic illness and yet lives on without dying.<ref>This is a sign from the ''Book of Change'' 易經 (''Yijing''), Hexagram 16, Yin in Fifth Place. Zhu Xi comments on the sign as follows: the chronic illness means the state of being in the danger of indulging pleasure by a false sense of elation, and yet by remaining steadfast at the center one survives. See Zhu Xi, ''Zhouyi benyi'' 周易本義 (the Original Meaning of the Book of Change).</ref> In addition, places like Jieyang of the Southern Sea,<ref>Jieyang is in nowadays eastern part of Guangdong province of China.</ref> even the Honorable Han Wen<ref>Wen was the posthumous appellation of Han Yu 韓愈 (768-824), a poet and official of the Tang dynasty (618-907).</ref> hated it because of its remoteness, thus led to his prayer at the Huangling Temple.<ref>This refers to Han Yu’s exile to Chaozhou 潮州 in 819, see his work “Stele of Huangling Temple 黃陵廟碑.” Han Yu was twice exiled to Guangdong and left a couple of works expressing his distaste of this region.</ref> And looking back, there was once a ruler of thousand chariots, with several dozens of servants, was exiled there, and eventually died on his way.<ref>This refers to King Ch’unghye’s banishment by the Yuan in 1344.</ref> As for the banishment to Tubo<ref>This refers to King Ch’ungsŏn’s exile between 1320 and 1324. See also ''Yŏsa chegang''’s entry at Chapter 18 “忠惠王後紀四年十二月” for a similar commentary on Ch’ungsŏn’s and Ch’unghye’s exiles.</ref>, I cannot not bear to speak about it. The love from the northern barbarian, therefore, can we rely on it? Thus on the many cases throughout Koryŏ’s generations, it would be better if it is not as many. However, people of the Southern Song still regarded their social custom as good. Why? It is because when the foreign barbarians dominated the frontiers, they submitted to the Song dynasty. On land and in sea, the frontiers were difficult. Yet, diplomatic communications were just as open [as before], even once seeking physician for medical treatment, secretly rendering their real sentiment. This is truly the moral principle that will not perish. As a result, sometime their ritual and moral customs were praised in the central court. In addition, the central court received the reciprocation of loyalty and righteousness from their ministers: previously there were Yi Ikchae<ref>Ikchae was Yi Che-hyŏn 李齊賢 (1287-1367)’s pen name.</ref> and the other honorables, and later there were Chŏng P'oŭn<ref> P'oŭn was Chŏng Mong-ju 鄭夢周 (1337-1392)’s pen name.</ref> and the other worthies. Their deeds were remarkable. These are all men who deserve to be written not just one but many times. How is this the case that amidst the prominence of negative energy, positive energy could not have existed? I once heard that when the great outline is roughly brought up, then admonishment will be manifested.<ref>This refers to Zhu Xi’s comment in his preface of ''Zizhi tongjian gangmu'' 資治通鑑綱目 (the Annotated Outline of the Comprehensive Mirror).</ref> This book of the Honorable Yu has almost the same intent. In the past, the Honorable Sima<ref>Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019-1086), a politician and historian of the Northern Song period (960-1127).</ref> presented the ''Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Governance''. Judging from its name and its meaning, it aims to aid the governance of the world and be comprehensive to act as a mirror for posterity. The Honorable Yu’s diligent intention, goes without saying, came from this [same intention of Sima Guang]. Alas! It is a pity that [his work] is yet to be presented to His Majesty. This book after all should not be kept in secret. If it has the heavenly favor that it receives the keen reading by His Majesty, then it will help His royal court to reflect on admonitions. There is a saying: “why should one follow rulers of later generations? It is because of their timeliness.”<ref>This is Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 (c. 145-86 BCE) comment on Xunzi’s 荀子 (c. 313-238 BCE) idea of “following rulers of later generations.” See ''Shiji'' 史記, Chapter 15.</ref> Then, as for those of whom should not be followed, one should of course take the more recent ones as better admonitions. I humbly made this speech and laid it out in the beginning of this book because I was moved. Our Koryŏ, outlying to the east, submitted and was afar from the whole Min<ref>Nowadays Fujian province of China. Zhu Xi was born in the Min region and served as an official there.</ref> ten thousand or so ''ri''. But its praise received from Master Zhu is very detailed. This is honor and glory, not just an empty ceremonial dress. On the other hand, those who work on the history of Koryŏ do not even think there is a single word that can be drawn and regarded as important. How is this the case that there is no sufficient documents of that time? The morals of our dynasty focused on revering the establishment of the Central Plain. This totally transformed the custom of Koryŏ. Then what about those of which being praised during Master Zhu’s generation? And how they were perceived nowadays? I cannot stand but secretly sigh deeply with a heavy heart. Therefore, I gather several examples of which people praised about the Koryŏ dynasty and arrange them into categories so that readers can verify. Alas! If the Honorable Sinam can write in the netherworld, then he must have smiled. On the twenty-sixth day of the first month of the ''dingwei'' year of Chongzhen,<ref> Chongzhen (r. 1627-1644) was the reign title of the last Ming (1368-1644) emperor. The Chosŏn (1392-1910) state still used the Ming reign title to record time even after the Ming fell in 1644.</ref> Song Si-yŏl of Ŭnjin prefaced.
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麗史提綱凡例

我東方自箕子以後即有文字，而載籍無徵。三國分爭，各有文史，然亦多不傳。金富軾撰三國史，所載類皆荒誕，不足憑信。且世代遼遠，國政沿革人物出處無可考信。故今斷自高麗太祖即位之後，編年作書，名以麗史提綱。

麗史蓋倣歷代全史之體，故其世家則只載年月綱領而已。其餘國政沿革人物出處可鑑可戒者，皆散在雜志列傳之中。學者乍見漫不省，先後次序雖曰一書而其實三書也。且卷秩甚多，披覽未半，輒至厭倦，吳氏澐爲是之病作纂要以便觀覽，而但紀年則所戴太略事實之可攷者，盡在列傳，是亦未免一冊而二書，參考之難猶夫前也。通鑑雖湊合成書而既無綱目之別、編年之次，觀者亦無以挈其綱要。今姑取麗史世家綱領及諸書特，筆者為之綱，旁搜列傳雜志及諸書中事迹，以為目，而分注其下。雖世家所不載而必當立綱處，則亦別立綱而注其事。至於筆法褒眨，則略倣舊史不敢以妄意多所增損。

本國雖歲奉中國正朔，而此書乃本國私紀，故以本國紀年而分注中國年號於其下。且書甲子於逐年之上行外以表之。無取其見於宋史者以訂其異同。

此書雖起自麗祖之即位，而當時新羅、百濟尚存，故麗祖統合以前，則用綱目無統例列書三國於甲子下。但麗濟皆本於羅，故略用君臣之例。

編年之際、或春無可紀之事，則首書夏夏秋冬亦然。若一年全無可紀之事，則袛書年以表之而已，不敢依春秋。雖無事而必書春秋以成歲之例。

凡一歲中但用月分編窆而已，不敢用春秋以日紀事之例。

凡注事於綱領之下，皆旁搜諸書考訂日月。至於日月不可考而事不可不紀者，及人物行迹相隣而無甚異同者，則不立綱而只以類附見焉。

凡列傳雜志中但紀其年而無日月可考者，則不得已於逐年之末立綱以見焉。

凡稱宗，稱陛下、太后、太子、節日詔制之類，雖涉僣偽，今不可盡行刪削，故只仍當時所稱。

禑昌紀年只仍吳氏纂要之例，不敢有所改易。

凡事大交隣、朝聘往來，雖煩必書。天灾時變雖不可盡書，而如日食、地震、彗孛、飛流之類，雖煩必書。至於星辰晝見風雷霜雹人妖物恠等，則只書其特異者焉。

如燃燈八關醮祀等事，及其餘歷代例行而不可盡紀者，則只於始見處並著其首末。

凡事有相連不可分紀者，則或於首起處終言之，使無散漫。

凡除拜國相，雖煩必書。如君子小人表表用舍之處，則雖非相職亦書。

凡人物事迹隨事編摩，而其有遺漏者，則收入於書卒之下。

凡官制沿革各隨當時所稱而書之。

凡州縣名號各注今名於其下，而不可考者則闕之。

凡讖緯不經荒誕鄙俗之說，今皆刪去，衹存其近實者。

凡有可疑不可為典要者，則分注錄之，以附傳疑之義。

凡諸書中先儒及史家評論間取而芟載之。當時史官則稱史臣，後日撰史時諸臣則稱史氏。若其人姓名可考者，則皆書某氏某。

凡文字艱澁難有差謬可疑處，不敢輒改並仍其舊。

凡附愚見處，則以按字別之，而圈其上。
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Explanatory Notes on the Usage of the ''Annotated Outline of Koryŏ History''

Since [the time of] Kija, our Land of the East had writing and script, but there was no trace of records. The Three Kingdoms competed with each other. Each had their own writings and histories, and yet most were not passed on. Kim Pusik compiled the ''Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms''<ref>''Samguk sagi'' 三國史記</ref>, in which the records and the likes are all ridiculous and untrustworthy. Besides, its age was faraway, so there was no way to verify the development of state affairs, and the appointment and retirement of personalities. Thereupon, I divided [the history] from the enthronement of Koryŏ T'aejo, chronicled the events in a book, and named it the ''Annotated Outline of Koryŏ History''.

The ''History of Koryŏ''<ref>''Koryŏsa'' 高麗史</ref> imitates the style of previous dynastic histories, thus its annals only record the gist of years and months. The rest – the development of state affairs and the appointment and retirement of personalities – which are worthy to reflect upon and to heed as admonishment, are all scattered amid various treatises and biographies. Scholars, at first glance, see [them] all over the place; it is not easy [to read]. Although the sequence [of events] is said to be [contained] in a book, in fact, it is in three. In addition, the number of volume is too many. Perusing not even half of the content, [one] often already feels disgusted and weary. Because of this shortcoming, Mister O Un wrote the ''Compendium''<ref>O Un 吳澐 (1540-1617) completed ''Tongsa ch'anyo'' 東史纂要 (Compendium of the History of the East) in 1606.</ref>, so as to facilitate the observation and reading [of histories]. However, the passages recorded in the annals are too brief, and the verifiable facts are all recorded in the biographies. Thence, it cannot escape [the shortcoming of] being a volume and yet two forms of writing. The difficulty to examine and study [histories] resembles the former. Although the ''Comprehensive Mirror''<ref>''Tongguk T’onggum'' 東國通鑑 (Comprehensive Mirror of the Eastern Country)</ref> gathers together histories in one book, it neither distinguishes between the key points and details nor has the order of annals. Readers thus have no way to grasp its essence. Now the author tentatively took the essence of the ''History of Koryŏ'' and various books as outlines, and widely searched through the biographies and various treatises for facts and deeds as details, which were separately annotated underneath the outlines. Although they are not recorded in the annals, for those which should be established as outlines, outlines were separately established and annotated. As for writing the judgment of praise and criticism, the author roughly imitates histories of the past and dares not rashly subjoin or reduce.

Our country although yearly receives the calendar from the Middle Kingdom, since this book is private annals of our country, the year of our country was thus written and the reign title of the Middle Kingdom was annotated underneath. Besides, the ''kapcha'' sixty-year cycle was written and displayed above each year, outside of the column. Views from the ''History of the Song'' were not taken so as to discern the differences and similarities.

Although this book starts from the enthronement of Koryŏ T'aejo, since at that time Silla and Paekche still existed, for this reason before T'aejo of Koryŏ united the country, the rule of non-unification from the ''kangmok''<ref>''Kangmok'' 綱目 (annotated outline), a genre of historical writing.</ref> was used to list the Three Kingdoms under the sixty-year cycle. However, Koryŏ and Paekche were originated from Silla, hence the regulation of ruler and ministers was roughly used.

In between the years, or if there was nothing to record in Spring, then [the event of] Summer is first written, if not, Autumn, and then Winter. If a year did not have anything to record, then only the year was written to display it. The author dared not follow the ''Spring and Autumn'' [''Annals''] - even if there was no affair, Spring and Autumn were written to display the year.

For each year, the events were only separated and chronicled monthly, and the author dared not use the standard of the ''Spring and Autumn'' to record events daily.

For the annotations under the outlines, all were widely investigated from various documents to revise their month and day. As for those which cannot be left unrecorded and yet their dates cannot be verified, as well as those recording personalities whose deeds were similar and adjacent to each other, then outlines were not established but their kinds are grouped so that they can be viewed [together].

For those of which only their years were recorded in biographies and various treatises, and their dates cannot be verified, then outlines were established at the end of each year so that they can be seen.

Whenever the king’s temple name contains ''chong'', he was addressed as Your Majesty, [his mother] queen dowager, [his heir apparent] crown prince, [his birthday] festival, [his instruction] decree, and so on. Although these amount to usurpation, now they cannot be totally erased, so their names at that time were kept.

For the annals of [King] U and [King] Ch'ang, the author only followed the example of Mister O’s ''Compendium'' and dared not have any alterations and changes.

For [the events related to] “serving the great” and amicable diplomacy with neighbors, and the reception and dispatch of diplomatic envoys even they are trivial, all were recorded. Not all natural disasters and change of time were written. Yet for those like solar eclipse, earthquake, and flying of comets, albeit trivial all were recorded. As for sighting of constellation during daytime, gale, thunder, frost and hail, human demons and supernatural spirits, and so on, only those which were peculiar and distinctive are written.

For ''yŏndŭng'' and ''p’algwan'',<ref>Both Buddhist ceremonies, respectively the Festival of Lotus Lantern and the Festival of Eight Precepts.</ref> as well as sacrificial offerings and the rest of the routines of the past dynasties which cannot be all recorded, their courses of event were recorded only on their first appearance.

For the events which were linked together and cannot be separated in different annals, then their conclusions were written at where they are started, so that they are not scattered.

For the dismissal and appointment of prime minister, albeit trivial all were recorded. As for the occasion where the honorable men and lesser men were distinctively appointed or retired, even their posts were not comparable to that of the prime minister, they were recorded.

For personalities and their deeds, all were compiled according to the events. As for those that were left out, then they were collected at the end of the book.

For the development of the official institution, all were written according to their names at that time.

For the names of county and prefecture, all were annotated with their current name underneath. As for those which cannot be verified, they are omitted.

For divinations and abnormal, ridiculous and vulgar speeches, all were now removed. Only those which were close to the reality were kept.

For those dubious occasion which cannot become the standard, all were separated in annotation, so as to attach the meaning of doubt.

For the comments of previous Confucians and historians amid various documents, all were selected, weeded out and recorded. Court historiographer at that time are called official historian, the various officials of later period who authored histories are called mister historian. If their names are verifiable, they were all written in this format: Mister, their family names, then followed by their personal names.

Whenever the words are difficult and obscure, which hardly have any erroneous and questionable occasions, the author dared not absurdly alter and thus keep them in their original.

Whenever the author attached his humble opinions, they were marked by the character ''an'' with a circle above.
|}

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==


Ch'oe Yong-ho. “An Outline History of Korean Historiography.” Korean Studies 4 (1980): 1-27.<br />

Chŏng Ku-bok. “Traditional Historical Consciousness and Historiography.” In Introduction to Korean Studies. Seoul: The National Academy of Sciences, 1986.<br />

Haboush, JaHyun Kim. “Confucian Rhetoric and Ritual as Techniques of Political Dominance: Yŏngjo's Use of the Royal Lecture.” ''The Journal of Korean Studies'' 5 (1984): 39-62.<br />

Zhu Xi. ''Chachʻi tʻonggam kangmok'' 資治通鑑綱目. Seoul: Pogyŏng Munhwasa, 1987.<br />

———. ''Zhouyi benyi'' 周易本義. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1992.<br />

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-19T01:56:05Z

Kingkwow: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載, compiled by the Japanese in 1116 and later expanded in 1135-41, includes this report in its twentieth volume 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts to the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience this notice reached Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written according to the instruction that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as all notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reports<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> and requests the official judgement.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and present. Because of this, last year merchant of that court, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know.(?) Please rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], please first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notify that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treatment beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter written in a strange custom and the envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, by what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-19T01:55:15Z

Kingkwow: /* Introduction */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載, compiled by the Japanese in 1116 and later expanded in 1135-41, includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts to the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience this notice reached Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written according to the instruction that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as all notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reports<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> and requests the official judgement.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and present. Because of this, last year merchant of that court, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know.(?) Please rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], please first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notify that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treatment beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter written in a strange custom and the envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, by what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信

2019-07-19T01:17:12Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 외번몽고서신1.jpg
|English = Letter from the Mongols of the Outer hedge
|Chinese = 丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信
|Korean = 병자년 2월2일 외번몽고서신
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author =
|Year = 1636
|Source = [http://sillok.history.go.kr/mc/main.do The Annals of the Qing Dynasty]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = Younès M'Ghari [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
<gallery mode=packed-hover heights=150px caption="〈丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信〉">
File:外藩蒙古書信(全).jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(全)
File:외번몽고서신3.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(3)
File:외번몽고서신2.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(2)
</gallery>
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:2%;"| No || style="width:49%;"|〈書信〉原本 || style="width:49%;"| [http://sillok.history.go.kr/qImageViewer/?levelId=qsilok_003_0270_0010_0020_0020_0020 『淸太宗實錄』天聰十年二月二日(p.013a)]
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 1 ||

金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知, 貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

||
滿洲國外藩諸貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等與明國交好, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因明之諸臣, 欺詐姦詭, 賄賂公行, 蒙蔽其主, 明國皇帝, 茫然不知, 以致人心解體, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內而縱寇殃民, 外而覆師喪地, 竊窺天意, 明之曆數將終矣.
|-
|
The State of Jin and all the Mongol Beiles<sup>1</sup> of the outer hedge<sup>2</sup> present [this] letter to<sup>3</sup> the King of Chosôn.

We have been receiving the Great Ming’s graces and gifts for over 200 years. Now, it is not with pleasure that we are going to turn our back and separate [with them]. It is only because the government officials of the Great Ming treacherously swindle, practice open bribery, dupe and hide [things] to their sovereign. The Emperor of the Great Ming does not know anything [about it] and bequeaths disasters to the country. In addition, because [his] generals are cowards, [his] soldiers are weak, inwardly, those who treacherously swindle are prosperously flourishing, outwardly, lands are gone and soldiers are lost<sup>4</sup>. We humbly looked into the Heaven’s intentions: the years of the Great Ming will end.
||
The Manchu State and the <span style="color:blue">Beiles</span><sup>1</sup> of the outer hedge<sup>2</sup> present [this] letter to<sup>3</sup> the King of Chosôn.

We have <span style="color:blue">had a good relationship with</span> the <span style="color:blue">Ming State</span> for over 200 years. Now, it is not with pleasure that we are going to turn our back and separate [with them]. It is only because the <span style="color:blue">ministers</span> of the <span style="color:blue">Ming</span> treacherously swindle, practice open bribery, dupe <span style="color:blue">their ruler</span>. The Emperor of the <span style="color:blue">Ming State</span> does not know anything [about it] and, <span style="color:blue">as a result</span>, <span style="color:blue">people’s minds are falling apart</span>. In addition, because [his] generals are cowards, [his] soldiers are weak, inwardly, <span style="color:blue">he releases bandits and brings disaster to people</span>, outwardly, <span style="color:blue">he sacrifices</span> troops and loses lands<sup>4</sup>. We humbly looked into the Heaven’s intentions: the years of the <span style="color:blue">Ming</span> will end.
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 2 ||

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

||

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆心願慕, 天眷有歸, 革命興邦, 知在此時矣. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之.
|-
|
Now our Khan of the Jin State is generous, benevolent, profoundly virtuous, he provides relief and saves the people, he enjoins the other countries to come, he loves and nurtures the commoners. When he says something and carries out [state] affairs, nothing is inappropriate. When he imposes laws and gives orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. Furthermore, in addition, because [his] generals are brave and [his] soldiers are strong, wherever he goes, he is invincible. The commoners are all willing to admire [him]. The August Heaven has already set its choice on our Khan. We consequently comply to the will of Heaven and gladly follow it.
||
Now our <span style="color:blue">Emperor</span> of the <span style="color:blue">Manchu State</span> is both <span style="color:blue">benevolent and wise</span>, <span style="color:blue">he is kind, mighty and, also, aiding [others]</span>, he enjoins the other countries to come, he loves and nurtures the commoners. When he <span style="color:blue">is determined</span> in carrying out [state] affairs, <span style="color:blue">he acts justly</span>. When he imposes laws and gives orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. <span style="color:blue">He consolidates strict fairness</span>. <span style="color:blue">In addition</span>, because [his] generals are brave and [his] soldiers are strong, wherever he goes, he is invincible. The people are willing to admire [him] <span style="color:blue">in their mind</span>. <span style="color:blue">The favors of Heaven are given [to him]. The change of Mandate rises up in the country; it is [now] known at this very moment.</span> We consequently comply to the will of Heaven and gladly follow it.
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 3 ||

念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里, 我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

||

因念我蒙古各國, 散亂無統, 近蒙我皇上, 誕布寬仁, 弘敷教化, 照臨在上, 如日方升, 流膏沛澤, 淪浹萬方, 諸國奠寧, 群生康樂.
|-
|
We consider that all the Mongol states were originally scattered, in disorder, with no unity. [But] Recently we received moral suasion from our Khan. Like the warmness of the Spring Sun, [his] grace flows and spreads through [up to] a thousand li. Our [Mongol] states have all received fortune, peace, ease. [They] Will not again be left scattered and in disorder [as before].
||
<span style="color:blue">Originally</span> we consider that all the Mongol states <span style="color:blue">were</span> scattered, in disorder, with no unity. [But] Recently we <span style="color:blue">met our Emperor</span>. <span style="color:blue">He greatly spreads generosity and benevolence</span>. <span style="color:blue">He greatly applies</span> moral suasion. <span style="color:blue">His Highness shines from above like when the Sun is rising</span>, <span style="color:blue">in thickets and marshes flows [his] grace<sup>a</sup></span>, <span style="color:blue">in the core of all places [it] goes through</span>. <span style="color:blue">All the states are establishing peace and the livings are at ease and happy</span>.

<sup>a</sup> '膏' (MR: ko, RR: go, pinyin: gao) is often used as a metaphor for '恩澤' which was used in the original version of this text.

|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 4 ||

是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目, 惟我汗驅使是聽, 以俟事機之至耳. 如有驅使, 即肝腦塗地, 投湯赴火, 亦莫之知避也.

||

是以感激上恩, 每思捐軀報効, 不憚勤勞, 聽上驅使, 以俟事機之至. 如有驅使, 即舉國從王, 攖鋒冒刃, 亦所不辭也.
|-
|
Because of this we are the Beiles of each state, and the army and people are equal. We are grateful for the benevolent Khan's profound grace. We constantly think of how we may lay down our lives to repay [his] kindness and invariably listen [to him] with attention and regard [him] with respect. Only our Khan commands and we listen. We just wait for the opportunity [to act] to present itself. If there is a command, we spill our livers and brains on the ground<sup>b</sup>, we leap into hot water and walk on fire, and no one would know to escape [from it].

<sup>b</sup> '肝腦塗地' (MR: kannoe-doji, RR: gannoe-doji, pinyin: gannao-tudi) is an idiomatic expression meaning "to lay down one's life in fighting for one' sovereign".
||
Because of this <span style="color:blue">we are grateful for the sovereign's grace</span>. We constantly think of how we may lay down our lives to repay [his] kindness. <span style="color:blue">We are not afraid of diligent labor</span>. We listen <span style="color:blue">to the sovereign's</span> commands. We <span style="color:blue">wait</span> for the opportunity [to act] to present itself. If there is a command, <span style="color:blue">the whole country follows the King. We run against the blades, brave the swords, and do not shrink [from them]</span>.

|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 5 ||

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號, 故與金國衆貝勒商議, 具本奏聞. 汗云, 果何所見而遽爲此事也, 遂拒而弗允.

||

去年我蒙古各國貝勒, 朝集盛京, 俱以天意眷顧我皇上, 欲恭上尊號, 以答天心, 與在內諸貝勒, 合辭陳請, 上拒而弗允.
|-
|
A year ago, Beiles of all the Mongol states, organized a court gathering in the center of the heavenly Shengjing<sup>5</sup>. Everyone declared that the August Heaven was caring for the Jin State. It was already showing [its] splendor. We should comply with the will of Heaven [and] admit the Khan's respectful title. Therefore, we debated with the people and the Beiles of the Jin State [and] provided a report based on what was said. The Khan said, “How can you suddenly pull up this affair based on what has been seen before?”He then resisted and did not consent.
||
<span style="color:blue">Last year</span>, <span style="color:blue">our</span> Beiles of all the Mongol states, organized a court <span style="color:blue">assembly</span> in Shengjing<sup>5</sup>. Everyone <span style="color:blue">was thinking of our Emperor because of the will of Heaven</span>. <span style="color:blue">We desired to honor the respectful title of his Highness</span>. <span style="color:blue">Because of the answer of the thoughts of Heaven, all the Beiles were included [with him]</span>. <span style="color:blue">We collected the says and wrote a petition; his Highness</span> resisted and did not consent.
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 6 ||

今四十萬蒙古國太子空俄羅, ···''(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)''··· 我等十六國四十九貝勒, 約於昨年臘月內, 與金國衆貝勒合議, 咸謂我汗收各國, 獲玉璽, 天意明徵, 勸進之事, 實不容已. 今年新正, 復具本奏聞. 汗云, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.

||

今四十萬眾蒙古太子孔果爾, ···''(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)''··· 十六國四十九貝勒, 約於去年十二月內, 會於盛京, 與滿洲國諸貝勒議, 俱言皇上平服諸國, 兼之玉璽呈祥, 天意佑助, 信而有徵, 皇上宜建尊號, 以順天人之心. 今年新正, 復奉表奏聞. 上諭, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.
|-
|

Now, the crown prince of the 400 thousand Mongols Ejei Khongghor, … ''(list of the names of the various Beiles)'' … our 49 Beiles of the 16 states made an appointment in the last month, a year ago, to make an agreement with the people and Beiles of the Jin State. Everyone declared that our Khan would embrace all the countries and obtain the jade seal. The will of Heaven is clear and manifest. As to the affairs of encouraging and promoting [the Khan], we indeed cannot stop. The first month of this year, we provided another report. The Khan said, “The King of Chosôn is my little brother. It is appropriate to have them know of it.”

||

Now, the crown prince of the 400 thousand <span style="color:blue">Mongols</span> <span style="color:blue">Khongghor</span>, … ''(list of the names of the various Beiles)'' … <span style="color:blue">49</span> Beiles of the 16 states made an appointment in the twelfth month of last year, to meet in Shengjing and to make an agreement with <span style="color:blue">the Beiles</span> of the <span style="color:blue">Mandchu State</span>. Everyone <span style="color:blue">said that the Emperor would maintain [under his leadership] all the</span> countries. <span style="color:blue">In addition,</span> the jade seal <span style="color:blue">would be conceded [to him]</span>. The will of Heaven <span style="color:blue">is bringing [him] assistance</span>. <span style="color:blue">It has been borne out by the evidence</span>. <span style="color:blue">The respectful title has been appropriately established by the Emperor because it follows the heavenly law</span>. The first month of this year, we <span style="color:blue">presented with respect another memorial and made [the Emperor] hear [about] it</span>. <span style="color:blue">His Highness gave an instruction,</span> “The King of Chosôn is my little brother. It is appropriate to have them know of it.”

|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 7 ||

我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書.

||

我等謹遵上諭, 遣使相聞, 王可即遣親近子弟來此, 共爲陳奏. 我等承天意, 奉尊號, 事已確定. 推戴之誠, 諒王素有同心也.
|-
|

We think that these words correspond to the great righteousness. Therefore, we have sent special envoys to discuss [this issue] with each other. The King [of Chosôn] should send his own sons and brothers to our place and commonly encourage and promote [the Khan]. We carry the will of Heaven and elevate the great name [of the Emperor]. This matter has now been settled. We will only see whether or not the King [of Chosôn] would follow us. Specially written<sup>c</sup>.

<sup>c</sup> 特書 ("Specially written") is a common phrase used at the end of official letters at this time.

||

We <span style="color:blue">have solemnly observed the imperial edict and</span> sent <span style="color:blue">envoys</span> to <span style="color:blue">hear</span> each other. The King [of Chosôn] <span style="color:blue">can now</span> send his own sons and brothers to our place and commonly <span style="color:blue">present a memorial [to the Emperor]</span>. We carry the will of Heaven and elevate the great name [of the Emperor]. This matter has now been settled. As for the sincerity of supporting [the Emperor], we expect the King [of Chosôn] to always [be thinking] with that one heart.

|-
|}
<sup>1</sup> 貝勒 (Beile) is the name of the Mongol chiefs.

<sup>2</sup> 外藩 ("outer hedge") is name given to the first group of countries surrounding China, that is China's vassal states.

<sup>3</sup> The expression '奉書' shows that the Chosôn court is not totally disregarded in this message.

<sup>4</sup> The authors of these two texts are, in this passage, either mentioning (1) the famines and desertions which happened during the Little Ice Age (at the beginning of the 17th century) or (2) the loss of lands to the northern enemies (notably most of Inner Mongolia in 1632).

<sup>5</sup> 盛京 (pinyin: Shengjing) was the name of the city 瀋陽(pinyin: Shenyang) at the time.

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*Rossabi, Morris (1979), "Muslim and Central Asian Revolts", in Spence, Jonathan D.; Wills, John E. Jr. (eds.), From Ming to Ch'ing: Conquest, Region, and Continuity in Seventeenth-Century China, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, pp. 167–99
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書

As we think that these words correspond to the great righteousness, we have sent the special envoys to discuss this issue. The King of Joseon should send his brothers and sons to our place, and commonly encourage and promote [Hong Taiji to become emperor]. We follow the will of heaven and elevate the great name [of the emperor]. The state of affairs has already been established. We will only see whether or not the King of Joseon would follow us. Specially written*.

*Specially written is a common phrase used at the end of an official letter at this time.

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知...

Translation:
The Mongol beiles (chiefs) from the outer fences of the State of Jin present this letter to the king of Joseon.

You and I have received graces and gifts from the great state of Ming for over two hundred years. Now we are unhappy to secede from the Ming state; it is only because the officials of the great state of Ming are cheating, cunning, and deceitful. They routinely bribe [one another] and deceive and blind the emperor [of the great Ming]. [But] the emperor [of the great Ming] is completely unaware [of these].

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----
貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

[All these] are ruining and bringing disasters to families and the state. In addition, [the Ming's] generals are cowardly and the soldiers weak. Within [the court], perfidy and treachery are rampant. Without, lands were being lost and soldiers were being slaughtered (1). We humbly steal a glimpse of the will of the Heaven - the mandate of the Ming will soon meet its end.

Notes:
1. An alternative translation is "Farmers were losing lands and soldiers were being demobilized." This refers to the general social crisis that Ming faced in the 17th century, which historians attributed to the advent of the so-called "Little Ice Age" at the time.

*Discussion Questions:
What kind of relation was the Mongolian princes seeking with Choson? How did this relation implicate Choson's relationship with the Ming?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強,

Now our Khan of the Jin State is generous, benevolent, profoundly virtuous, he provides relief and saves the people, he enjoins the other countries to come, he loves and nurtures the commoners. When he says something and carries out [state] affairs, nothing is inappropriate. When he imposes laws and gives orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. Furthermore, in addition, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong, ...

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強,

Now our <span style="color:blue">Emperor</span> of the <span style="color:blue">Manchu State</span> is both <span style="color:blue">benevolent and wise</span>, <span style="color:blue">he is kind, mighty and, also, aiding [others]</span>, he enjoins the other countries to come, [he] loves and nurtures the commoners. When he <span style="color:blue">is determined</span> in carrying out [state] affairs, <span style="color:blue">he acts justly</span>. When he imposes laws and gives orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. <span style="color:blue">He consolidates strict fairness</span>. <span style="color:blue">In addition</span>, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong, ...

*Discussion Questions:

When and how did the expression "beile" become known to the Chosôn court scholars? Who first proposed these Chinese characters?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

To whomever he faces he is invincible. All desire to admire him. The August Heaven has already fixed His mind on our khan. Thereby we look up to and receive Heaven's will and delightfully comply with it, nothing more.

*Discussion Questions:
How does this document reveal the interstate relations of Northeast Asia during the 17th century? What was the stance of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court toward the Manchus?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里.

I think that we all states of the Mongol were originally scattered and chaotic with no leadership. But recently we have received the moral suasion from our Khan. Like the warmness of the Spring Sun, His grace flows and permeates into one thousand ''li'' from here.

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

Our [Mongol] states have now all received fortune, stability and health, and will not again be scattered and disorderly as before.

*Discussion Questions:

The document was signed by 47 out of 49 beiles. Whose signatures were omitted and what might this suggest?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----
是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目

Because of this we are the ''beile'' of every country, and the army and people are equal; we are grateful for the benevolent khan's profound grace, constantly thinking of how we may lay down our lives to repay his kindness, and no part of us does not earnestly await it.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----
惟我汗驅使是聽, 以俟事機之至耳.

["his only wish" or "we think"] Our han's [command or wish] for us is to heed, so as to wait for the opportunity to present itself.

如有驅使, 即肝腦塗地, 投湯赴火, 亦莫之知避也.

Should there be his command, be it to smear our livers and brains on the ground, leap into boiling water and walk on fire, no one [none of us] would know to evade.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號,

Last year, ''beile''s of every provinces from Mongol were gathered in the middle of castle prospered by the heaven(‘盛京’ in revised version). Everybody said that imperial heaven takes care of the ''Jin'' Dynasty, and it is already apparent and shine. [Then] We should revere and accept the intention of the heaven, and eventually Khan [would be] respectfully named.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

故與金國衆貝勒商議, 具本奏聞. 汗云, 果何所見而遽爲此事也, 遂拒而弗允.

We Mongols, therefore, discussed this issue with a group of beiles of the Jin state, so we could report it to the emperor.
The khan said, “how can you suddenly pull up this affair, based on what has been seen before?” The khan eventually refused and did not approve of it.

今四十萬蒙古國太子空俄羅 ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 我等十六國四十九貝勒, 約於昨年臘月內, 與金國衆貝勒合議, 咸謂我汗收各國, 獲玉璽, 天意明徵, 勸進之事, 實不容已. 今年新正, 復具本奏聞. 汗云, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.

As of now, the prince of the Mongols (Ejei hongor) …. we, the forty-nine beiles of the sixteen states, made a treaty in the last leap month. We discussed this issue together with the beiles and they all said that our khan embraced all the countries and obtained the seal of the mongols. The heavenly will is manifest and the affairs of encouraging and promoting (Hong Taiji to become an emperor) indeed should not stop. In the first month of the year, we reported to the Khan and he said, “Choson king is my younger brother. It is appropriate to have him know of it.”

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

2019-07-19T01:02:30Z

Kingkwow:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子封事第一
|Korean = 병자봉사제일(''Byeongjabongsajeil'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 箚
|Author = 崔鳴吉
|Year =
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0120_2003_A089_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Kyuhyung Hwang, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg|崔鳴吉丙子封事第一(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil; 1586 - 1647) was a Confucian scholar and statesman. He had a rather successful career in government as he eventually reached the position of Chief State Councilor, the highest place in the officialdom of Chosŏn. His is one of the better known names in the entire Chosŏn history. However, instead of his other successes and failures, the mark he left has to do with his political position and the fate of his country at around the time of this writing.

During the relatively short span of time between 1592 and 1636, when this memorial was composed, Chosŏn already suffered three invasions, of which the first two were by Japan and the last by Later Jin. The events and the changes in the political climate of this region of Asia was to lead to a fourth invasion--this time by Qing. Chosŏn's subsequent surrender, whose terms included kowtows by King Injo in submission to Hong Taiji of the Qing dynasty who had come to Chosŏn in person, are considered, by many, the most humiliating moment in the history of the dynasty.

Ch’oe Myŏngkil's memorial can be better understood, having these concurrent historical events in mind. However, the role he played in the unfolding of these events and the characterization imposed on him subsequently date back to the time of the third invasion, one by Late Jin. Ch’oe Myŏngkil is remembered as the leading proponent of ''chuhwaron'' as opposed to ''ch'ŏk'waron'' of Kim Sanghŏn, his opponent whose name rarely fails to accompany Ch’oe's in the discussions regarding this invasion. ''Chuhwaron'' can be, more literally, translated as "the argument for seeking peace [negotiation]," and ''ch'ŏk'waron'' "the argument for rejecting peace [negotiation]." Ch’oe supported the position favoring diplomatic solution during the Later Jin Invasion in 1627 and would again during this invasion. The two positions have often been understood in terms of "pragmatic compromise" and "adherence to principle" in relation to the tributary relationship between Chosŏn and Ming, and Chosŏn's perception of the Manchus as barbarians and Ming as the Confucian state. Along these lines of thinking, Ch’oe is sometimes characterized as someone who sacrificed his reputation and principle in order to save his country and at others, as someone who corrupted the Confucian principles and caused a disgrace to his king and his country. More recent scholarship deems this kind of view simplistic and demands a more thorough inquiry into the complexity of the situation.<ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “Choi Myeong-gil’s argument of supporting the pursuit of peace with the enemy, and the issue of Daemyeong Euiri” 崔鳴吉의 主和論과 對明義理. The Journal of Korean History 한국사연구 162 (September 2013): 87–122.</ref><ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “The Trend and Prospect of Main Study on the Dispute between Ju’hwa-ron(主和論, argument supporting the idea of pursuing peace with the enemy) and Cheok’hwa-ron(斥和論, argument boycotting the negotiation of peace with the enemy) during Manchu Invasion of Joseon” 丁卯 · 丙子胡亂 전후 主和 · 斥和論 관련 연구의 성과와 전망. Sahak Yonku: The Review of Korean History 128 (December 2017): 179–235.</ref><ref>O Such'ang 오수창. “Choi Myeonggil gwa Kim Sanghŏn” 최명길과 김상헌 [Choi Myeonggil and Kim Sanghŏn]. Critical Review of History 역사비평, February 1998, 393–403.</ref>

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
伏以臣病伏私室。不與朝廷之議。聞諸道路之傳。今此金差之言。悖慢凶狡。有不忍聞。凡有血氣。孰不憤惋欲死。竊聞句管問答。廟堂籌畫。辭直理當。有足可觀。然於臣心。有不得不爲過慮者焉。當初約和時。朝廷以君臣大義。反覆開陳。彼雖犬羊。亦有知覺。故不敢強我以非義。約爲隣國。告天立誓。十餘年間。未有他說。今忽發爲此言者何也。且虜旣跨據大漠。無所受制。肆然稱帝。誰復禁止。而必欲藉口於我國者。其心或難知。

我若只以口語答之。則事跡晻昧。無可據證。如使驕虜反其辭說。而誣我於天下。其將何以自解乎。臣之愚意。例答之外。別爲一書。備陳僞號之不可僭。臣節之不可易。尊卑之等不可紊。以明大義而存國體。仍將虜書及我國所答。移咨督府。轉奏皇朝。一面下諭八方。訓飭兵馬。以待其變。使天下之人。曉然知朝廷處置之明白。然後可以折虜謀而壯士氣。書之史冊。無愧辭矣。且聞龍胡之行。唯以春信弔祭爲名。而汗書亦無別語。其所謂悖書者。乃八高山及蒙古王子書也。

答其循例之書。而拒其悖理之言。君臣之義。隣國之道。得以兩全。於計爲宜。況今山陵未畢。守備未完。權宜緩禍之策。亦何可全然不思。金差不妨招見。所不可見者西㺚耳。西㺚不必薄待。所當嚴斥者悖書耳。

臣竊觀今日虜情。特有早晩。等是被兵。但不可矇矓處置。以致見賣。過於落莫。以促其兵耳。城門閉言路開。雖有悔端。亦不濟事。今日之勢可謂急矣。而幸未至於目前被兵。伏願殿下。益加憤發。先立大志。如頃日諫臣筵臣之言。多所採納。收敍言事之臣。勇革病民之政。振拔人才。激勵將士。以慰臣民之望。則人心旣悅。國勢自固。雖有外患。亦不至大段顚沛矣。臣之賤疾。一向沈綿。精神昏憒。全不省外事。而竊不任區區憂國之誠。冒陳所懷。唯明主裁之。取進止。
||
Your minister humbly prostrates in his private quarter because of his illness. Your minister did not participate in court discussion but heard the reports from all the provinces and circuits. Now the words of this envoy from the Later Jin were offensively arrogant and viciously treacherous. Your minister could not bear to hear these words. Among all those who have courage and uprightness, who will not resent to the extent of desiring death? Your minister humbly heard that as to the questions and answers of the bureaucrats and the plans and preparations of the Border Defense Command, their speeches are upright and reasonings are sound. They are good enough to be considered. Yet in your minister’s mind, there is something that your minister could not but be overly concerned. At the time when we were first negotiating peace, our court, using the great righteousness between ruler and minister, repeatedly listed our statements. They albeit dogs and sheep do have consciousness, therefore dare not to force us to violate righteousness. We agreed to be neighboring states, reported to Heaven, and swore an oath. In between these ten or so years, there were no other claims. Now they suddenly uttered this speech, why? Moreover, the caitiffs overran the great desert and were constrained by none. Presumptuously they proclaimed emperorship. Who can turn the tide to stop them? And as to those who desire to use a pretense against our state, their minds are probably hard to understand.

If we only reply with words of mouth, then the course of events is not clear and cannot serve as evidence. If it let the arrogant caitiffs reverse our words and slander us in front of All under Heaven, then what can we use to explain ourselves? In your minister’s humble opinion, in addition to regular response, we should separately write a letter, completely stating that the false title cannot be used to usurp, that the loyalty of ministers cannot be changed, and that the ranks of the venerable and base cannot be confused, so as to clarify the great righteousness and to preserve the essence of our state. As ever send the letter of the caitiffs and the reply of our state to the military command for consultation and then report to the August dynasty. At the same time, send instructions to the eight directions, discipline the soldiers and horses, so as to wait for the revolt and let people of all under Heaven clearly know how unambiguously the court handle this matter. Then by doing so, it can destroy the scheme of the caitiffs and strengthen the morale of our soldiers. Write them in historical records, and there will be no words of regret. Furthermore, your minister heard that Yonggoltae’s (Yonggoldae) trip only used the spring mission and the condolence<ref>This refers to the death of Queen Inyŏl (Inyeol), the consort of Injo.</ref> as pretexts, and the letter of the khan also does not have other words. What are called rebellious letters are those of the Eight Banners and of the Mongol princes.

Reply their regular letters but reject their words of violating principles, so that both the righteousness of ruler and minister and the way of neighboring states can be completed. With regard to plans, it is appropriate. Not to mention now our mountain fortresses are not finished and our defense is not complete. As to expedient strategy of delaying calamity, how can it be entirely neglected? There is no harm in receiving the Later Jin envoy, but whom cannot be received are the Western Tartars.<ref>They refer to the Western Mongols.</ref> As to the Western Tartars, we should not treat them ungenerously, but what should be severely reproached are the rebellious letters.<ref>A version of this suggestion is recorded in the Veritable Records of Injo: http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002</ref>

Your minister humbly observed the situations of the caitiffs. Sooner or later, all are the eventual invasion. But it cannot be fuzzily handled so that we are being deceived to point of overly desolate and accelerate their invasion. Shut the door of our cities and open channels of remonstration. Although there will be signs of remorse, they are not beneficial. The situation of today can be said to be urgent, but fortunately, it has yet to reach the point of suffering invasion now. Your minister prostrates and hopes Your Highness make all the more effort and first establish a lofty aspiration. Such as the words of the remonstrating ministers and lecturing ministers, Your Highness should accept more. Gather and rank the ministers who discuss affairs. Bravely reform the policies that harm the people. Promote talents and encourage officers and soldiers, so as to fulfill the wishes of your subjects. Thereby your people’s mind will be delighted, and the condition of the state will be consolidated. Although there is an external threat, it will not reach a state of grave frustrations. As to your minister’s lowly illness, it always lingers. Your minister’s spirit is muddled and totally not aware of external affairs. And yet your minister cannot bear the trivial sincerity of concerning the state, and risk displaying what he has in his heart, only to let the brilliant lord to judge, taking what to advance and what to cease.
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Who was Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing? What can we learn about his political standpoint from this memorial?
#How was Ch'oe Myŏngkil situated within the political context of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court at this time? Who took the opposing view? How would his oppositions in the court respond? What would be their strategies to defend the country? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king?
#Who compiled Ch'oe Myŏngkil’s memorial, when and for what purposes?
#Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Chosŏn (Joseon) people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Chosŏn-Qing relations?
#Did the Chosŏn court think of itself as the most "civilized" among the peoples around China? Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitans and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?
#What was the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Chosŏn-Qing relations in the 1630s? Why was the Chosŏn-Qing relation like this? And how about their relations in the remaining 17th century?
#Previous scholars have attributed Chosŏn’s cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Chosŏn and Qing. Aside from cultural causes, what about the causes in the political-economy?
#Was the idea of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" a typically Korean concept during the Yi dynasty? If not, was it also existing in Chinese dynasties and Koryô?
#Were memorials an effective method to influence political decisions? And why? Please elaborate your answer.
#The contents of this memorial are also included in the ''Chosŏn wangjo sillok'' (Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), however the king Injo did not respond to this memorial. Why? And why is this memorial written in official writings?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 16日辛卯胡差龍骨大、馬夫大等 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402016_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 21日丙申司諫趙絅上疏, 請勿許西㺚入國門 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402021_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 26日辛丑完城君崔鳴吉上箚 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002
* 丙子封事[第二] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0130
* 丙子封事[第三] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0140

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What can we learn about the writer's political standpoint from this memorial?

Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Joseon people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Joseon-Qing relation?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희"''===
----

*Discussion Questions: What is the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Choson-Qing relation in the 1630s? Why was the Choson-Qing relation like this? Previous scholars have attributed Choson's cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Choson and Qing. What about the causes in the political-economy?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

- Is the concept of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" something typically Korean during the Yi dynasty? If not, was is also existing in China and Koryô?

- Did the Chosôn court really think that it was the most "civilized" among the "barbarians" around China?

- Who compiled Choe Myônggil's memorial, when and for what purpose?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What would the hawks say about 최명길's memorials? What would be their strategies to defend their country?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Describe the state of Sino-Korean relations during the time of this memorial and in the years following.

Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitan and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?

Were memorials an effective method through which to influence political decisions? Give examples to justify your answer.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How is Choe Myeong-gil situated within the political context of the Joseon court at this time? Who, if anyone, takes the opposing view? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king? That is, how similar do the opposing memorials look to Choe's?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? Considering the situation of the Chosŏn (Joseon) in the 17th century, what were the factors that influenced his writing?

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: The contents of this memorial are also included in the Choson Wangjo sillok(朝鮮王朝實錄), however his appeal was not responded to by the king(仁祖). Why not? But why was this memorial written in official writings?

choson wangjo sillok [http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11409005_001]

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-18T02:42:46Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience this notice reached Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written according to the instruction that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as all notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reports<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> and requests the official judgement.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and present. Because of this, last year merchant of that court, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know.(?) Please rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], please first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notify that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treatment beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter written in a strange custom and the envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, by what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-18T02:20:17Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience this notice reached Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written according to the instruction that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as all notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reports<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> and requests the official judgement.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and present. Because of this, last year merchant of that court, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know.(?) Please rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], please first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notify that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treatment beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter written in a strange custom and the envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-18T02:00:16Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience this notice reached Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written according to the instruction that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as all notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reports<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> and requests the official judgement.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and present. Because of this, last year merchant of that court, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know.(?) Please rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], please first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-18T01:58:46Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience this notice reached Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written according to the instruction that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as all notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> and requested the official judgement.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and present. Because of this, last year merchant of that court, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know.(?) Please rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], please first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-18T01:44:59Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
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高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience this notice reached Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written according to the instruction that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as all notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

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大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

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日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

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=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

2019-07-18T01:17:23Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子封事第一
|Korean = 병자봉사제일(''Byeongjabongsajeil'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 箚
|Author = 崔鳴吉
|Year =
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0120_2003_A089_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg|崔鳴吉丙子封事第一(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil; 1586 - 1647) was a Confucian scholar and statesman. He had a rather successful career in government as he eventually reached the position of Chief State Councilor, the highest place in the officialdom of Chosŏn. His is one of the better known names in the entire Chosŏn history. However, instead of his other successes and failures, the mark he left has to do with his political position and the fate of his country at around the time of this writing.

During the relatively short span of time between 1592 and 1636, when this memorial was composed, Chosŏn already suffered three invasions, of which the first two were by Japan and the last by Later Jin. The events and the changes in the political climate of this region of Asia was to lead to a fourth invasion--this time by Qing. Chosŏn's subsequent surrender, whose terms included kowtows by King Injo in submission to Hong Taiji of the Qing dynasty who had come to Chosŏn in person, are considered, by many, the most humiliating moment in the history of the dynasty.

Ch’oe Myŏngkil's memorial can be better understood, having these concurrent historical events in mind. However, the role he played in the unfolding of these events and the characterization imposed on him subsequently date back to the time of the third invasion, one by Late Jin. Ch’oe Myŏngkil is remembered as the leading proponent of ''chuhwaron'' as opposed to ''ch'ŏk'waron'' of Kim Sanghŏn, his opponent whose name rarely fails to accompany Ch’oe's in the discussions regarding this invasion. ''Chuhwaron'' can be, more literally, translated as "the argument for seeking peace [negotiation]," and ''ch'ŏk'waron'' "the argument for rejecting peace [negotiation]." Ch’oe supported the position favoring diplomatic solution during the Later Jin Invasion in 1627 and would again during this invasion. The two positions have often been understood in terms of "pragmatic compromise" and "adherence to principle" in relation to the tributary relationship between Chosŏn and Ming, and Chosŏn's perception of the Manchus as barbarians and Ming as the Confucian state. Along these lines of thinking, Ch’oe is sometimes characterized as someone who sacrificed his reputation and principle in order to save his country and at others, as someone who corrupted the Confucian principles and caused a disgrace to his king and his country. More recent scholarship deems this kind of view simplistic and demands a more thorough inquiry into the complexity of the situation.<ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “Choi Myeong-gil’s argument of supporting the pursuit of peace with the enemy, and the issue of Daemyeong Euiri” 崔鳴吉의 主和論과 對明義理. The Journal of Korean History 한국사연구 162 (September 2013): 87–122.</ref><ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “The Trend and Prospect of Main Study on the Dispute between Ju’hwa-ron(主和論, argument supporting the idea of pursuing peace with the enemy) and Cheok’hwa-ron(斥和論, argument boycotting the negotiation of peace with the enemy) during Manchu Invasion of Joseon” 丁卯 · 丙子胡亂 전후 主和 · 斥和論 관련 연구의 성과와 전망. Sahak Yonku: The Review of Korean History 128 (December 2017): 179–235.</ref><ref>O Such'ang 오수창. “Choi Myeonggil gwa Kim Sanghŏn” 최명길과 김상헌 [Choi Myeonggil and Kim Sanghŏn]. Critical Review of History 역사비평, February 1998, 393–403.</ref>

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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伏以臣病伏私室。不與朝廷之議。聞諸道路之傳。今此金差之言。悖慢凶狡。有不忍聞。凡有血氣。孰不憤惋欲死。竊聞句管問答。廟堂籌畫。辭直理當。有足可觀。然於臣心。有不得不爲過慮者焉。當初約和時。朝廷以君臣大義。反覆開陳。彼雖犬羊。亦有知覺。故不敢強我以非義。約爲隣國。告天立誓。十餘年間。未有他說。今忽發爲此言者何也。且虜旣跨據大漠。無所受制。肆然稱帝。誰復禁止。而必欲藉口於我國者。其心或難知。

我若只以口語答之。則事跡晻昧。無可據證。如使驕虜反其辭說。而誣我於天下。其將何以自解乎。臣之愚意。例答之外。別爲一書。備陳僞號之不可僭。臣節之不可易。尊卑之等不可紊。以明大義而存國體。仍將虜書及我國所答。移咨督府。轉奏皇朝。一面下諭八方。訓飭兵馬。以待其變。使天下之人。曉然知朝廷處置之明白。然後可以折虜謀而壯士氣。書之史冊。無愧辭矣。且聞龍胡之行。唯以春信弔祭爲名。而汗書亦無別語。其所謂悖書者。乃八高山及蒙古王子書也。

答其循例之書。而拒其悖理之言。君臣之義。隣國之道。得以兩全。於計爲宜。況今山陵未畢。守備未完。權宜緩禍之策。亦何可全然不思。金差不妨招見。所不可見者西㺚耳。西㺚不必薄待。所當嚴斥者悖書耳。

臣竊觀今日虜情。特有早晩。等是被兵。但不可矇矓處置。以致見賣。過於落莫。以促其兵耳。城門閉言路開。雖有悔端。亦不濟事。今日之勢可謂急矣。而幸未至於目前被兵。伏願殿下。益加憤發。先立大志。如頃日諫臣筵臣之言。多所採納。收敍言事之臣。勇革病民之政。振拔人才。激勵將士。以慰臣民之望。則人心旣悅。國勢自固。雖有外患。亦不至大段顚沛矣。臣之賤疾。一向沈綿。精神昏憒。全不省外事。而竊不任區區憂國之誠。冒陳所懷。唯明主裁之。取進止。
||
Your minister humbly prostrates in his private quarter because of his illness. Your minister did not participate in court discussion but heard the reports from all the provinces and circuits. Now the words of this envoy from the Later Jin were offensively arrogant and viciously treacherous. Your minister could not bear to hear these words. Among all those who have courage and uprightness, who will not resent to the extent of desiring death? Your minister humbly heard that as to the questions and answers of the bureaucrats and the plans and preparations of the Border Defense Command, their speeches are upright and reasonings are sound. They are good enough to be considered. Yet in your minister’s mind, there is something that your minister could not but be overly concerned. At the time when we were first negotiating peace, our court, using the great righteousness between ruler and minister, repeatedly listed our statements. They albeit dogs and sheep do have consciousness, therefore dare not to force us to violate righteousness. We agreed to be neighboring states, reported to Heaven, and swore an oath. In between these ten or so years, there were no other claims. Now they suddenly uttered this speech, why? Moreover, the caitiffs overran the great desert and were constrained by none. Presumptuously they proclaimed emperorship. Who can turn the tide to stop them? And as to those who desire to use a pretense against our state, their minds are probably hard to understand.

If we only reply with words of mouth, then the course of events is not clear and cannot serve as evidence. If it let the arrogant caitiffs reverse our words and slander us in front of All under Heaven, then what can we use to explain ourselves? In your minister’s humble opinion, in addition to regular response, we should separately write a letter, completely stating that the false title cannot be used to usurp, that the loyalty of ministers cannot be changed, and that the ranks of the venerable and base cannot be confused, so as to clarify the great righteousness and to preserve the essence of our state. As ever send the letter of the caitiffs and the reply of our state to the military command for consultation and then report to the August dynasty. At the same time, send instructions to the eight directions, discipline the soldiers and horses, so as to wait for the revolt and let people of all under Heaven clearly know how unambiguously the court handle this matter. Then by doing so, it can destroy the scheme of the caitiffs and strengthen the morale of our soldiers. Write them in historical records, and there will be no words of regret. Furthermore, your minister heard that Yonggoltae’s (Yonggoldae) trip only used the spring mission and the condolence<ref>This refers to the death of Queen Inyŏl (Inyeol), the consort of Injo.</ref> as pretexts, and the letter of the khan also does not have other words. What are called rebellious letters are those of the Eight Banners and of the Mongol princes.

Reply their regular letters but reject their words of violating principles, so that both the righteousness of ruler and minister and the way of neighboring states can be completed. With regard to plans, it is appropriate. Not to mention now our mountain fortresses are not finished and our defense is not complete. As to expedient strategy of delaying calamity, how can it be entirely neglected? There is no harm in receiving the Later Jin envoy, but whom cannot be received are the Western Tartars.<ref>They refer to the Western Mongols.</ref> As to the Western Tartars, we should not treat them ungenerously, but what should be severely reproached are the rebellious letters.<ref>A version of this suggestion is recorded in the Veritable Records of Injo: http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002</ref>

Your minister humbly observed the situations of the caitiffs. Sooner or later, all are the eventual invasion. But it cannot be fuzzily handled so that we are being deceived to point of overly desolate and accelerate their invasion. Shut the door of our cities and open channels of remonstration. Although there will be signs of remorse, they are not beneficial. The situation of today can be said to be urgent, but fortunately, it has yet to reach the point of suffering invasion now. Your minister prostrates and hopes Your Highness make all the more effort and first establish a lofty aspiration. Such as the words of the remonstrating ministers and lecturing ministers, Your Highness should accept more. Gather and rank the ministers who discuss affairs. Bravely reform the policies that harm the people. Promote talents and encourage officers and soldiers, so as to fulfill the wishes of your subjects. Thereby your people’s mind will be delighted, and the condition of the state will be consolidated. Although there is an external threat, it will not reach a state of grave frustrations. As to your minister’s lowly illness, it always lingers. Your minister’s spirit is muddled and totally not aware of external affairs. And yet your minister cannot bear the trivial sincerity of concerning the state, and risk displaying what he has in his heart, only to let the brilliant lord to judge, taking what to advance and what to cease.
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Who was Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing? What can we learn about his political standpoint from this memorial?
#How was Ch'oe Myŏngkil situated within the political context of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court at this time? Who took the opposing view? How would his oppositions in the court respond? What would be their strategies to defend the country? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king?
#Who compiled Ch'oe Myŏngkil’s memorial, when and for what purposes?
#Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Chosŏn (Joseon) people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Chosŏn-Qing relations?
#Did the Chosŏn court think of itself as the most "civilized" among the peoples around China? Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitans and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?
#What was the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Chosŏn-Qing relations in the 1630s? Why was the Chosŏn-Qing relation like this? And how about their relations in the remaining 17th century?
#Previous scholars have attributed Chosŏn’s cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Chosŏn and Qing. Aside from cultural causes, what about the causes in the political-economy?
#Was the idea of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" a typically Korean concept during the Yi dynasty? If not, was it also existing in Chinese dynasties and Koryô?
#Were memorials an effective method to influence political decisions? And why? Please elaborate your answer.
#The contents of this memorial are also included in the ''Chosŏn wangjo sillok'' (Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), however the king Injo did not respond to this memorial. Why? And why is this memorial written in official writings?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 16日辛卯胡差龍骨大、馬夫大等 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402016_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 21日丙申司諫趙絅上疏, 請勿許西㺚入國門 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402021_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 26日辛丑完城君崔鳴吉上箚 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002
* 丙子封事[第二] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0130
* 丙子封事[第三] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0140

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What can we learn about the writer's political standpoint from this memorial?

Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Joseon people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Joseon-Qing relation?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희"''===
----

*Discussion Questions: What is the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Choson-Qing relation in the 1630s? Why was the Choson-Qing relation like this? Previous scholars have attributed Choson's cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Choson and Qing. What about the causes in the political-economy?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

- Is the concept of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" something typically Korean during the Yi dynasty? If not, was is also existing in China and Koryô?

- Did the Chosôn court really think that it was the most "civilized" among the "barbarians" around China?

- Who compiled Choe Myônggil's memorial, when and for what purpose?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What would the hawks say about 최명길's memorials? What would be their strategies to defend their country?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Describe the state of Sino-Korean relations during the time of this memorial and in the years following.

Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitan and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?

Were memorials an effective method through which to influence political decisions? Give examples to justify your answer.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How is Choe Myeong-gil situated within the political context of the Joseon court at this time? Who, if anyone, takes the opposing view? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king? That is, how similar do the opposing memorials look to Choe's?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? Considering the situation of the Chosŏn (Joseon) in the 17th century, what were the factors that influenced his writing?

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: The contents of this memorial are also included in the Choson Wangjo sillok(朝鮮王朝實錄), however his appeal was not responded to by the king(仁祖). Why not? But why was this memorial written in official writings?

choson wangjo sillok [http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11409005_001]

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1713年崔壽學原情 1

2019-07-18T01:05:25Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최수학원정1_1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1713年崔壽學原情
|Korean = 1713년 최수학 원정(''ChoeSuhak Wonjeong'')
|Genre = [[Social Life and Litigation System]]
|Type = Civil Affair Document
|Author = 崔壽學
|Year = 1713
|Source = [http://sjw.history.go.kr/main.do 承政院日記 The Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Joseon Dynasty]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최수학원정1_2.jpg|崔壽學原情1(2)
File:승정원일기숙종39년7월21일.jpg|[http://sjw.history.go.kr/id/SJW-D39070210-02500 承政院日記肅宗 39年 7月 21日]
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
金東白과의 相訟 건. 武人출신 양반 崔壽學과 平民 출신 金東白 간에 최씨 가문이 養山한 곳에서의 땔나무 斫伐, 사적 형벌(私門亂杖), 저수지에서의 물이용 등을 다툰 소송사건.

*작성시기: 1713년(숙종39)경의 草本 혹은 후대 전사본.
:- [http://sjw.history.go.kr/id/SJW-D39070210-02500 『承政院日記』 479책 (탈초본 25책) 숙종 39년 7월 21일 병인 25/62 기사.]
:- 1713년 康熙(淸/聖祖) 52년. 金鎭圭 등이 입시하여 崔壽學의 죄목과 처리에 대해 논의함.
*작 성 자: 崔壽學(1652~1714)
*수 취 자: 大邱都護府
*주 제 어: 就山負柴, 捉致毆打, 白晝裸體俯瞰, 散髮告官, 一足指浮氣, 私門亂杖五十度, 樵牧奪衣服斧斤橽檚, 長養柴木燔瓦分利, 柴炭發賣徵價村人, 鎭營燔瓦分用取三分之一納柴取瓦, 私堤貯水專利,

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
01 白等金東白妻金召史呈議送內今月初二日就山負柴

02 是去乙矣身捉致毆打私門亂杖五十度是如問目內辭緣

03 是置有亦同東白今月初二日良中矣所居案山壓近之處

04 晨登斫柴是乎矣白晝裸體俯瞰矣家內是去乙矣身不勝驚

05 駭使奴捉致是乎則同東白滿身全無所掩赤體之狀事涉

06 殊常有若惹起者是去乙矣身只令結縛以爲告官處置

07 之計而已元無一度下杖之事是如乎同東白卽令其妻被打重

08 傷是如散髮告官爲乎所欲令矣身驅入於罔惻之境是如可

09 幸賴城主神明之政卽致東白親審傷處是乎則元無

10 所傷處只有一足指浮氣而已是乎等以城主洞燭其誣訴之

11 由只囚矣奴是如乎不意今者東白又使其妻誣訴營門私門

12 亂杖至於五十度是如爲乎所初二日果爲五十度亂杖則初三

13 日營門親審時元無傷處萬無其理一夜之間五十度亂

14 杖處何至快完如常之境乎擧此一款其矣所謂轉仆荊棘解髮

15 結縛等說皆歸虛套是乎旀矣身養山近處往來樵牧乙或

16 奪衣服斧斤或爲橽檚又於長養柴木乙燔瓦分利是旀

17 柴炭發賣徵價村人是如問目內辭緣是置有亦矣身果有

18 若干養山處長養雜木已至累年則洞內村童輩皆知禁處

19 元無樵木之事則安有奪衣服奪斧斤撻檚之事乎設有

20 迷劣兒童或來伐柴是乎乃只示禁斷之意是乎則其矣奪

21 衣服斧斤等說盡是誣訴是乎旀至於燔瓦事段前營將

22 在任時新築坐起廳而所燔瓦木乙無路辦備乙仍于矣養

23 山雜木若許燔瓦則燔瓦分用是如爲去乙矣身果爲聽從

24 則鎭營燔瓦分用而矣身段只取三分之一則納柴取瓦自是

25 通行之規安有以此分利之事是乎旀設欲分利是乎乃鎭營

26 亦安有偏廳矣身之言符同分利之理乎萬萬無據是乎旀若

27 干柴木乙旣已赭山盡用於燔瓦之由一村大小人民無不共知

28 則亦安有柴炭納上時更有餘木發賣徵價之理乎其矣誣

29 訴構虛之狀節節昭然是乎旀至於私堤貯水專利等說尤爲

30 無據當初築堰之時一從堤下作者等所願合力設築是旀

31 及其蒙利灌漑之時一從堤下畓庫使之均灌則矣身安有

32 獨自專利之事乎設欲專利是乎乃矣身畓庫只有若干

33 其餘畓庫皆是作者則若干畓灌水亦安有專利取怨

34 之理乎上項東白所謂半作畓庫在於此堤下至遠之處而元

35 非灌漑之處亦非自堤引水之地當此未移秧之日設使東白

36 許其引水是乎乙喩良置創開新梁然後可以引水則

37 其矣所訴內矣身專利而渠未移秧是如爲臥乎所此非

38 誣訴之甚者乎大槩矣身半世京洛專意宦遊是如可

39 中年病蟄且緣喪敗杜戶委巷積有年所是如乎到今

40 豪强之名及於矣身病伏之中爲一常漢所誣訴是乎所此

41 不過矣持身不謹之致是乎乃末路人心亦可痛駭矣身元無毆打東

42 白之事而謂之毆打五十度足杖是如爲乎所旣有

43 案前親審則不待多卞而其矣奸狀自然現露是乎旀

44 亦無養山禁伐時奪取之事而謂之奪取衣服斧斤是如

45 爲乎旀亦無燔瓦分利柴木發賣之事而謂之分利徵價是如

46 爲乎所俱是誣訴而一節甚於一節此皆矣身之自明不足

47 取信則養山下洞長頭頭人及堤下作者等處別加推問則

48 其間虛實灼然可知是白齊大槩東白不知自何處來人住

49 接者不過二三年則矣身養山築堰等事乙萬無所知而所訴

50 如此此必有指嗾書給之人是去乎

51 明政之下若加嚴問則其矣奸狀昭不可掩各別明査處

52 斷敎事
||
(translation)
I hereby report to you. Lady Gim, the wife of Gim Dongbak, accused me in the appeal she filed to the governor that I arbitrarily caught Gim Dongbak and beat him up, that I caned him fifty times in disorderly manner within my private realm. According to the contents in the clauses of inquisition, Gim Dongbak chopped off trees in the early morning of the second day of this month in the mountains right in front of where I live, and in complete nakedness in the light of day, he was looking over at my house. In an unbearable astonishment, I had my slaves go catch him. As this Dongbak was completely naked with nothing to cover his body with, an extremely eerie situation unfolded. I just ordered my slaves to tie him up with a view to taking him to the police. I originally had no plan whatsoever to beat him up. This Donbak had his wife report to the government with her braids untied and disheveled that Dongbak was severely wounded. They wanted to push me into a woeful trap. Fortunately, thanks to the sagacious judgment of the magistrate, a government official investigated whether or not Dongbak was wounded and ruled that he was completely unscarred except for one swollen toe. This is the reason why the magistrate who clearly investigated this issue decided that it was a slander.
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
# What can we learn from this document about the due processes of lawsuit?
# Why do you think Kim Dongbak went naked in front of Choe's family?
# What does this document tell us about the conditions of commoners in late 18th century Joseon?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

I hereby report to you. Lady Gim, the wife of Gim Dongbak, accused me in the appeal she filed to the governor that I arbitrarily caught Gim Dongbak and beat him up, that I caned him fifty times in disorderly manner within my private realm. According to the contents in the clauses of inquisition, Gim Dongbak chopped off trees in the early morning of the second day of this month in the mountains right in front of where I live, and in complete nakedness in the light of day, he was looking over at my house. In an unbearable astonishment, I had my slaves go catch him. As this Dongbak was completely naked with nothing to cover his body with, an extremely eerie situation unfolded. I just ordered my slaves to tie him up with a view to taking him to the police. I originally had no plan whatsoever to beat him up. This Donbak had his wife report to the government with her braids untied and disheveled that Dongbak was severely wounded. They wanted to push me into a woeful trap. Fortunately, thanks to the sagacious judgment of the magistrate, a government official investigated whether or not Dongbak was wounded and ruled that he was completely unscarred except for one swollen toe. This is the reason why the magistrate who clearly investigated this issue decided that it was a slander.

只囚矣奴是如乎不意今者東白又使其妻誣訴營門私門

12 亂杖至於五十度是如爲乎所初二日果爲五十度亂杖則初三

13 日營門親審時元無傷處萬無其理一夜之間五十度亂

14 杖處何至快完如常之境乎擧此一款其矣所謂轉仆荊棘解髮

15 結縛等說皆歸虛套是乎旀矣身養山近處往來樵牧乙或

16 奪衣服斧斤或爲橽檚又於長養柴木乙燔瓦分利是旀

17 柴炭發賣徵價村人是如問目內辭緣是置有亦矣身果有

18 若干養山處長養雜木已至累年則洞內村童輩皆知禁處

19 元無樵木之事則安有奪衣服奪斧斤撻檚之事乎設有

20 迷劣兒童或來伐柴是乎乃只示禁斷之意是乎則其矣奪

21 衣服斧斤等說盡是誣訴是乎旀至於燔瓦事段前營將

22 在任時新築坐起廳而所燔瓦木乙無路辦備乙仍于矣養

23 山雜木若許燔瓦則燔瓦分用是如爲去乙矣身果爲聽從

24 則鎭營燔瓦分用而矣身段只取三分之一則納柴取瓦自是

25 通行之規安有以此分利之事是乎旀設欲分利是乎乃鎭營

26 亦安有偏廳矣身之言符同分利之理乎萬萬無據是乎旀若

27 干柴木乙旣已赭山盡用於燔瓦之由一村大小人民無不共知

28 則亦安有柴炭納上時更有餘木發賣徵價之理乎其矣誣

29 訴構虛之狀節節昭然是乎旀至於私堤貯水專利等說尤爲

30 無據當初築堰之時一從堤下作者等所願合力設築是旀

31 及其蒙利灌漑之時一從堤下畓庫使之均灌則矣身安有

32 獨自專利之事乎設欲專利是乎乃矣身畓庫只有若干

33 其餘畓庫皆是作者則若干畓灌水亦安有專利取怨

34 之理乎上項東白所謂半作畓庫在於此堤下至遠之處而元

35 非灌漑之處亦非自堤引水之地當此未移秧之日設使東白

36 許其引水是乎乙喩良置創開新梁然後可以引水則

37 其矣所訴內矣身專利而渠未移秧是如爲臥乎所此非

38 誣訴之甚者乎大槩矣身半世京洛專意宦遊是如可

39 中年病蟄且緣喪敗杜戶委巷積有年所是如乎到今

40 豪强之名及於矣身病伏之中爲一常漢所誣訴是乎所此

41 不過矣持身不謹之致是乎乃末路人心亦可痛駭矣身元無毆打東

42 白之事而謂之毆打五十度足杖是如爲乎所旣有

43 案前親審則不待多卞而其矣奸狀自然現露是乎旀

44 亦無養山禁伐時奪取之事而謂之奪取衣服斧斤是如

45 爲乎旀亦無燔瓦分利柴木發賣之事而謂之分利徵價是如

46 爲乎所俱是誣訴而一節甚於一節此皆矣身之自明不足

47 取信則養山下洞長頭頭人及堤下作者等處別加推問則

48 其間虛實灼然可知是白齊大槩東白不知自何處來人住

49 接者不過二三年則矣身養山築堰等事乙萬無所知而所訴

50 如此此必有指嗾書給之人是去乎

51 明政之下若加嚴問則其矣奸狀昭不可掩各別明査處

52 斷敎事

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What can we learn about the social environment of the 18th century Joseon from this document, such as the relationship between the elite class and common people?

What are the deep meanings behind Kim's and his wife's behaviors described in this document?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: One of the issues arose in the lawsuit pertains to the dispute over the public and private use of resources. Behind this dispute lies a pre-modern conception of what was public and private. So, to a pre-modern person, what was public and private? By extension of this question, how did a pre-modern person relate the concept of public and private to that of social justice? William Rowe wrote about a civil society in 19th century Hankow, whose conception was partly attributed to how people thought was public in their community. Can we see similar phenomena in this case?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

To what extent was the class consciousness of the yangbans comparable to that of contemporary bourgeoisie?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How does this document reflect the social status of the Yangban elites? Considering the litigation between the Yangban and commoners, did the Yangban receive special treatment? Also considering the factional struggle of the period, did it affect the outcome of the law case?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Could the verdict have been different if the accused had been a member of 西人, the ruling party?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
When did the earliest case of a yangban-commoner legal dispute occur in the Chosŏn period? Did they become more frequent over time? If so, what does this suggest about class divisions and struggles against the elite?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1713年崔壽學原情 1

2019-07-18T01:02:35Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최수학원정1_1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1713年崔壽學原情
|Korean = 1713년 최수학 원정(''ChoeSuhak Wonjeong'')
|Genre = [[Social Life and Litigation System]]
|Type = Civil Affair Document
|Author = 崔壽學
|Year = 1713
|Source = [http://sjw.history.go.kr/main.do 承政院日記 The Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Joseon Dynasty]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최수학원정1_2.jpg|崔壽學原情1(2)
File:승정원일기숙종39년7월21일.jpg|[http://sjw.history.go.kr/id/SJW-D39070210-02500 承政院日記肅宗 39年 7月 21日]
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
金東白과의 相訟 건. 武人출신 양반 崔壽學과 平民 출신 金東白 간에 최씨 가문이 養山한 곳에서의 땔나무 斫伐, 사적 형벌(私門亂杖), 저수지에서의 물이용 등을 다툰 소송사건.

*작성시기: 1713년(숙종39)경의 草本 혹은 후대 전사본.
:- [http://sjw.history.go.kr/id/SJW-D39070210-02500 『承政院日記』 479책 (탈초본 25책) 숙종 39년 7월 21일 병인 25/62 기사.]
:- 1713년 康熙(淸/聖祖) 52년. 金鎭圭 등이 입시하여 崔壽學의 죄목과 처리에 대해 논의함.
*작 성 자: 崔壽學(1652~1714)
*수 취 자: 大邱都護府
*주 제 어: 就山負柴, 捉致毆打, 白晝裸體俯瞰, 散髮告官, 一足指浮氣, 私門亂杖五十度, 樵牧奪衣服斧斤橽檚, 長養柴木燔瓦分利, 柴炭發賣徵價村人, 鎭營燔瓦分用取三分之一納柴取瓦, 私堤貯水專利,

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
01 白等金東白妻金召史呈議送內今月初二日就山負柴

02 是去乙矣身捉致毆打私門亂杖五十度是如問目內辭緣

03 是置有亦同東白今月初二日良中矣所居案山壓近之處

04 晨登斫柴是乎矣白晝裸體俯瞰矣家內是去乙矣身不勝驚

05 駭使奴捉致是乎則同東白滿身全無所掩赤體之狀事涉

06 殊常有若惹起者是去乙矣身只令結縛以爲告官處置

07 之計而已元無一度下杖之事是如乎同東白卽令其妻被打重

08 傷是如散髮告官爲乎所欲令矣身驅入於罔惻之境是如可

09 幸賴城主神明之政卽致東白親審傷處是乎則元無

10 所傷處只有一足指浮氣而已是乎等以城主洞燭其誣訴之

11 由只囚矣奴是如乎不意今者東白又使其妻誣訴營門私門

12 亂杖至於五十度是如爲乎所初二日果爲五十度亂杖則初三

13 日營門親審時元無傷處萬無其理一夜之間五十度亂

14 杖處何至快完如常之境乎擧此一款其矣所謂轉仆荊棘解髮

15 結縛等說皆歸虛套是乎旀矣身養山近處往來樵牧乙或

16 奪衣服斧斤或爲橽檚又於長養柴木乙燔瓦分利是旀

17 柴炭發賣徵價村人是如問目內辭緣是置有亦矣身果有

18 若干養山處長養雜木已至累年則洞內村童輩皆知禁處

19 元無樵木之事則安有奪衣服奪斧斤撻檚之事乎設有

20 迷劣兒童或來伐柴是乎乃只示禁斷之意是乎則其矣奪

21 衣服斧斤等說盡是誣訴是乎旀至於燔瓦事段前營將

22 在任時新築坐起廳而所燔瓦木乙無路辦備乙仍于矣養

23 山雜木若許燔瓦則燔瓦分用是如爲去乙矣身果爲聽從

24 則鎭營燔瓦分用而矣身段只取三分之一則納柴取瓦自是

25 通行之規安有以此分利之事是乎旀設欲分利是乎乃鎭營

26 亦安有偏廳矣身之言符同分利之理乎萬萬無據是乎旀若

27 干柴木乙旣已赭山盡用於燔瓦之由一村大小人民無不共知

28 則亦安有柴炭納上時更有餘木發賣徵價之理乎其矣誣

29 訴構虛之狀節節昭然是乎旀至於私堤貯水專利等說尤爲

30 無據當初築堰之時一從堤下作者等所願合力設築是旀

31 及其蒙利灌漑之時一從堤下畓庫使之均灌則矣身安有

32 獨自專利之事乎設欲專利是乎乃矣身畓庫只有若干

33 其餘畓庫皆是作者則若干畓灌水亦安有專利取怨

34 之理乎上項東白所謂半作畓庫在於此堤下至遠之處而元

35 非灌漑之處亦非自堤引水之地當此未移秧之日設使東白

36 許其引水是乎乙喩良置創開新梁然後可以引水則

37 其矣所訴內矣身專利而渠未移秧是如爲臥乎所此非

38 誣訴之甚者乎大槩矣身半世京洛專意宦遊是如可

39 中年病蟄且緣喪敗杜戶委巷積有年所是如乎到今

40 豪强之名及於矣身病伏之中爲一常漢所誣訴是乎所此

41 不過矣持身不謹之致是乎乃末路人心亦可痛駭矣身元無毆打東

42 白之事而謂之毆打五十度足杖是如爲乎所旣有

43 案前親審則不待多卞而其矣奸狀自然現露是乎旀

44 亦無養山禁伐時奪取之事而謂之奪取衣服斧斤是如

45 爲乎旀亦無燔瓦分利柴木發賣之事而謂之分利徵價是如

46 爲乎所俱是誣訴而一節甚於一節此皆矣身之自明不足

47 取信則養山下洞長頭頭人及堤下作者等處別加推問則

48 其間虛實灼然可知是白齊大槩東白不知自何處來人住

49 接者不過二三年則矣身養山築堰等事乙萬無所知而所訴

50 如此此必有指嗾書給之人是去乎

51 明政之下若加嚴問則其矣奸狀昭不可掩各別明査處

52 斷敎事
||
(translation)
I hereby report to you. Lady Gim, the wife of Gim Dongbak, accused me in the appeal she filed to the governor that I arbitrarily caught Gim Dongbak and beat him up, that I caned him fifty times in disorderly manner within my private realm. According to the contents in the clauses of inquisition, Gim Dongbak chopped off trees in the early morning of the second day of this month in the mountains right in front of where I live, and in complete nakedness in the light of day, he was looking over at my house. In an unbearable astonishment, I had my slaves go catch him. As this Dongbak was completely naked with nothing to cover his body with, an extremely eerie situation unfolded. I just ordered my slaves to tie him up with a view to taking him to the police. I originally had no plan whatsoever to beat him up. This Donbak had his wife report to the government with her braids untied and disheveled that Dongbak was severely wounded. They wanted to push me into a woeful trap. Fortunately, thanks to the sagacious judgment of the magistrate, a government official investigated whether or not Dongbak was wounded and ruled that he was completely unscarred except for one swollen toe. This is the reason why the magistrate who clearly investigated this issue decided that it was a slander.
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
# What can we learn from this document about the due processes of lawsuit?
# Why do you think Kim Dongbak went naked in front of Choe's family?
# What does this document tell us about the conditions of commoners in late 18th century Joseon?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

I hereby report to you. Lady Gim, the wife of Gim Dongbak, accused me in the appeal she filed to the governor that I arbitrarily caught Gim Dongbak and beat him up, that I caned him fifty times in disorderly manner within my private realm. According to the contents in the clauses of inquisition, Gim Dongbak chopped off trees in the early morning of the second day of this month in the mountains right in front of where I live, and in complete nakedness in the light of day, he was looking over at my house. In an unbearable astonishment, I had my slaves go catch him. As this Dongbak was completely naked with nothing to cover his body with, an extremely eerie situation unfolded. I just ordered my slaves to tie him up with a view to taking him to the police. I originally had no plan whatsoever to beat him up. This Donbak had his wife report to the government with her braids untied and disheveled that Dongbak was severely wounded. They wanted to push me into a woeful trap. Fortunately, thanks to the sagacious judgment of the magistrate, a government official investigated whether or not Dongbak was wounded and ruled that he was completely unscarred except for one swollen toe. This is the reason why the magistrate who clearly investigated this issue decided that it was a slander.

只囚矣奴是如乎不意今者東白又使其妻誣訴營門私門

12 亂杖至於五十度是如爲乎所初二日果爲五十度亂杖則初三

13 日營門親審時元無傷處萬無其理一夜之間五十度亂

14 杖處何至快完如常之境乎擧此一款其矣所謂轉仆荊棘解髮

15 結縛等說皆歸虛套是乎旀矣身養山近處往來樵牧乙或

16 奪衣服斧斤或爲橽檚又於長養柴木乙燔瓦分利是旀

17 柴炭發賣徵價村人是如問目內辭緣是置有亦矣身果有

18 若干養山處長養雜木已至累年則洞內村童輩皆知禁處

19 元無樵木之事則安有奪衣服奪斧斤撻檚之事乎設有

20 迷劣兒童或來伐柴是乎乃只示禁斷之意是乎則其矣奪

21 衣服斧斤等說盡是誣訴是乎旀至於燔瓦事段前營將

22 在任時新築坐起廳而所燔瓦木乙無路辦備乙仍于矣養

23 山雜木若許燔瓦則燔瓦分用是如爲去乙矣身果爲聽從

24 則鎭營燔瓦分用而矣身段只取三分之一則納柴取瓦自是

25 通行之規安有以此分利之事是乎旀設欲分利是乎乃鎭營

26 亦安有偏廳矣身之言符同分利之理乎萬萬無據是乎旀若

27 干柴木乙旣已赭山盡用於燔瓦之由一村大小人民無不共知

28 則亦安有柴炭納上時更有餘木發賣徵價之理乎其矣誣

29 訴構虛之狀節節昭然是乎旀至於私堤貯水專利等說尤爲

30 無據當初築堰之時一從堤下作者等所願合力設築是旀

31 及其蒙利灌漑之時一從堤下畓庫使之均灌則矣身安有

32 獨自專利之事乎設欲專利是乎乃矣身畓庫只有若干

33 其餘畓庫皆是作者則若干畓灌水亦安有專利取怨

34 之理乎上項東白所謂半作畓庫在於此堤下至遠之處而元

35 非灌漑之處亦非自堤引水之地當此未移秧之日設使東白

36 許其引水是乎乙喩良置創開新梁然後可以引水則

37 其矣所訴內矣身專利而渠未移秧是如爲臥乎所此非

38 誣訴之甚者乎大槩矣身半世京洛專意宦遊是如可

39 中年病蟄且緣喪敗杜戶委巷積有年所是如乎到今

40 豪强之名及於矣身病伏之中爲一常漢所誣訴是乎所此

41 不過矣持身不謹之致是乎乃末路人心亦可痛駭矣身元無毆打東

42 白之事而謂之毆打五十度足杖是如爲乎所旣有

43 案前親審則不待多卞而其矣奸狀自然現露是乎旀

44 亦無養山禁伐時奪取之事而謂之奪取衣服斧斤是如

45 爲乎旀亦無燔瓦分利柴木發賣之事而謂之分利徵價是如

46 爲乎所俱是誣訴而一節甚於一節此皆矣身之自明不足

47 取信則養山下洞長頭頭人及堤下作者等處別加推問則

48 其間虛實灼然可知是白齊大槩東白不知自何處來人住

49 接者不過二三年則矣身養山築堰等事乙萬無所知而所訴

50 如此此必有指嗾書給之人是去乎

51 明政之下若加嚴問則其矣奸狀昭不可掩各別明査處

52 斷敎事

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

To what extent was the class consciousness of the yangbans comparable to that of contemporary bourgeoisie?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How does this document reflect the social status of the Yangban elites? Considering the litigation between the Yangban and commoners, did the Yangban receive special treatment? Also considering the factional struggle, did it affect the outcome of the law case?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1713年崔壽學原情 1

2019-07-18T00:59:00Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최수학원정1_1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1713年崔壽學原情
|Korean = 1713년 최수학 원정(''ChoeSuhak Wonjeong'')
|Genre = [[Social Life and Litigation System]]
|Type = Civil Affair Document
|Author = 崔壽學
|Year = 1713
|Source = [http://sjw.history.go.kr/main.do 承政院日記 The Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Joseon Dynasty]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최수학원정1_2.jpg|崔壽學原情1(2)
File:승정원일기숙종39년7월21일.jpg|[http://sjw.history.go.kr/id/SJW-D39070210-02500 承政院日記肅宗 39年 7月 21日]
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
金東白과의 相訟 건. 武人출신 양반 崔壽學과 平民 출신 金東白 간에 최씨 가문이 養山한 곳에서의 땔나무 斫伐, 사적 형벌(私門亂杖), 저수지에서의 물이용 등을 다툰 소송사건.

*작성시기: 1713년(숙종39)경의 草本 혹은 후대 전사본.
:- [http://sjw.history.go.kr/id/SJW-D39070210-02500 『承政院日記』 479책 (탈초본 25책) 숙종 39년 7월 21일 병인 25/62 기사.]
:- 1713년 康熙(淸/聖祖) 52년. 金鎭圭 등이 입시하여 崔壽學의 죄목과 처리에 대해 논의함.
*작 성 자: 崔壽學(1652~1714)
*수 취 자: 大邱都護府
*주 제 어: 就山負柴, 捉致毆打, 白晝裸體俯瞰, 散髮告官, 一足指浮氣, 私門亂杖五十度, 樵牧奪衣服斧斤橽檚, 長養柴木燔瓦分利, 柴炭發賣徵價村人, 鎭營燔瓦分用取三分之一納柴取瓦, 私堤貯水專利,

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
01 白等金東白妻金召史呈議送內今月初二日就山負柴

02 是去乙矣身捉致毆打私門亂杖五十度是如問目內辭緣

03 是置有亦同東白今月初二日良中矣所居案山壓近之處

04 晨登斫柴是乎矣白晝裸體俯瞰矣家內是去乙矣身不勝驚

05 駭使奴捉致是乎則同東白滿身全無所掩赤體之狀事涉

06 殊常有若惹起者是去乙矣身只令結縛以爲告官處置

07 之計而已元無一度下杖之事是如乎同東白卽令其妻被打重

08 傷是如散髮告官爲乎所欲令矣身驅入於罔惻之境是如可

09 幸賴城主神明之政卽致東白親審傷處是乎則元無

10 所傷處只有一足指浮氣而已是乎等以城主洞燭其誣訴之

11 由只囚矣奴是如乎不意今者東白又使其妻誣訴營門私門

12 亂杖至於五十度是如爲乎所初二日果爲五十度亂杖則初三

13 日營門親審時元無傷處萬無其理一夜之間五十度亂

14 杖處何至快完如常之境乎擧此一款其矣所謂轉仆荊棘解髮

15 結縛等說皆歸虛套是乎旀矣身養山近處往來樵牧乙或

16 奪衣服斧斤或爲橽檚又於長養柴木乙燔瓦分利是旀

17 柴炭發賣徵價村人是如問目內辭緣是置有亦矣身果有

18 若干養山處長養雜木已至累年則洞內村童輩皆知禁處

19 元無樵木之事則安有奪衣服奪斧斤撻檚之事乎設有

20 迷劣兒童或來伐柴是乎乃只示禁斷之意是乎則其矣奪

21 衣服斧斤等說盡是誣訴是乎旀至於燔瓦事段前營將

22 在任時新築坐起廳而所燔瓦木乙無路辦備乙仍于矣養

23 山雜木若許燔瓦則燔瓦分用是如爲去乙矣身果爲聽從

24 則鎭營燔瓦分用而矣身段只取三分之一則納柴取瓦自是

25 通行之規安有以此分利之事是乎旀設欲分利是乎乃鎭營

26 亦安有偏廳矣身之言符同分利之理乎萬萬無據是乎旀若

27 干柴木乙旣已赭山盡用於燔瓦之由一村大小人民無不共知

28 則亦安有柴炭納上時更有餘木發賣徵價之理乎其矣誣

29 訴構虛之狀節節昭然是乎旀至於私堤貯水專利等說尤爲

30 無據當初築堰之時一從堤下作者等所願合力設築是旀

31 及其蒙利灌漑之時一從堤下畓庫使之均灌則矣身安有

32 獨自專利之事乎設欲專利是乎乃矣身畓庫只有若干

33 其餘畓庫皆是作者則若干畓灌水亦安有專利取怨

34 之理乎上項東白所謂半作畓庫在於此堤下至遠之處而元

35 非灌漑之處亦非自堤引水之地當此未移秧之日設使東白

36 許其引水是乎乙喩良置創開新梁然後可以引水則

37 其矣所訴內矣身專利而渠未移秧是如爲臥乎所此非

38 誣訴之甚者乎大槩矣身半世京洛專意宦遊是如可

39 中年病蟄且緣喪敗杜戶委巷積有年所是如乎到今

40 豪强之名及於矣身病伏之中爲一常漢所誣訴是乎所此

41 不過矣持身不謹之致是乎乃末路人心亦可痛駭矣身元無毆打東

42 白之事而謂之毆打五十度足杖是如爲乎所旣有

43 案前親審則不待多卞而其矣奸狀自然現露是乎旀

44 亦無養山禁伐時奪取之事而謂之奪取衣服斧斤是如

45 爲乎旀亦無燔瓦分利柴木發賣之事而謂之分利徵價是如

46 爲乎所俱是誣訴而一節甚於一節此皆矣身之自明不足

47 取信則養山下洞長頭頭人及堤下作者等處別加推問則

48 其間虛實灼然可知是白齊大槩東白不知自何處來人住

49 接者不過二三年則矣身養山築堰等事乙萬無所知而所訴

50 如此此必有指嗾書給之人是去乎

51 明政之下若加嚴問則其矣奸狀昭不可掩各別明査處

52 斷敎事
||
(translation)
I hereby report to you. Lady Gim, the wife of Gim Dongbak, accused me in the appeal she filed to the governor that I arbitrarily caught Gim Dongbak and beat him up, that I caned him fifty times in disorderly manner within my private realm. According to the contents in the clauses of inquisition, Gim Dongbak chopped off trees in the early morning of the second day of this month in the mountains right in front of where I live, and in complete nakedness in the light of day, he was looking over at my house. In an unbearable astonishment, I had my slaves go catch him. As this Dongbak was completely naked with nothing to cover his body with, an extremely eerie situation unfolded. I just ordered my slaves to tie him up with a view to taking him to the police. I originally had no plan whatsoever to beat him up. This Donbak had his wife report to the government with her braids untied and disheveled that Dongbak was severely wounded. They wanted to push me into a woeful trap. Fortunately, thanks to the sagacious judgment of the magistrate, a government official investigated whether or not Dongbak was wounded and ruled that he was completely unscarred except for one swollen toe. This is the reason why the magistrate who clearly investigated this issue decided that it was a slander.
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
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=='''Further Readings'''==

*
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=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

I hereby report to you. Lady Gim, the wife of Gim Dongbak, accused me in the appeal she filed to the governor that I arbitrarily caught Gim Dongbak and beat him up, that I caned him fifty times in disorderly manner within my private realm. According to the contents in the clauses of inquisition, Gim Dongbak chopped off trees in the early morning of the second day of this month in the mountains right in front of where I live, and in complete nakedness in the light of day, he was looking over at my house. In an unbearable astonishment, I had my slaves go catch him. As this Dongbak was completely naked with nothing to cover his body with, an extremely eerie situation unfolded. I just ordered my slaves to tie him up with a view to taking him to the police. I originally had no plan whatsoever to beat him up. This Donbak had his wife report to the government with her braids untied and disheveled that Dongbak was severely wounded. They wanted to push me into a woeful trap. Fortunately, thanks to the sagacious judgment of the magistrate, a government official investigated whether or not Dongbak was wounded and ruled that he was completely unscarred except for one swollen toe. This is the reason why the magistrate who clearly investigated this issue decided that it was a slander.

只囚矣奴是如乎不意今者東白又使其妻誣訴營門私門

12 亂杖至於五十度是如爲乎所初二日果爲五十度亂杖則初三

13 日營門親審時元無傷處萬無其理一夜之間五十度亂

14 杖處何至快完如常之境乎擧此一款其矣所謂轉仆荊棘解髮

15 結縛等說皆歸虛套是乎旀矣身養山近處往來樵牧乙或

16 奪衣服斧斤或爲橽檚又於長養柴木乙燔瓦分利是旀

17 柴炭發賣徵價村人是如問目內辭緣是置有亦矣身果有

18 若干養山處長養雜木已至累年則洞內村童輩皆知禁處

19 元無樵木之事則安有奪衣服奪斧斤撻檚之事乎設有

20 迷劣兒童或來伐柴是乎乃只示禁斷之意是乎則其矣奪

21 衣服斧斤等說盡是誣訴是乎旀至於燔瓦事段前營將

22 在任時新築坐起廳而所燔瓦木乙無路辦備乙仍于矣養

23 山雜木若許燔瓦則燔瓦分用是如爲去乙矣身果爲聽從

24 則鎭營燔瓦分用而矣身段只取三分之一則納柴取瓦自是

25 通行之規安有以此分利之事是乎旀設欲分利是乎乃鎭營

26 亦安有偏廳矣身之言符同分利之理乎萬萬無據是乎旀若

27 干柴木乙旣已赭山盡用於燔瓦之由一村大小人民無不共知

28 則亦安有柴炭納上時更有餘木發賣徵價之理乎其矣誣

29 訴構虛之狀節節昭然是乎旀至於私堤貯水專利等說尤爲

30 無據當初築堰之時一從堤下作者等所願合力設築是旀

31 及其蒙利灌漑之時一從堤下畓庫使之均灌則矣身安有

32 獨自專利之事乎設欲專利是乎乃矣身畓庫只有若干

33 其餘畓庫皆是作者則若干畓灌水亦安有專利取怨

34 之理乎上項東白所謂半作畓庫在於此堤下至遠之處而元

35 非灌漑之處亦非自堤引水之地當此未移秧之日設使東白

36 許其引水是乎乙喩良置創開新梁然後可以引水則

37 其矣所訴內矣身專利而渠未移秧是如爲臥乎所此非

38 誣訴之甚者乎大槩矣身半世京洛專意宦遊是如可

39 中年病蟄且緣喪敗杜戶委巷積有年所是如乎到今

40 豪强之名及於矣身病伏之中爲一常漢所誣訴是乎所此

41 不過矣持身不謹之致是乎乃末路人心亦可痛駭矣身元無毆打東

42 白之事而謂之毆打五十度足杖是如爲乎所旣有

43 案前親審則不待多卞而其矣奸狀自然現露是乎旀

44 亦無養山禁伐時奪取之事而謂之奪取衣服斧斤是如

45 爲乎旀亦無燔瓦分利柴木發賣之事而謂之分利徵價是如

46 爲乎所俱是誣訴而一節甚於一節此皆矣身之自明不足

47 取信則養山下洞長頭頭人及堤下作者等處別加推問則

48 其間虛實灼然可知是白齊大槩東白不知自何處來人住

49 接者不過二三年則矣身養山築堰等事乙萬無所知而所訴

50 如此此必有指嗾書給之人是去乎

51 明政之下若加嚴問則其矣奸狀昭不可掩各別明査處

52 斷敎事

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[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

2019-07-18T00:50:57Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子封事第一
|Korean = 병자봉사제일(''Byeongjabongsajeil'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 箚
|Author = 崔鳴吉
|Year =
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0120_2003_A089_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg|崔鳴吉丙子封事第一(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil; 1586 - 1647) was a Confucian scholar and statesman. He had a rather successful career in government as he eventually reached the position of Chief State Councilor, the highest place in the officialdom of Chosŏn. His is one of the better known names in the entire Chosŏn history. However, instead of his other successes and failures, the mark he left has to do with his political position and the fate of his country at around the time of this writing.

During the relatively short span of time between 1592 and 1636, when this memorial was composed, Chosŏn already suffered three invasions, of which the first two were by Japan and the last by Later Jin. The events and the changes in the political climate of this region of Asia was to lead to a fourth invasion--this time by Qing. Chosŏn's subsequent surrender, whose terms included kowtows by King Injo in submission to Hong Taiji of the Qing dynasty who had come to Chosŏn in person, are considered, by many, the most humiliating moment in the history of the dynasty.

Ch’oe Myŏngkil's memorial can be better understood, having these concurrent historical events in mind. However, the role he played in the unfolding of these events and the characterization imposed on him subsequently date back to the time of the third invasion, one by Late Jin. Ch’oe Myŏngkil is remembered as the leading proponent of ''chuhwaron'' as opposed to ''ch'ŏk'waron'' of Kim Sanghŏn, his opponent whose name rarely fails to accompany Ch’oe's in the discussions regarding this invasion. ''Chuhwaron'' can be, more literally, translated as "the argument for seeking peace [negotiation]," and ''ch'ŏk'waron'' "the argument for rejecting peace [negotiation]." Ch’oe supported the position favoring diplomatic solution during the Later Jin Invasion in 1627 and would again during this invasion. The two positions have often been understood in terms of "pragmatic compromise" and "adherence to principle" in relation to the tributary relationship between Chosŏn and Ming, and Chosŏn's perception of the Manchus as barbarians and Ming as the Confucian state. Along these lines of thinking, Ch’oe is sometimes characterized as someone who sacrificed his reputation and principle in order to save his country and at others, as someone who corrupted the Confucian principles and caused a disgrace to his king and his country. More recent scholarship deems this kind of view simplistic and demands a more thorough inquiry into the complexity of the situation.<ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “Choi Myeong-gil’s argument of supporting the pursuit of peace with the enemy, and the issue of Daemyeong Euiri” 崔鳴吉의 主和論과 對明義理. The Journal of Korean History 한국사연구 162 (September 2013): 87–122.</ref><ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “The Trend and Prospect of Main Study on the Dispute between Ju’hwa-ron(主和論, argument supporting the idea of pursuing peace with the enemy) and Cheok’hwa-ron(斥和論, argument boycotting the negotiation of peace with the enemy) during Manchu Invasion of Joseon” 丁卯 · 丙子胡亂 전후 主和 · 斥和論 관련 연구의 성과와 전망. Sahak Yonku: The Review of Korean History 128 (December 2017): 179–235.</ref><ref>O Such'ang 오수창. “Choi Myeonggil gwa Kim Sanghŏn” 최명길과 김상헌 [Choi Myeonggil and Kim Sanghŏn]. Critical Review of History 역사비평, February 1998, 393–403.</ref>

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
伏以臣病伏私室。不與朝廷之議。聞諸道路之傳。今此金差之言。悖慢凶狡。有不忍聞。凡有血氣。孰不憤惋欲死。竊聞句管問答。廟堂籌畫。辭直理當。有足可觀。然於臣心。有不得不爲過慮者焉。當初約和時。朝廷以君臣大義。反覆開陳。彼雖犬羊。亦有知覺。故不敢強我以非義。約爲隣國。告天立誓。十餘年間。未有他說。今忽發爲此言者何也。且虜旣跨據大漠。無所受制。肆然稱帝。誰復禁止。而必欲藉口於我國者。其心或難知。

我若只以口語答之。則事跡晻昧。無可據證。如使驕虜反其辭說。而誣我於天下。其將何以自解乎。臣之愚意。例答之外。別爲一書。備陳僞號之不可僭。臣節之不可易。尊卑之等不可紊。以明大義而存國體。仍將虜書及我國所答。移咨督府。轉奏皇朝。一面下諭八方。訓飭兵馬。以待其變。使天下之人。曉然知朝廷處置之明白。然後可以折虜謀而壯士氣。書之史冊。無愧辭矣。且聞龍胡之行。唯以春信弔祭爲名。而汗書亦無別語。其所謂悖書者。乃八高山及蒙古王子書也。

答其循例之書。而拒其悖理之言。君臣之義。隣國之道。得以兩全。於計爲宜。況今山陵未畢。守備未完。權宜緩禍之策。亦何可全然不思。金差不妨招見。所不可見者西㺚耳。西㺚不必薄待。所當嚴斥者悖書耳。

臣竊觀今日虜情。特有早晩。等是被兵。但不可矇矓處置。以致見賣。過於落莫。以促其兵耳。城門閉言路開。雖有悔端。亦不濟事。今日之勢可謂急矣。而幸未至於目前被兵。伏願殿下。益加憤發。先立大志。如頃日諫臣筵臣之言。多所採納。收敍言事之臣。勇革病民之政。振拔人才。激勵將士。以慰臣民之望。則人心旣悅。國勢自固。雖有外患。亦不至大段顚沛矣。臣之賤疾。一向沈綿。精神昏憒。全不省外事。而竊不任區區憂國之誠。冒陳所懷。唯明主裁之。取進止。
||
Your minister humbly prostrates in his private quarter because of his illness. Your minister did not participate in court discussion but heard the reports from all the provinces and circuits. Now the words of this envoy from the Later Jin were offensively arrogant and viciously treacherous. Your minister could not bear to hear these words. Among all those who have courage and uprightness, who will not resent to the extent of desiring death? Your minister humbly heard that as to the questions and answers of the bureaucrats and the plans and preparations of the Border Defense Command, their speeches are upright and reasonings are sound. They are good enough to be considered. Yet in your minister’s mind, there is something that your minister could not but be overly concerned. At the time when we were first negotiating peace, our court, using the great righteousness between ruler and minister, repeatedly listed our statements. They albeit dogs and sheep do have consciousness, therefore dare not to force us to violate righteousness. We agreed to be neighboring states, reported to Heaven, and swore an oath. In between these ten or so years, there were no other claims. Now they suddenly uttered this speech, why? Moreover, the caitiffs overran the great desert and were constrained by none. Presumptuously they proclaimed emperorship. Who can turn the tide to stop them? And as to those who desire to use a pretense against our state, their minds are probably hard to understand.

If we only reply with words of mouth, then the course of events is not clear and cannot serve as evidence. If it let the arrogant caitiffs reverse our words and slander us in front of All under Heaven, then what can we use to explain ourselves? In your minister’s humble opinion, in addition to regular response, we should separately write a letter, completely stating that the false title cannot be used to usurp, that the loyalty of ministers cannot be changed, and that the ranks of the venerable and base cannot be confused, so as to clarify the great righteousness and to preserve the essence of our state. As ever send the letter of the caitiffs and the reply of our state to the military command for consultation and then report to the August dynasty. At the same time, send instructions to the eight directions, discipline the soldiers and horses, so as to wait for the revolt and let people of all under Heaven clearly know how unambiguously the court handle this matter. Then by doing so, it can destroy the scheme of the caitiffs and strengthen the morale of our soldiers. Write them in historical records, and there will be no words of regret. Furthermore, your minister heard that Yonggoltae’s (Yonggoldae) trip only used the spring mission and the condolence<ref>This refers to the death of Queen Inyŏl (Inyeol), the consort of Injo.</ref> as pretexts, and the letter of the khan also does not have other words. What are called rebellious letters are those of the Eight Banners and of the Mongol princes.

Reply their regular letters but reject their words of violating principles, so that both the righteousness of ruler and minister and the way of neighboring states can be completed. With regard to plans, it is appropriate. Not to mention now our mountain fortresses are not finished and our defense is not complete. As to expedient strategy of delaying calamity, how can it be entirely neglected? There is no harm in receiving the Later Jin envoy, but whom cannot be received are the Western Tartars.<ref>They refer to the Western Mongols.</ref> As to the Western Tartars, we should not treat them ungenerously, but what should be severely reproached are the rebellious letters.<ref>A version of this suggestion is recorded in the Veritable Records of Injo: http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002</ref>

Your minister humbly observed the situations of the caitiffs. Sooner or later, all are the eventual invasion. But it cannot be fuzzily handled so that we are being deceived to point of overly desolate and accelerate their invasion. Shut the door of our cities and open channels of remonstration. Although there will be signs of remorse, they are not beneficial. The situation of today can be said to be urgent, but fortunately, it has yet to reach the point of suffering invasion now. Your minister prostrates and hopes Your Highness make all the more effort and first establish a lofty aspiration. Such as the words of the remonstrating ministers and lecturing ministers, Your Highness should accept more. Gather and rank the ministers who discuss affairs. Bravely reform the policies that harm the people. Promote talents and encourage officers and soldiers, so as to fulfill the wishes of your subjects. Thereby the human mind will be delighted, and the condition of the state will be consolidated. Although there is an external threat, it will not reach a state of grave frustrations. As to your minister’s lowly illness, it always lingers. Your minister’s spirit is muddled and totally not aware of external affairs. And yet your minister cannot bear the trivial sincerity of concerning the state, and risk displaying what I have in my heart, only to let the brilliant lord to judge, taking what to advance and what to cease.
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Who was Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing? What can we learn about his political standpoint from this memorial?
#How was Ch'oe Myŏngkil situated within the political context of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court at this time? Who took the opposing view? How would his oppositions in the court respond? What would be their strategies to defend the country? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king?
#Who compiled Ch'oe Myŏngkil’s memorial, when and for what purposes?
#Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Chosŏn (Joseon) people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Chosŏn-Qing relations?
#Did the Chosŏn court think of itself as the most "civilized" among the peoples around China? Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitans and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?
#What was the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Chosŏn-Qing relations in the 1630s? Why was the Chosŏn-Qing relation like this? And how about their relations in the remaining 17th century?
#Previous scholars have attributed Chosŏn’s cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Chosŏn and Qing. Aside from cultural causes, what about the causes in the political-economy?
#Was the idea of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" a typically Korean concept during the Yi dynasty? If not, was it also existing in Chinese dynasties and Koryô?
#Were memorials an effective method to influence political decisions? And why? Please elaborate your answer.
#The contents of this memorial are also included in the ''Chosŏn wangjo sillok'' (Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), however the king Injo did not respond to this memorial. Why? And why is this memorial written in official writings?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 16日辛卯胡差龍骨大、馬夫大等 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402016_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 21日丙申司諫趙絅上疏, 請勿許西㺚入國門 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402021_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 26日辛丑完城君崔鳴吉上箚 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002
* 丙子封事[第二] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0130
* 丙子封事[第三] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0140

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What can we learn about the writer's political standpoint from this memorial?

Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Joseon people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Joseon-Qing relation?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희"''===
----

*Discussion Questions: What is the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Choson-Qing relation in the 1630s? Why was the Choson-Qing relation like this? Previous scholars have attributed Choson's cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Choson and Qing. What about the causes in the political-economy?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

- Is the concept of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" something typically Korean during the Yi dynasty? If not, was is also existing in China and Koryô?

- Did the Chosôn court really think that it was the most "civilized" among the "barbarians" around China?

- Who compiled Choe Myônggil's memorial, when and for what purpose?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What would the hawks say about 최명길's memorials? What would be their strategies to defend their country?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Describe the state of Sino-Korean relations during the time of this memorial and in the years following.

Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitan and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?

Were memorials an effective method through which to influence political decisions? Give examples to justify your answer.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How is Choe Myeong-gil situated within the political context of the Joseon court at this time? Who, if anyone, takes the opposing view? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king? That is, how similar do the opposing memorials look to Choe's?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? Considering the situation of the Chosŏn (Joseon) in the 17th century, what were the factors that influenced his writing?

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: The contents of this memorial are also included in the Choson Wangjo sillok(朝鮮王朝實錄), however his appeal was not responded to by the king(仁祖). Why not? But why was this memorial written in official writings?

choson wangjo sillok [http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11409005_001]

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-18T00:44:00Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十五年夏四月庚辰 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0100_0040_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十五年夏四月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0250_0040_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1543年李彦迪諭書

2019-07-18T00:19:24Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1543년이언적유서.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1543年李彦迪諭書
|Korean = 1543년 이언적 유서(''Yi Eonjeok Yuseo'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Instructions
|Author = 國王:中宗
|Source = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+AKS+KSM-XA.1543.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00011_XXX Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Year = 1543
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
▣…▣

荐臻專城或存於▣▣
赤子未蒙其實澤
脫有▣(緩)急, 將何措,
宜益軫, 予懷其惟重臣
惟卿, 德涵內外, 學造精微, 敦大而高明,
方嚴而簡默,
處論思之地, 嘉猷累陳, 作親民之官, 善政素著,
允釐庶績, 方參廟謨,

今授卿以本道觀察使兼兵馬水軍節度使
卿其體予倚任
專推卿孝友之政
課農桑以衣食吾民
明敎化以作新斯民
秉大公而嚴黜陟
揭至明而別情僞
剸裁盤錯
伸理冤枉, 罪關大憂,
錄狀啓稟官
堂上斷以卿衷
故玆敎示
想宜知悉

嘉靖▣…▣八月初十日

||
If those successive magistrates involve in..., common people would not receive the real benefits of governance.

Confronted with sudden and urgent situations, how would we handle them?

In my growing concern over these matters, I can only think of one important minister, which is you.

You are embodied with virtue inside and outside.

In learning, you have reached at high levels of profundity and delicacy.

You are great and brilliant.

You are upright and solemn, and, at the same time, simple and quiet.

When posited in situations of discussing your ideas, you have repeatedly laid out excellent plans for governance.

Being an official of renewing the people, your good governance has always been outstanding.

You have governed many tasks so sincerely and participated in the discussion in the court.

As I now appoint you as Governor of the Gyeongsang Province and Navy Commissioner as well, you must attend to the mission that I assign to you; devote yourself to extending the governance of filial piety and friendship; feed and clothe My people by encouraging farming and sericulture; enlighten, thereby renewing them.

Holding on to the great fairness, you must be strict in promotion and expulsion.

Lifting the supreme intelligence, you must differentiate what is right and wrong.

Cutting out the entangled issues, you must relieve the unresolved grievances.

If the crimes should raise grave concerns, you should report to the office.

If the rank of the accused is not as high as the ministers of 3a, you can make a judgment based on your faithfulness.

I, the King, hereby instruct you thus, and you should consider and remember all My instructions.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>
《書·堯典》：“允釐百工，庶績咸熙。”

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
11. 罪關大憂, 錄狀啓稟官堂上斷以卿衷, 故玆敎示想宜知悉
If the crimes should raise grave concerns, you should report to the office, and the high ministers (ranking 3a and above) will make a judgment based on your faithful report. I, the king, hereby instruct you thus, and you should consider and remember all my instructions.

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
荐臻專城或存於▣▣赤子未蒙其實澤

Translation:
Successive local officials might be ...
Common people have not yet received the real benefits [of governance].

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----
脫有▣(緩)急將何措宜益軫予懷其惟重臣

As to a sudden and urgent situation, what to do with it? One ought to handle it with measured deliberations. I can only think of one right minister [who is qualified to take up such task].

Translator's note:

1. The meaning of 脫有緩急 is evading for a modern reader. But it is apparently a very common idiom during the Choson dynasty. A search in the Veritable Records of the Choson Dynasty (조선왕조실록) yields 283 results. From my brief survey, the idiom seemingly refers to a sudden and urgent situation.

Example:
태종실록 14권, 태종 7년 7월 27일 戊寅 2번째기사 開雲浦至甘北浦水路五息, 陸路四息, 脫有緩急, 難以相救。

세종실록 88권, 세종 22년 3월 1일 癸卯 3번째기사 今聞高興新鎭, 置於隔海之地三十餘里, 脫有緩急, 人民被虜可慮。

광해군일기[중초본] 7권, 광해 1년 6월 8일 丁巳 3번째기사 近因南邊稍靜, 人之視舟師若筌然, 減損兩湖入防之船, 只存本道船二十餘隻。其勢將至於停罷, 脫有緩急, 將何以應敵乎?

2. The document used a historical variation of the word "脫." For more, see 中華民國教育部異體字字典 http://dict2.variants.moe.edu.tw/yitia/fra/fra03334.htm

*Discussion Questions:
I Ŏnchŏk was appointed to be an official in Kyŏnggi Province, the province that shared great proximity with the capital. How did this fact change the emphasize of what Yi was expected to do in his post? Compared to officials who were appointed to different areas in the country, how was Yi's post different than, say, its counterparts in the Northern provinces?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----
惟卿德涵內外學造精微敦大而高明方嚴而簡默

Only you, minister, are embodied with virtue inside and outside. Your knowledge is profound and subtle. You are great and brilliant. You are upright and solemn, and [in the same time] simple and quiet.

*Discussion Questions:

Under which circumstances this order could be declined (e.g., a disease, an ill father or son to take care of)? How would a minister notify it (through which means, which institution)? What would be the possible sanctions towards a minister refusing to obey this kind of order although he has reasons to?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
處論思之地嘉猷累陳作親民之官, 善政素著
When posited in situations of discussing your ideas, you repeatedly lay out excellent plans for governance. Being an official of renewing people, your good governance is always outstanding.

*Discussion Questions:
What were the duties of Surveillance Commissioner (觀察使) and Military Commissioner (節度使)? What were the qualities that the king was looking for when appointing someone to these posts? How important were these posts to local governance?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----
允釐庶績方參廟謨

You have governed many tasks so sincerely that you can now participate in the discussion of the court.

Discussion Questions: Could the contemporaries misinterpret these documents? In the case of 貺, it could be misread as "脫," which could change the meaning of the sentence...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----
卿其體予倚任專推卿孝友之政

I deeply trust your character. Now you should devote yourself to extending the governance of filial piety and friendship.

*Discussion Questions:

Are there any examples of appointments being made without the use of such flattering language?
What was the process of appointing officials to their posts? Did the officials themselves have any say in the matter?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

課農桑以衣食吾民

Study farming and sericulture to feed and clothe our people.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----
明敎化以作新斯民

Let moral suasion shine so as to renew this people of ours.

作新斯民 as verb 作 + object 新斯民, which can also be thought of as verb 新 + object 斯民, can be seen [http://sillok.history.go.kr/main/main.do here].

*Discussion Questions:

How did the people of Choson court reconcile the abstract language, of which this is an example, and the possible implications regarding various issues mentioned in the process of applying them?

==='''Student 9 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

秉大公而嚴黜陟
Hold onto the great fairness, and be strict to promotion and expel.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

揭至明而別情僞剸裁盤錯伸理冤枉

Lifting up the supreme luminosity (intelligence), in order to differentiate what is right and wrong, cutting out the entangled issues, and relieving the unresolved grievances

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1543年李彦迪諭書

2019-07-18T00:19:02Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1543년이언적유서.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1543年李彦迪諭書
|Korean = 1543년 이언적 유서(''Yi Eonjeok Yuseo'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Instructions
|Author = 國王:中宗
|Source = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+AKS+KSM-XA.1543.1111-20101008.B043a_065_00011_XXX Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Year = 1543
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
▣…▣

荐臻專城或存於▣▣
赤子未蒙其實澤
脫有▣(緩)急, 將何措,
宜益軫, 予懷其惟重臣
惟卿, 德涵內外, 學造精微, 敦大而高明,
方嚴而簡默,
處論思之地, 嘉猷累陳, 作親民之官, 善政素著,
允釐庶績, 方參廟謨,

今授卿以本道觀察使兼兵馬水軍節度使
卿其體予倚任
專推卿孝友之政
課農桑以衣食吾民
明敎化以作新斯民
秉大公而嚴黜陟
揭至明而別情僞
剸裁盤錯
伸理冤枉, 罪關大憂,
錄狀啓稟官
堂上斷以卿衷
故玆敎示
想宜知悉

嘉靖▣…▣八月初十日

||
If those successive magistrates involve in..., common people would not receive the real benefits of governance.

Confronted with sudden and urgent situations, how would we handle them?

In my growing concern over these matters, I can only think of one important minister, which is you.

You are embodied with virtue inside and outside.

In learning, you have reached at high levels of profundity and delicacy.

You are great and brilliant.

You are upright and solemn, and, at the same time, simple and quiet.

When posited in situations of discussing your ideas, you have repeatedly laid out excellent plans for governance.

Being an official of renewing the people, your good governance has always been outstanding.

You have governed many tasks so sincerely and participated in the discussion in the court.

As I now appoint you as Governor of the Gyeongsang Province and Navy Commissioner as well, you must attend to the mission that I assign to you; devote yourself to extending the governance of filial piety and friendship; feed and clothe My people by encouraging farming and sericulture; enlighten, thereby renewing them.

Holding on to the great fairness, you must be strict in promotion and expulsion.

Lifting the supreme intelligence, you must differentiate what is right and wrong.

Cutting out the entangled issues, you must relieve the unresolved grievances.

If the crimes should raise grave concerns, you should report to the office.

If the rank of the accused is not as high as the ministers of 3a, you can make a judgment based on your faithfulness.

I, the King, hereby instruct you thus, and you should consider and remember all My instructions.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>
《書·堯典》：“允釐百工，庶績咸熙。”

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
11. 罪關大憂, 錄狀啓稟官堂上斷以卿衷, 故玆敎示想宜知悉
If the crimes should raise grave concerns, you should report to the office, and the high ministers (ranking 3a and above) will make a judgment based on your faithful report. I, the king, hereby instruct you thus, and you should consider and remember all my instructions.

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
荐臻專城或存於▣▣赤子未蒙其實澤

Translation:
Successive local officials might be ...
Common people have not yet received the real benefits [of governance].

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----
脫有▣(緩)急將何措宜益軫予懷其惟重臣

As to a sudden and urgent situation, what to do with it? One ought to handle it with measured deliberations. I can only think of one right minister [who is qualified to take up such task].

Translator's note:

1. The meaning of 脫有緩急 is evading for a modern reader. But it is apparently a very common idiom during the Choson dynasty. A search in the Veritable Records of the Choson Dynasty (조선왕조실록) yields 283 results. From my brief survey, the idiom seemingly refers to a sudden and urgent situation.

Example:
태종실록 14권, 태종 7년 7월 27일 戊寅 2번째기사 開雲浦至甘北浦水路五息, 陸路四息, 脫有緩急, 難以相救。

세종실록 88권, 세종 22년 3월 1일 癸卯 3번째기사 今聞高興新鎭, 置於隔海之地三十餘里, 脫有緩急, 人民被虜可慮。

광해군일기[중초본] 7권, 광해 1년 6월 8일 丁巳 3번째기사 近因南邊稍靜, 人之視舟師若筌然, 減損兩湖入防之船, 只存本道船二十餘隻。其勢將至於停罷, 脫有緩急, 將何以應敵乎?

2. The document used a historical variation of the word "脫." For more, see 中華民國教育部異體字字典 http://dict2.variants.moe.edu.tw/yitia/fra/fra03334.htm

*Discussion Questions:
I Ŏnchŏk was appointed to be an official in Kyŏnggi Province, the province that shared great proximity with the capital. How did this fact change the emphasize of what Yi was expected to do in his post? Compared to officials who were appointed to different areas in the country, how was Yi's post different than, say, its counterparts in the Northern provinces?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----
惟卿德涵內外學造精微敦大而高明方嚴而簡默

Only you, minister, are embodied with virtue inside and outside. Your knowledge is profound and subtle. You are great and brilliant. You are upright and solemn, and [in the same time] simple and quiet.

*Discussion Questions:

Under which circumstances this order could be declined (e.g., a disease, an ill father or son to take care of)? How would a minister notify it (through which means, which institution)? What would be the possible sanctions towards a minister refusing to obey this kind of order although he has reasons to?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
處論思之地嘉猷累陳作親民之官, 善政素著
When posited in situations of discussing your ideas, you repeatedly lay out excellent plans for governance. Being an official of renewing people, your good governance is always outstanding.

*Discussion Questions:
What were the duties of Surveillance Commissioner (觀察使) and Military Commissioner (節度使)? What were the qualities that the king was looking for when appointing someone to these posts? How important were these posts to regional governance?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----
允釐庶績方參廟謨

You have governed many tasks so sincerely that you can now participate in the discussion of the court.

Discussion Questions: Could the contemporaries misinterpret these documents? In the case of 貺, it could be misread as "脫," which could change the meaning of the sentence...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----
卿其體予倚任專推卿孝友之政

I deeply trust your character. Now you should devote yourself to extending the governance of filial piety and friendship.

*Discussion Questions:

Are there any examples of appointments being made without the use of such flattering language?
What was the process of appointing officials to their posts? Did the officials themselves have any say in the matter?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

課農桑以衣食吾民

Study farming and sericulture to feed and clothe our people.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----
明敎化以作新斯民

Let "instruction and transformation" shine so as to renew this people of ours.

作新斯民 as verb 作 + object 新斯民, which can also be thought of as verb 新 + object 斯民, can be seen [http://sillok.history.go.kr/main/main.do here].

*Discussion Questions:

How did the people of Choson court reconcile the abstract language, of which this is an example, and the possible implications regarding various issues mentioned in the process of applying them?

==='''Student 9 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

秉大公而嚴黜陟
Hold onto the great fairness, and be strict to promotion and expel.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----

揭至明而別情僞剸裁盤錯伸理冤枉

Lifting up the supreme luminosity (intelligence), in order to differentiate what is right and wrong, cutting out the entangled issues, and relieving the unresolved grievances

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T07:49:20Z

Kingkwow: /* Original Script */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T07:15:15Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ," ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006): 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T07:11:30Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
* Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ" ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006), 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T07:10:09Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020
Jongwoo Na, "Relation with Japan in the Era of Koryŏ" ''International Journal of Korean History'' 10 (Dec. 2006), 71-93.

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T07:03:06Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十四年三月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0020_0040 and 秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0240_0050_0020

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T06:58:55Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十二年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十二年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0220_0030_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十三年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史節要卷五文宗三十三年秋七月 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kj_005_0010_0230_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗三十四年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T06:52:29Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗 32年秋七月乙未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0070_0050_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗 33年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗 34年秋七月癸亥 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0010 and 丁卯 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0090_0050_0020

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T06:40:57Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
* 高麗史世家卷第九文宗 33年秋七月辛未 http://db.history.go.kr/id/kr_009_0080_0060_0010

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T06:25:41Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T06:23:54Z

Kingkwow:

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor = Yishu Ma, King Kwong Wong
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

2019-07-17T06:21:29Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子封事第一
|Korean = 병자봉사제일(''Byeongjabongsajeil'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 箚
|Author = 崔鳴吉
|Year =
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0120_2003_A089_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg|崔鳴吉丙子封事第一(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil; 1586 - 1647) was a Confucian scholar and statesman. He had a rather successful career in government as he eventually reached the position of Chief State Councilor, the highest place in the officialdom of Chosŏn. His is one of the better known names in the entire Chosŏn history. However, instead of his other successes and failures, the mark he left has to do with his political position and the fate of his country at around the time of this writing.

During the relatively short span of time between 1592 and 1636, when this memorial was composed, Chosŏn already suffered three invasions, of which the first two were by Japan and the last by Later Jin. The events and the changes in the political climate of this region of Asia was to lead to a fourth invasion--this time by Qing. Chosŏn's subsequent surrender, whose terms included kowtows by King Injo in submission to Hong Taiji of the Qing dynasty who had come to Chosŏn in person, are considered, by many, the most humiliating moment in the history of the dynasty.

Ch’oe Myŏngkil's memorial can be better understood, having these concurrent historical events in mind. However, the role he played in the unfolding of these events and the characterization imposed on him subsequently date back to the time of the third invasion, one by Late Jin. Ch’oe Myŏngkil is remembered as the leading proponent of ''chuhwaron'' as opposed to ''ch'ŏk'waron'' of Kim Sanghŏn, his opponent whose name rarely fails to accompany Ch’oe's in the discussions regarding this invasion. ''Chuhwaron'' can be, more literally, translated as "the argument for seeking peace [negotiation]," and ''ch'ŏk'waron'' "the argument for rejecting peace [negotiation]." Ch’oe supported the position favoring diplomatic solution during the Later Jin Invasion in 1627 and would again during this invasion. The two positions have often been understood in terms of "pragmatic compromise" and "adherence to principle" in relation to the tributary relationship between Chosŏn and Ming, and Chosŏn's perception of the Manchus as barbarians and Ming as the Confucian state. Along these lines of thinking, Ch’oe is sometimes characterized as someone who sacrificed his reputation and principle in order to save his country and at others, as someone who corrupted the Confucian principles and caused a disgrace to his king and his country. More recent scholarship deems this kind of view simplistic and demands a more thorough inquiry into the complexity of the situation.<ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “Choi Myeong-gil’s argument of supporting the pursuit of peace with the enemy, and the issue of Daemyeong Euiri” 崔鳴吉의 主和論과 對明義理. The Journal of Korean History 한국사연구 162 (September 2013): 87–122.</ref><ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “The Trend and Prospect of Main Study on the Dispute between Ju’hwa-ron(主和論, argument supporting the idea of pursuing peace with the enemy) and Cheok’hwa-ron(斥和論, argument boycotting the negotiation of peace with the enemy) during Manchu Invasion of Joseon” 丁卯 · 丙子胡亂 전후 主和 · 斥和論 관련 연구의 성과와 전망. Sahak Yonku: The Review of Korean History 128 (December 2017): 179–235.</ref><ref>O Such'ang 오수창. “Choi Myeonggil gwa Kim Sanghŏn” 최명길과 김상헌 [Choi Myeonggil and Kim Sanghŏn]. Critical Review of History 역사비평, February 1998, 393–403.</ref>

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
伏以臣病伏私室。不與朝廷之議。聞諸道路之傳。今此金差之言。悖慢凶狡。有不忍聞。凡有血氣。孰不憤惋欲死。竊聞句管問答。廟堂籌畫。辭直理當。有足可觀。然於臣心。有不得不爲過慮者焉。當初約和時。朝廷以君臣大義。反覆開陳。彼雖犬羊。亦有知覺。故不敢強我以非義。約爲隣國。告天立誓。十餘年間。未有他說。今忽發爲此言者何也。且虜旣跨據大漠。無所受制。肆然稱帝。誰復禁止。而必欲藉口於我國者。其心或難知。

我若只以口語答之。則事跡晻昧。無可據證。如使驕虜反其辭說。而誣我於天下。其將何以自解乎。臣之愚意。例答之外。別爲一書。備陳僞號之不可僭。臣節之不可易。尊卑之等不可紊。以明大義而存國體。仍將虜書及我國所答。移咨督府。轉奏皇朝。一面下諭八方。訓飭兵馬。以待其變。使天下之人。曉然知朝廷處置之明白。然後可以折虜謀而壯士氣。書之史冊。無愧辭矣。且聞龍胡之行。唯以春信弔祭爲名。而汗書亦無別語。其所謂悖書者。乃八高山及蒙古王子書也。

答其循例之書。而拒其悖理之言。君臣之義。隣國之道。得以兩全。於計爲宜。況今山陵未畢。守備未完。權宜緩禍之策。亦何可全然不思。金差不妨招見。所不可見者西㺚耳。西㺚不必薄待。所當嚴斥者悖書耳。

臣竊觀今日虜情。特有早晩。等是被兵。但不可矇矓處置。以致見賣。過於落莫。以促其兵耳。城門閉言路開。雖有悔端。亦不濟事。今日之勢可謂急矣。而幸未至於目前被兵。伏願殿下。益加憤發。先立大志。如頃日諫臣筵臣之言。多所採納。收敍言事之臣。勇革病民之政。振拔人才。激勵將士。以慰臣民之望。則人心旣悅。國勢自固。雖有外患。亦不至大段顚沛矣。臣之賤疾。一向沈綿。精神昏憒。全不省外事。而竊不任區區憂國之誠。冒陳所懷。唯明主裁之。取進止。
||
Your minister humbly prostrates in my private quarter because of my illness. Your minister did not participate in court discussion but heard the reports from all the provinces and circuits. Now the words of this envoy from the Later Jin were offensively arrogant and viciously treacherous. I could not bear to hear these words. Among all those who have courage and uprightness, who will not resent to the extent of desiring death? Your minister humbly heard that as to the questions and answers of the bureaucrats and the plans and preparations of the Border Defense Command, their speeches are upright and reasonings are sound. They are good enough to be considered. Yet in your minister’s mind, there is something that your minister could not but be overly concerned. At the time when we were first negotiating peace, the court, using the great righteousness between ruler and minister, repeatedly listed our statements. They albeit dogs and sheep do have consciousness, therefore dare not to force us to violate righteousness. We agreed to be neighboring states, reported to Heaven, and swore an oath. In between these ten or so years, there were no other claims. Now they suddenly uttered this speech, why? Moreover, the caitiffs overran the great desert and were constrained by none. Presumptuously they proclaimed emperorship. Who can turn the tide to stop them? And as to those who desire to use a pretense against our state, their minds are probably hard to understand.

If we only reply with words of mouth, then the course of events is not clear and cannot serve as evidence. If it let the arrogant caitiffs reverse our words and slander us in front of All under Heaven, then what can we use to explain ourselves? In your minister’s humble opinion, in addition to regular response, we should separately write a letter, completely stating that the false title cannot be used to usurp, that the loyalty of ministers cannot be changed, and that the ranks of the venerable and base cannot be confused, so as to clarify the great righteousness and to preserve the essence of our state. As ever send the letter of the caitiffs and the reply of our state to the military command for consultation and then report to the August dynasty. At the same time, send instructions to the eight directions, discipline the soldiers and horses, so as to wait for the revolt and let people of all under Heaven clearly know how unambiguously the court handle this matter. Then by doing so, it can destroy the scheme of the caitiffs and strengthen the morale of our soldiers. Write them in historical records, and there will be no words of regret. Furthermore, your minister heard that Yonggoltae’s (Yonggoldae) trip only used the spring mission and the condolence<ref>This refers to the death of Queen Inyŏl (Inyeol), the consort of Injo.</ref> as pretexts, and the letter of the khan also does not have other words. What are called rebellious letters are those of the Eight Banners and of the Mongol princes.

Reply their regular letters but reject their words of violating principles, so that both the righteousness of ruler and minister and the way of neighboring states can be completed. With regard to plans, it is appropriate. Not to mention now our mountain fortresses are not finished and our defense is not complete. As to expedient strategy of delaying calamity, how can it be entirely neglected? There is no harm in receiving the Later Jin envoy, but whom cannot be received are the Western Tartars.<ref>They refer to the Western Mongols.</ref> As to the Western Tartars, we should not treat them ungenerously, but what should be severely reproached are the rebellious letters.<ref>A version of this suggestion is recorded in the Veritable Records of Injo: http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002</ref>

Your minister humbly observed the situations of the caitiffs. Sooner or later, all are the eventual invasion. But it cannot be fuzzily handled so that we are being deceived to point of overly desolate and accelerate their invasion. Shut the door of our cities and open channels of remonstration. Although there will be signs of remorse, they are not beneficial. The situation of today can be said to be urgent, but fortunately, it has yet to reach the point of suffering invasion now. Your minister prostrates and hopes Your Highness make all the more effort and first establish a lofty aspiration. Such as the words of the remonstrating ministers and lecturing ministers, Your Highness should accept more. Gather and rank the ministers who discuss affairs. Bravely reform the policies that harm the people. Promote talents and encourage officers and soldiers, so as to fulfill the wishes of your subjects. Thereby the human mind will be delighted, and the condition of the state will be consolidated. Although there is an external threat, it will not reach a state of grave frustrations. As to your minister’s lowly illness, it always lingers. Your minister’s spirit is muddled and totally not aware of external affairs. And yet your minister cannot bear the trivial sincerity of concerning the state, and risk displaying what I have in my heart, only to let the brilliant lord to judge, taking what to advance and what to cease.
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Who was Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing? What can we learn about his political standpoint from this memorial?
#How was Ch'oe Myŏngkil situated within the political context of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court at this time? Who took the opposing view? How would his oppositions in the court respond? What would be their strategies to defend the country? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king?
#Who compiled Ch'oe Myŏngkil’s memorial, when and for what purposes?
#Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Chosŏn (Joseon) people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Chosŏn-Qing relations?
#Did the Chosŏn court think of itself as the most "civilized" among the peoples around China? Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitans and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?
#What was the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Chosŏn-Qing relations in the 1630s? Why was the Chosŏn-Qing relation like this? And how about their relations in the remaining 17th century?
#Previous scholars have attributed Chosŏn’s cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Chosŏn and Qing. Aside from cultural causes, what about the causes in the political-economy?
#Was the idea of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" a typically Korean concept during the Yi dynasty? If not, was it also existing in Chinese dynasties and Koryô?
#Were memorials an effective method to influence political decisions? And why? Please elaborate your answer.
#The contents of this memorial are also included in the ''Chosŏn wangjo sillok'' (Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), however the king Injo did not respond to this memorial. Why? And why is this memorial written in official writings?

=='''Further Readings'''==

* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 16日辛卯胡差龍骨大、馬夫大等 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402016_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 21日丙申司諫趙絅上疏, 請勿許西㺚入國門 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kpa_11402021_001
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 26日辛丑完城君崔鳴吉上箚 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002
* 丙子封事[第二] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0130
* 丙子封事[第三] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0140

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What can we learn about the writer's political standpoint from this memorial?

Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Joseon people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Joseon-Qing relation?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희"''===
----

*Discussion Questions: What is the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Choson-Qing relation in the 1630s? Why was the Choson-Qing relation like this? Previous scholars have attributed Choson's cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Choson and Qing. What about the causes in the political-economy?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

- Is the concept of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" something typically Korean during the Yi dynasty? If not, was is also existing in China and Koryô?

- Did the Chosôn court really think that it was the most "civilized" among the "barbarians" around China?

- Who compiled Choe Myônggil's memorial, when and for what purpose?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What would the hawks say about 최명길's memorials? What would be their strategies to defend their country?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Describe the state of Sino-Korean relations during the time of this memorial and in the years following.

Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitan and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?

Were memorials an effective method through which to influence political decisions? Give examples to justify your answer.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How is Choe Myeong-gil situated within the political context of the Joseon court at this time? Who, if anyone, takes the opposing view? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king? That is, how similar do the opposing memorials look to Choe's?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? Considering the situation of the Chosŏn (Joseon) in the 17th century, what were the factors that influenced his writing?

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: The contents of this memorial are also included in the Choson Wangjo sillok(朝鮮王朝實錄), however his appeal was not responded to by the king(仁祖). Why not? But why was this memorial written in official writings?

choson wangjo sillok [http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11409005_001]

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

2019-07-17T04:21:06Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子封事第一
|Korean = 병자봉사제일(''Byeongjabongsajeil'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 箚
|Author = 崔鳴吉
|Year =
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0120_2003_A089_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg|崔鳴吉丙子封事第一(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil; 1586 - 1647) was a Confucian scholar and statesman. He had a rather successful career in government as he eventually reached the position of Chief State Councilor, the highest place in the officialdom of Chosŏn. His is one of the better known names in the entire Chosŏn history. However, instead of his other successes and failures, the mark he left has to do with his political position and the fate of his country at around the time of this writing.

During the relatively short span of time between 1592 and 1636, when this memorial was composed, Chosŏn already suffered three invasions, of which the first two were by Japan and the last by Later Jin. The events and the changes in the political climate of this region of Asia was to lead to a fourth invasion--this time by Qing. Chosŏn's subsequent surrender, whose terms included kowtows by King Injo in submission to Hong Taiji of the Qing dynasty who had come to Chosŏn in person, are considered, by many, the most humiliating moment in the history of the dynasty.

Ch’oe Myŏngkil's memorial can be better understood, having these concurrent historical events in mind. However, the role he played in the unfolding of these events and the characterization imposed on him subsequently date back to the time of the third invasion, one by Late Jin. Ch’oe Myŏngkil is remembered as the leading proponent of ''chuhwaron'' as opposed to ''ch'ŏk'waron'' of Kim Sanghŏn, his opponent whose name rarely fails to accompany Ch’oe's in the discussions regarding this invasion. ''Chuhwaron'' can be, more literally, translated as "the argument for seeking peace [negotiation]," and ''ch'ŏk'waron'' "the argument for rejecting peace [negotiation]." Ch’oe supported the position favoring diplomatic solution during the Later Jin Invasion in 1627 and would again during this invasion. The two positions have often been understood in terms of "pragmatic compromise" and "adherence to principle" in relation to the tributary relationship between Chosŏn and Ming, and Chosŏn's perception of the Manchus as barbarians and Ming as the Confucian state. Along these lines of thinking, Ch’oe is sometimes characterized as someone who sacrificed his reputation and principle in order to save his country and at others, as someone who corrupted the Confucian principles and caused a disgrace to his king and his country. More recent scholarship deems this kind of view simplistic and demands a more thorough inquiry into the complexity of the situation.<ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “Choi Myeong-gil’s argument of supporting the pursuit of peace with the enemy, and the issue of Daemyeong Euiri” 崔鳴吉의 主和論과 對明義理. The Journal of Korean History 한국사연구 162 (September 2013): 87–122.</ref><ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “The Trend and Prospect of Main Study on the Dispute between Ju’hwa-ron(主和論, argument supporting the idea of pursuing peace with the enemy) and Cheok’hwa-ron(斥和論, argument boycotting the negotiation of peace with the enemy) during Manchu Invasion of Joseon” 丁卯 · 丙子胡亂 전후 主和 · 斥和論 관련 연구의 성과와 전망. Sahak Yonku: The Review of Korean History 128 (December 2017): 179–235.</ref><ref>O Such'ang 오수창. “Choi Myeonggil gwa Kim Sanghŏn” 최명길과 김상헌 [Choi Myeonggil and Kim Sanghŏn]. Critical Review of History 역사비평, February 1998, 393–403.</ref>

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
伏以臣病伏私室。不與朝廷之議。聞諸道路之傳。今此金差之言。悖慢凶狡。有不忍聞。凡有血氣。孰不憤惋欲死。竊聞句管問答。廟堂籌畫。辭直理當。有足可觀。然於臣心。有不得不爲過慮者焉。當初約和時。朝廷以君臣大義。反覆開陳。彼雖犬羊。亦有知覺。故不敢強我以非義。約爲隣國。告天立誓。十餘年間。未有他說。今忽發爲此言者何也。且虜旣跨據大漠。無所受制。肆然稱帝。誰復禁止。而必欲藉口於我國者。其心或難知。

我若只以口語答之。則事跡晻昧。無可據證。如使驕虜反其辭說。而誣我於天下。其將何以自解乎。臣之愚意。例答之外。別爲一書。備陳僞號之不可僭。臣節之不可易。尊卑之等不可紊。以明大義而存國體。仍將虜書及我國所答。移咨督府。轉奏皇朝。一面下諭八方。訓飭兵馬。以待其變。使天下之人。曉然知朝廷處置之明白。然後可以折虜謀而壯士氣。書之史冊。無愧辭矣。且聞龍胡之行。唯以春信弔祭爲名。而汗書亦無別語。其所謂悖書者。乃八高山及蒙古王子書也。

答其循例之書。而拒其悖理之言。君臣之義。隣國之道。得以兩全。於計爲宜。況今山陵未畢。守備未完。權宜緩禍之策。亦何可全然不思。金差不妨招見。所不可見者西㺚耳。西㺚不必薄待。所當嚴斥者悖書耳。

臣竊觀今日虜情。特有早晩。等是被兵。但不可矇矓處置。以致見賣。過於落莫。以促其兵耳。城門閉言路開。雖有悔端。亦不濟事。今日之勢可謂急矣。而幸未至於目前被兵。伏願殿下。益加憤發。先立大志。如頃日諫臣筵臣之言。多所採納。收敍言事之臣。勇革病民之政。振拔人才。激勵將士。以慰臣民之望。則人心旣悅。國勢自固。雖有外患。亦不至大段顚沛矣。臣之賤疾。一向沈綿。精神昏憒。全不省外事。而竊不任區區憂國之誠。冒陳所懷。唯明主裁之。取進止。
||
Your minister humbly prostrates in my private quarter because of my illness. Your minister did not participate in court discussion but heard the reports from all the provinces and circuits. Now the words of this envoy from the Later Jin were offensively arrogant and viciously treacherous. I could not bear to hear these words. Among all those who have courage and uprightness, who will not resent to the extent of desiring death? Your minister humbly heard that as to the questions and answers of the bureaucrats and the plans and preparations of the Border Defense Command, their speeches are upright and reasonings are sound. They are good enough to be considered. Yet in your minister’s mind, there is something that your minister could not but be overly concerned. At the time when we were first negotiating peace, the court, using the great righteousness between ruler and minister, repeatedly listed our statements. They albeit dogs and sheep do have consciousness, therefore dare not to force us to violate righteousness. We agreed to be neighboring states, reported to Heaven, and swore an oath. In between these ten or so years, there were no other claims. Now they suddenly uttered this speech, why? Moreover, the caitiffs overran the great desert and were constrained by none. Presumptuously they proclaimed emperorship. Who can turn the tide to stop them? And as to those who desire to use a pretense against our state, their minds are probably hard to understand.

If we only reply with words of mouth, then the course of events is not clear and cannot serve as evidence. If it let the arrogant caitiffs reverse our words and slander us in front of All under Heaven, then what can we use to explain ourselves? In your minister’s humble opinion, in addition to regular response, we should separately write a letter, completely stating that the false title cannot be used to usurp, that the loyalty of ministers cannot be changed, and that the ranks of the venerable and base cannot be confused, so as to clarify the great righteousness and to preserve the essence of our state. As ever send the letter of the caitiffs and the reply of our state to the military command for consultation and then report to the August dynasty. At the same time, send instructions to the eight directions, discipline the soldiers and horses, so as to wait for the revolt and let people of all under Heaven clearly know how unambiguously the court handle this matter. Then by doing so, it can destroy the scheme of the caitiffs and strengthen the morale of our soldiers. Write them in historical records, and there will be no words of regret. Furthermore, your minister heard that Yonggoltae’s (Yonggoldae) trip only used the spring mission and the condolence<ref>This refers to the death of Queen Inyŏl (Inyeol), the consort of Injo.</ref> as pretexts, and the letter of the khan also does not have other words. What are called rebellious letters are those of the Eight Banners and of the Mongol princes.

Reply their regular letters but reject their words of violating principles, so that both the righteousness of ruler and minister and the way of neighboring states can be completed. With regard to plans, it is appropriate. Not to mention now our mountain fortresses are not finished and our defense is not complete. As to expedient strategy of delaying calamity, how can it be entirely neglected? There is no harm in receiving the Later Jin envoy, but whom cannot be received are the Western Tartars.<ref>They refer to the Western Mongols.</ref> As to the Western Tartars, we should not treat them ungenerously, but what should be severely reproached are the rebellious letters.<ref>A version of this suggestion is recorded in the Veritable Records of Injo: http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002</ref>

Your minister humbly observed the situations of the caitiffs. Sooner or later, all are the eventual invasion. But it cannot be fuzzily handled so that we are being deceived to point of overly desolate and accelerate their invasion. Shut the door of our cities and open channels of remonstration. Although there will be signs of remorse, they are not beneficial. The situation of today can be said to be urgent, but fortunately, it has yet to reach the point of suffering invasion now. Your minister prostrates and hopes Your Highness make all the more effort and first establish a lofty aspiration. Such as the words of the remonstrating ministers and lecturing ministers, Your Highness should accept more. Gather and rank the ministers who discuss affairs. Bravely reform the policies that harm the people. Promote talents and encourage officers and soldiers, so as to fulfill the wishes of your subjects. Thereby the human mind will be delighted, and the condition of the state will be consolidated. Although there is an external threat, it will not reach a state of grave frustrations. As to your minister’s lowly illness, it always lingers. Your minister’s spirit is muddled and totally not aware of external affairs. And yet your minister cannot bear the trivial sincerity of concerning the state, and risk displaying what I have in my heart, only to let the brilliant lord to judge, taking what to advance and what to cease.
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Who was Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing? What can we learn about his political standpoint from this memorial?
#How was Ch'oe Myŏngkil situated within the political context of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court at this time? Who took the opposing view? How would his oppositions in the court respond? What would be their strategies to defend the country? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king?
#Who compiled Ch'oe Myŏngkil’s memorial, when and for what purposes?
#Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Chosŏn (Joseon) people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Chosŏn-Qing relations?
#Did the Chosŏn court think of itself as the most "civilized" among the peoples around China? Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitans and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?
#What was the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Chosŏn-Qing relations in the 1630s? Why was the Chosŏn-Qing relation like this? And how about their relations in the remaining 17th century?
#Previous scholars have attributed Chosŏn’s cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Chosŏn and Qing. Aside from cultural causes, what about the causes in the political-economy?
#Was the idea of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" a typically Korean concept during the Yi dynasty? If not, was it also existing in Chinese dynasties and Koryô?
#Were memorials an effective method to influence political decisions? And why? Please elaborate your answer.
#The contents of this memorial are also included in the ''Chosŏn wangjo sillok'' (Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), however the king Injo did not respond to this memorial. Why? And why is this memorial written in official writings?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*丙子封事[第二] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0130
*丙子封事[第三] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0140
* 仁祖實錄 32卷, 仁祖 14年 2月 26日辛丑完城君崔鳴吉上箚 http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What can we learn about the writer's political standpoint from this memorial?

Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Joseon people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Joseon-Qing relation?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희"''===
----

*Discussion Questions: What is the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Choson-Qing relation in the 1630s? Why was the Choson-Qing relation like this? Previous scholars have attributed Choson's cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Choson and Qing. What about the causes in the political-economy?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

- Is the concept of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" something typically Korean during the Yi dynasty? If not, was is also existing in China and Koryô?

- Did the Chosôn court really think that it was the most "civilized" among the "barbarians" around China?

- Who compiled Choe Myônggil's memorial, when and for what purpose?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What would the hawks say about 최명길's memorials? What would be their strategies to defend their country?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Describe the state of Sino-Korean relations during the time of this memorial and in the years following.

Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitan and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?

Were memorials an effective method through which to influence political decisions? Give examples to justify your answer.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How is Choe Myeong-gil situated within the political context of the Joseon court at this time? Who, if anyone, takes the opposing view? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king? That is, how similar do the opposing memorials look to Choe's?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? Considering the situation of the Chosŏn (Joseon) in the 17th century, what were the factors that influenced his writing?

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: The contents of this memorial are also included in the Choson Wangjo sillok(朝鮮王朝實錄), however his appeal was not responded to by the king(仁祖). Why not? But why was this memorial written in official writings?

choson wangjo sillok [http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11409005_001]

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T04:15:22Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*『한국고대중세고문서연구』(상), 노명호 외 편, 서울대학교출판부, 2000
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

2019-07-17T04:14:27Z

Kingkwow: /* References */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재).jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 1079年高麗禮賓省牒
|Korean = 1079년 고려 예빈성 첩(''Goryeo Yebinseong Cheop'')
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author = 禮賓省
|Year = 1079
|Source = '''IMG.''' [https://www.nijl.ac.jp National Institute of Japanese Literature (国文学研究資料館)]
'''TXT.''' [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/Inspection/insDirView.aspx?dataUCI=G002+KSMC+KSM-XJ.1079.0000-20110430.ECD00011 Old Documents and Sources (한국고문서자료관)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019

}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:1079년고려예빈성첩(조야군재)2.jpg|1079年高麗禮賓省牒(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

This is a report from the Bureau of Rituals and Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State) in 1079 CE, which is also the 33rd year of Munjong’s reign （文宗, r. 1046-1083 CE）.

In the November of 1079CE, the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) sent a report to the Regional Government of Kyushu of Japan (the Great Japan State), requiring physicians who can cure contagious diseases from Japan. At that time, King Munjong, who was suffering from contagious diseases, sent this report with gifts to Japan, when he heard from a merchant who traveled in both Korea and Japan that there were physicians who cured contagious diseases in Japan. However, as Koryŏ (Goryeo) and Japan did not formally establish diplomatic relations at that time, this report was transmitted by merchants, not by formal delegations or envoys.

The original document now cannot be found, but a book 朝野群載 compiled by the Japanese includes this report in Vol.20 異國. This report is followed by the Japanese response [答書] sent to Koryŏ (Goryeo) king in the next year, 1080CE. In this response, the Japanese criticize Koryŏ (Goryeo)’s usage of 聖旨 to refer to their king’s command. Because in standard Japanese official documents, it was rude and overstepped to call the command of the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo) as 聖旨 which should be 处分. Then they sent back the report and gifts from the king of Koryŏ (Goryeo).

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:50%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:50%;"| English
|-
|
高麗國禮賓省牒大日本國太宰府

當省伏奉聖旨訪聞貴國有能理療風疾醫人今

因商客王則貞廻歸次仰

因便通牒及於王則貞處

說示風疾緣由請彼處選擇上等醫人於來年早春

發送到來理療風疾若有功効定不輕酬者今先送花錦

及大綾中綾各一十段麝香一十臍分附王則貞賚

持將去知大宰府官員處且充信儀到可收領者牒

具如前當省所奉聖旨備錄在前請貴府若有

端的能療風疾好醫人許容發遣前來仍收領疋段

麝香者諸牒

己未年十一月日牒

小卿林槩

生

卿崔

卿鄭
||

The Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ (Goryeo) notifies the Office of the Great Steward of the Great Japan State. This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict, which states: “I heard that in Your Noble State exist physicians who are able to treat stroke/leprosy. Now because traveling merchant Wang Ch’ichŏng (Wang Chikjeong) returned (?). Because of convenience the dispatch reached the place of Wang Ch’ichŏng, stating the cause of the stroke/leprosy. I kindly request that your side chooses first-class physicians and in the early spring of next year send them here to treat the stroke/leprosy. If the treatment is effective, your state will not be lightly rewarded. Now I first gift brocade, large damask silk, and small damask silk, each ten bolts, musk perfume ten doses and order Wang Ch’ichŏng to carry them to the place of the officials of the Great Steward and notify them. In addition, he serves as a trusted envoy until the gifts reach those who are able to receive them.” The notice is written as that this Bureau previously received, and the imperial edict is completely recorded ahead. We request that Your Noble Office, if there are good physician who really can treat the stroke/leprosy, allow them to be sent here. As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices.

The notice in the year of Kimi (Gimi), the eleventh month, on the ? day.

Vice Minister Im Kae (Im Gae)

Saeng

Minister Ch’oe (Choe)

Minister Chŏng (Jeong)

|-
|
大宰府解申請官裁事

言上高麗國牒壹通狀

右商人往反高麗國古今之例也因玆去年當朝商

人王則貞爲吏開(交開)罷向彼州之間禮賓省牒壹通相

副錦綾麝香等所送也是則聞(?)醫師輕廻鎭西之由

牒送旨件則貞所申也者異國之吏爲蒙(?) 裁定未

檢知件錦綾麝香等何況

不聽取先相副彼牒狀言

上如件謹解

承曆四年三月五日正

||
The Office of the Great Steward reported<ref>大宰府解 was a form of communication from this local office to the central government.</ref> on the decision of the official request.

Informing one official document from the notice of the state of Koryŏ

Merchants going to and returning from the state of Koryŏ are precedents of old and now. Because of this, last year merchant of that dynasty, Wang Ch’ichŏng became an official [envoy], opened diplomacy, and stopped going in between the continents. One notice from the Bureau of Hospitality, and accompanying it the brocades, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others were that which were gifted. Thereby heard the reason of why physicians easily returning to the Western Garrison. (?)<ref>鎮西府 was an alternate name of 太宰府.</ref> The edict that was sent with the notice was that which Ch’ichŏng requested. The official of foreign state did not know. (?) Rule and judge the unexamined brocade, damask silk, and musk perfume as well as the others. Not to mention if not receive [the gifts], first examine the words of their notice. The above was respectfully reported as the document states.

The decision in the fourth year of Jōryaku, the third month, on the fifth day.

|-
|
日本國太宰府牒高麗國禮賓省

却廻方物等事

牒得彼省牒稱當省伏奉聖旨

仍收領疋段麝香者如牒者

貴國犯霧露於燕寢之中

求醫療於鼇波之外望風懷想能不依之

抑牒狀之詞頗睽故事改處分而曰聖旨

非藩王可稱宅遐陬而跨上邦

誠彛倫收懌歝況亦話商人之旅艇

奇殊俗之單書執圭之使不至

封函之禮旣虧双魚猶難達鳳池之月

扁鵲何得入鷄林之雲凡厥方物皆從却廻

今以狀牒牒到

准狀故牒

承曆四年月日

||

The Office of the Great Steward of the state of Japan notifies the Bureau of Hospitality of the State of Koryŏ.

Rejecting and returning the local products and other affairs

We notified that we received your bureau’s notice, stating “This Bureau prostrates to receive the imperial edict… As precedents, receive the silk bolts and musk perfume as well as various notices” as the notice says. Your Noble State suffers the unfortunate incident that illness appears within the bed chamber of your king and seeks medical treat beyond great waves. We face the wind and think about it, how can we not cherish it? But the words of the official notice quite deviate from old practices. You changed royal order to imperial edict, not which a vassal can proclaim. You reside in a remote place and yet overstep the supreme state. You should realize the norm of human relations and retract your joy and detest. Let alone talking through the traveling boats of merchants. We are amazed by this one letter is written in a strange custom. The envoy who holds ceremonial jade tablet did not come. The protocol of letter correspondence has already been breached. Even a couple of fishes is difficult to arrive at the moon of the phoenix pool, By what means does the Bian magpie enter the clouds of the chicken grove?<ref>扁鵲 was a famed physician in China during the Warring States period. 鷄林 was another name for Silla. Here it refers to Korea.</ref> Therefore, all local products are rejected and returned to where they came from. Now with this official notice we notify you that we received the notice. We permitted this official document and thus notify.

In the fourth year of Jōryaku, ? month, ? day.

|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?
#How could Koryŏ (Goryeo) people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?
#Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?
#What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? Is there any other document mentioning this issue? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?
#How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryŏ at this time?
#How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Koryŏ court refer to itself? What made the court of the Koryŏ kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
#Did the court of the Koryŏ kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?
#What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?
#Koryŏ seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Koryŏ dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?
#Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?
#Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of wrds and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?
#How did the Koryŏ court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryŏ scholars upon this matter?
#How did the Japanese view themselves in relations to Song China? Did the state of Japan notify the Song that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
- Why and how did the medical exchanges become a means of developing the diplomatic relation between Korea and Japan during the 11th century?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why was the Korean court asking for a physician from Japan? Was there a lack of qualified physicians in Korea itself? What did the request tell us about the medical culture at the time?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the disease mentioned by the court of the Koryô kingdom? Is there any other document mentioning this issue?

What made the court of the Koryô kingdom choose the expression 聖旨 when addressing this letter to the Japanese? Was it the first time?

Did the court of the Koryô kingdom also ask the northern tribes' help? If not, why only asking the Japanese?

How did the Koryô court react to the negative response of the Japanese? Is there any trace of possible comments of Koryô scholars upon this matter?

Did Japan notify China that the Koryô court was using very improper formalities as a vassal state?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What was the historical background of this document? How does this document reveal Koryŏ's (Goryeo) stance toward Japan?

What were the roles of merchants in the diplomatic relations between Koryŏ and Japan?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Why did Goryeo Korea not send the document according to the diplomatic rituals? What were the Korea-Japan relations like in the 11th century?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

What was the state of Korea-Japan relations during this time?

What was the contagious disease that prompted this request? What regions did it affect and how was it contained?

How was medicine understood and practiced in Koryo at this time?

How did Japan view themselves in relation to China?

Is this text typical of communucation between Japan and Korea? Or were more formal rituals usually observed (as suggested by the text)?

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How does this document fit into the broader history of Korea-Japan relations? In previous interactions, how did the Goryeo court refer to itself? How did Korea-Japan relations proceed after this rebuke from Japan?
# Goryeo seems to look to Heian Japan as a potential source for more advanced doctors. Was this a general pattern - did Goryeo generally regard Heian Japan as more advanced or developed? Does this have anything to do with the surprised and indignant reaction of the Heian court to the Goryeo dispatch and its use of the term 聖旨?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
How could Koryŏ people hear about such a doctor? Were there such frequent and vast exchanges between the two countries?

Though it will be hard to determine as this document itself is quite a rare one, was any of the objected matters, such as the use of words and the method of delivery, etc, real offenses or could they have been used as excuses?

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

2019-07-17T04:11:41Z

Kingkwow: /* Further Readings */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子封事第一
|Korean = 병자봉사제일(''Byeongjabongsajeil'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 箚
|Author = 崔鳴吉
|Year =
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0120_2003_A089_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg|崔鳴吉丙子封事第一(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil; 1586 - 1647) was a Confucian scholar and statesman. He had a rather successful career in government as he eventually reached the position of Chief State Councilor, the highest place in the officialdom of Chosŏn. His is one of the better known names in the entire Chosŏn history. However, instead of his other successes and failures, the mark he left has to do with his political position and the fate of his country at around the time of this writing.

During the relatively short span of time between 1592 and 1636, when this memorial was composed, Chosŏn already suffered three invasions, of which the first two were by Japan and the last by Later Jin. The events and the changes in the political climate of this region of Asia was to lead to a fourth invasion--this time by Qing. Chosŏn's subsequent surrender, whose terms included kowtows by King Injo in submission to Hong Taiji of the Qing dynasty who had come to Chosŏn in person, are considered, by many, the most humiliating moment in the history of the dynasty.

Ch’oe Myŏngkil's memorial can be better understood, having these concurrent historical events in mind. However, the role he played in the unfolding of these events and the characterization imposed on him subsequently date back to the time of the third invasion, one by Late Jin. Ch’oe Myŏngkil is remembered as the leading proponent of ''chuhwaron'' as opposed to ''ch'ŏk'waron'' of Kim Sanghŏn, his opponent whose name rarely fails to accompany Ch’oe's in the discussions regarding this invasion. ''Chuhwaron'' can be, more literally, translated as "the argument for seeking peace [negotiation]," and ''ch'ŏk'waron'' "the argument for rejecting peace [negotiation]." Ch’oe supported the position favoring diplomatic solution during the Later Jin Invasion in 1627 and would again during this invasion. The two positions have often been understood in terms of "pragmatic compromise" and "adherence to principle" in relation to the tributary relationship between Chosŏn and Ming, and Chosŏn's perception of the Manchus as barbarians and Ming as the Confucian state. Along these lines of thinking, Ch’oe is sometimes characterized as someone who sacrificed his reputation and principle in order to save his country and at others, as someone who corrupted the Confucian principles and caused a disgrace to his king and his country. More recent scholarship deems this kind of view simplistic and demands a more thorough inquiry into the complexity of the situation.<ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “Choi Myeong-gil’s argument of supporting the pursuit of peace with the enemy, and the issue of Daemyeong Euiri” 崔鳴吉의 主和論과 對明義理. The Journal of Korean History 한국사연구 162 (September 2013): 87–122.</ref><ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “The Trend and Prospect of Main Study on the Dispute between Ju’hwa-ron(主和論, argument supporting the idea of pursuing peace with the enemy) and Cheok’hwa-ron(斥和論, argument boycotting the negotiation of peace with the enemy) during Manchu Invasion of Joseon” 丁卯 · 丙子胡亂 전후 主和 · 斥和論 관련 연구의 성과와 전망. Sahak Yonku: The Review of Korean History 128 (December 2017): 179–235.</ref><ref>O Such'ang 오수창. “Choi Myeonggil gwa Kim Sanghŏn” 최명길과 김상헌 [Choi Myeonggil and Kim Sanghŏn]. Critical Review of History 역사비평, February 1998, 393–403.</ref>

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
伏以臣病伏私室。不與朝廷之議。聞諸道路之傳。今此金差之言。悖慢凶狡。有不忍聞。凡有血氣。孰不憤惋欲死。竊聞句管問答。廟堂籌畫。辭直理當。有足可觀。然於臣心。有不得不爲過慮者焉。當初約和時。朝廷以君臣大義。反覆開陳。彼雖犬羊。亦有知覺。故不敢強我以非義。約爲隣國。告天立誓。十餘年間。未有他說。今忽發爲此言者何也。且虜旣跨據大漠。無所受制。肆然稱帝。誰復禁止。而必欲藉口於我國者。其心或難知。

我若只以口語答之。則事跡晻昧。無可據證。如使驕虜反其辭說。而誣我於天下。其將何以自解乎。臣之愚意。例答之外。別爲一書。備陳僞號之不可僭。臣節之不可易。尊卑之等不可紊。以明大義而存國體。仍將虜書及我國所答。移咨督府。轉奏皇朝。一面下諭八方。訓飭兵馬。以待其變。使天下之人。曉然知朝廷處置之明白。然後可以折虜謀而壯士氣。書之史冊。無愧辭矣。且聞龍胡之行。唯以春信弔祭爲名。而汗書亦無別語。其所謂悖書者。乃八高山及蒙古王子書也。

答其循例之書。而拒其悖理之言。君臣之義。隣國之道。得以兩全。於計爲宜。況今山陵未畢。守備未完。權宜緩禍之策。亦何可全然不思。金差不妨招見。所不可見者西㺚耳。西㺚不必薄待。所當嚴斥者悖書耳。

臣竊觀今日虜情。特有早晩。等是被兵。但不可矇矓處置。以致見賣。過於落莫。以促其兵耳。城門閉言路開。雖有悔端。亦不濟事。今日之勢可謂急矣。而幸未至於目前被兵。伏願殿下。益加憤發。先立大志。如頃日諫臣筵臣之言。多所採納。收敍言事之臣。勇革病民之政。振拔人才。激勵將士。以慰臣民之望。則人心旣悅。國勢自固。雖有外患。亦不至大段顚沛矣。臣之賤疾。一向沈綿。精神昏憒。全不省外事。而竊不任區區憂國之誠。冒陳所懷。唯明主裁之。取進止。
||
Your minister humbly prostrates in my private quarter because of my illness. Your minister did not participate in court discussion but heard the reports from all the provinces and circuits. Now the words of this envoy from the Later Jin were offensively arrogant and viciously treacherous. I could not bear to hear these words. Among all those who have courage and uprightness, who will not resent to the extent of desiring death? Your minister humbly heard that as to the questions and answers of the bureaucrats and the plans and preparations of the Border Defense Command, their speeches are upright and reasonings are sound. They are good enough to be considered. Yet in your minister’s mind, there is something that your minister could not but be overly concerned. At the time when we were first negotiating peace, the court, using the great righteousness between ruler and minister, repeatedly listed our statements. They albeit dogs and sheep do have consciousness, therefore dare not to force us to violate righteousness. We agreed to be neighboring states, reported to Heaven, and swore an oath. In between these ten or so years, there were no other claims. Now they suddenly uttered this speech, why? Moreover, the caitiffs overran the great desert and were constrained by none. Presumptuously they proclaimed emperorship. Who can turn the tide to stop them? And as to those who desire to use a pretense against our state, their minds are probably hard to understand.

If we only reply with words of mouth, then the course of events is not clear and cannot serve as evidence. If it let the arrogant caitiffs reverse our words and slander us in front of All under Heaven, then what can we use to explain ourselves? In your minister’s humble opinion, in addition to regular response, we should separately write a letter, completely stating that the false title cannot be used to usurp, that the loyalty of ministers cannot be changed, and that the ranks of the venerable and base cannot be confused, so as to clarify the great righteousness and to preserve the essence of our state. As ever send the letter of the caitiffs and the reply of our state to the military command for consultation and then report to the August dynasty. At the same time, send instructions to the eight directions, discipline the soldiers and horses, so as to wait for the revolt and let people of all under Heaven clearly know how unambiguously the court handle this matter. Then by doing so, it can destroy the scheme of the caitiffs and strengthen the morale of our soldiers. Write them in historical records, and there will be no words of regret. Furthermore, your minister heard that Yonggoltae’s (Yonggoldae) trip only used the spring mission and the condolence<ref>This refers to the death of Queen Inyŏl (Inyeol), the consort of Injo.</ref> as pretexts, and the letter of the khan also does not have other words. What are called rebellious letters are those of the Eight Banners and of the Mongol princes.

Reply their regular letters but reject their words of violating principles, so that both the righteousness of ruler and minister and the way of neighboring states can be completed. With regard to plans, it is appropriate. Not to mention now our mountain fortresses are not finished and our defense is not complete. As to expedient strategy of delaying calamity, how can it be entirely neglected? There is no harm in receiving the Later Jin envoy, but whom cannot be received are the Western Tartars.<ref>They refer to the Western Mongols.</ref> As to the Western Tartars, we should not treat them ungenerously, but what should be severely reproached are the rebellious letters.<ref>A version of this suggestion is recorded in the Veritable Records of Injo: http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002</ref>

Your minister humbly observed the situations of the caitiffs. Sooner or later, all are the eventual invasion. But it cannot be fuzzily handled so that we are being deceived to point of overly desolate and accelerate their invasion. Shut the door of our cities and open channels of remonstration. Although there will be signs of remorse, they are not beneficial. The situation of today can be said to be urgent, but fortunately, it has yet to reach the point of suffering invasion now. Your minister prostrates and hopes Your Highness make all the more effort and first establish a lofty aspiration. Such as the words of the remonstrating ministers and lecturing ministers, Your Highness should accept more. Gather and rank the ministers who discuss affairs. Bravely reform the policies that harm the people. Promote talents and encourage officers and soldiers, so as to fulfill the wishes of your subjects. Thereby the human mind will be delighted, and the condition of the state will be consolidated. Although there is an external threat, it will not reach a state of grave frustrations. As to your minister’s lowly illness, it always lingers. Your minister’s spirit is muddled and totally not aware of external affairs. And yet your minister cannot bear the trivial sincerity of concerning the state, and risk displaying what I have in my heart, only to let the brilliant lord to judge, taking what to advance and what to cease.
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Who was Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing? What can we learn about his political standpoint from this memorial?
#How was Ch'oe Myŏngkil situated within the political context of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court at this time? Who took the opposing view? How would his oppositions in the court respond? What would be their strategies to defend the country? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king?
#Who compiled Ch'oe Myŏngkil’s memorial, when and for what purposes?
#Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Chosŏn (Joseon) people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Chosŏn-Qing relations?
#Did the Chosŏn court think of itself as the most "civilized" among the peoples around China? Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitans and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?
#What was the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Chosŏn-Qing relations in the 1630s? Why was the Chosŏn-Qing relation like this? And how about their relations in the remaining 17th century?
#Previous scholars have attributed Chosŏn’s cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Chosŏn and Qing. Aside from cultural causes, what about the causes in the political-economy?
#Was the idea of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" a typically Korean concept during the Yi dynasty? If not, was it also existing in Chinese dynasties and Koryô?
#Were memorials an effective method to influence political decisions? And why? Please elaborate your answer.
#The contents of this memorial are also included in the ''Chosŏn wangjo sillok'' (Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), however the king Injo did not respond to this memorial. Why? And why is this memorial written in official writings?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*丙子封事[第二] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0130
*丙子封事[第三] http://db.itkc.or.kr/dir/item?itemId=MO#/dir/node?dataId=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0140

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What can we learn about the writer's political standpoint from this memorial?

Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Joseon people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Joseon-Qing relation?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희"''===
----

*Discussion Questions: What is the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Choson-Qing relation in the 1630s? Why was the Choson-Qing relation like this? Previous scholars have attributed Choson's cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Choson and Qing. What about the causes in the political-economy?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

- Is the concept of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" something typically Korean during the Yi dynasty? If not, was is also existing in China and Koryô?

- Did the Chosôn court really think that it was the most "civilized" among the "barbarians" around China?

- Who compiled Choe Myônggil's memorial, when and for what purpose?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What would the hawks say about 최명길's memorials? What would be their strategies to defend their country?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Describe the state of Sino-Korean relations during the time of this memorial and in the years following.

Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitan and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?

Were memorials an effective method through which to influence political decisions? Give examples to justify your answer.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How is Choe Myeong-gil situated within the political context of the Joseon court at this time? Who, if anyone, takes the opposing view? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king? That is, how similar do the opposing memorials look to Choe's?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? Considering the situation of the Chosŏn (Joseon) in the 17th century, what were the factors that influenced his writing?

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: The contents of this memorial are also included in the Choson Wangjo sillok(朝鮮王朝實錄), however his appeal was not responded to by the king(仁祖). Why not? But why was this memorial written in official writings?

choson wangjo sillok [http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11409005_001]

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

2019-07-17T04:10:47Z

Kingkwow: /* References */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子封事第一
|Korean = 병자봉사제일(''Byeongjabongsajeil'')
|Genre = [[Literati Writings]]
|Type = 箚
|Author = 崔鳴吉
|Year =
|Source = [http://db.itkc.or.kr/inLink?DCI=ITKC_MO_0328A_0110_010_0120_2003_A089_XML Korean Classics and Literati's Collection of Writings (한국고전종합DB)]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = King Kwong Wong [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:최명길 병자봉사제일1.jpg|崔鳴吉丙子封事第一(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==
Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil; 1586 - 1647) was a Confucian scholar and statesman. He had a rather successful career in government as he eventually reached the position of Chief State Councilor, the highest place in the officialdom of Chosŏn. His is one of the better known names in the entire Chosŏn history. However, instead of his other successes and failures, the mark he left has to do with his political position and the fate of his country at around the time of this writing.

During the relatively short span of time between 1592 and 1636, when this memorial was composed, Chosŏn already suffered three invasions, of which the first two were by Japan and the last by Later Jin. The events and the changes in the political climate of this region of Asia was to lead to a fourth invasion--this time by Qing. Chosŏn's subsequent surrender, whose terms included kowtows by King Injo in submission to Hong Taiji of the Qing dynasty who had come to Chosŏn in person, are considered, by many, the most humiliating moment in the history of the dynasty.

Ch’oe Myŏngkil's memorial can be better understood, having these concurrent historical events in mind. However, the role he played in the unfolding of these events and the characterization imposed on him subsequently date back to the time of the third invasion, one by Late Jin. Ch’oe Myŏngkil is remembered as the leading proponent of ''chuhwaron'' as opposed to ''ch'ŏk'waron'' of Kim Sanghŏn, his opponent whose name rarely fails to accompany Ch’oe's in the discussions regarding this invasion. ''Chuhwaron'' can be, more literally, translated as "the argument for seeking peace [negotiation]," and ''ch'ŏk'waron'' "the argument for rejecting peace [negotiation]." Ch’oe supported the position favoring diplomatic solution during the Later Jin Invasion in 1627 and would again during this invasion. The two positions have often been understood in terms of "pragmatic compromise" and "adherence to principle" in relation to the tributary relationship between Chosŏn and Ming, and Chosŏn's perception of the Manchus as barbarians and Ming as the Confucian state. Along these lines of thinking, Ch’oe is sometimes characterized as someone who sacrificed his reputation and principle in order to save his country and at others, as someone who corrupted the Confucian principles and caused a disgrace to his king and his country. More recent scholarship deems this kind of view simplistic and demands a more thorough inquiry into the complexity of the situation.<ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “Choi Myeong-gil’s argument of supporting the pursuit of peace with the enemy, and the issue of Daemyeong Euiri” 崔鳴吉의 主和論과 對明義理. The Journal of Korean History 한국사연구 162 (September 2013): 87–122.</ref><ref>Huh Tae koo 허태구. “The Trend and Prospect of Main Study on the Dispute between Ju’hwa-ron(主和論, argument supporting the idea of pursuing peace with the enemy) and Cheok’hwa-ron(斥和論, argument boycotting the negotiation of peace with the enemy) during Manchu Invasion of Joseon” 丁卯 · 丙子胡亂 전후 主和 · 斥和論 관련 연구의 성과와 전망. Sahak Yonku: The Review of Korean History 128 (December 2017): 179–235.</ref><ref>O Such'ang 오수창. “Choi Myeonggil gwa Kim Sanghŏn” 최명길과 김상헌 [Choi Myeonggil and Kim Sanghŏn]. Critical Review of History 역사비평, February 1998, 393–403.</ref>

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
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伏以臣病伏私室。不與朝廷之議。聞諸道路之傳。今此金差之言。悖慢凶狡。有不忍聞。凡有血氣。孰不憤惋欲死。竊聞句管問答。廟堂籌畫。辭直理當。有足可觀。然於臣心。有不得不爲過慮者焉。當初約和時。朝廷以君臣大義。反覆開陳。彼雖犬羊。亦有知覺。故不敢強我以非義。約爲隣國。告天立誓。十餘年間。未有他說。今忽發爲此言者何也。且虜旣跨據大漠。無所受制。肆然稱帝。誰復禁止。而必欲藉口於我國者。其心或難知。

我若只以口語答之。則事跡晻昧。無可據證。如使驕虜反其辭說。而誣我於天下。其將何以自解乎。臣之愚意。例答之外。別爲一書。備陳僞號之不可僭。臣節之不可易。尊卑之等不可紊。以明大義而存國體。仍將虜書及我國所答。移咨督府。轉奏皇朝。一面下諭八方。訓飭兵馬。以待其變。使天下之人。曉然知朝廷處置之明白。然後可以折虜謀而壯士氣。書之史冊。無愧辭矣。且聞龍胡之行。唯以春信弔祭爲名。而汗書亦無別語。其所謂悖書者。乃八高山及蒙古王子書也。

答其循例之書。而拒其悖理之言。君臣之義。隣國之道。得以兩全。於計爲宜。況今山陵未畢。守備未完。權宜緩禍之策。亦何可全然不思。金差不妨招見。所不可見者西㺚耳。西㺚不必薄待。所當嚴斥者悖書耳。

臣竊觀今日虜情。特有早晩。等是被兵。但不可矇矓處置。以致見賣。過於落莫。以促其兵耳。城門閉言路開。雖有悔端。亦不濟事。今日之勢可謂急矣。而幸未至於目前被兵。伏願殿下。益加憤發。先立大志。如頃日諫臣筵臣之言。多所採納。收敍言事之臣。勇革病民之政。振拔人才。激勵將士。以慰臣民之望。則人心旣悅。國勢自固。雖有外患。亦不至大段顚沛矣。臣之賤疾。一向沈綿。精神昏憒。全不省外事。而竊不任區區憂國之誠。冒陳所懷。唯明主裁之。取進止。
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Your minister humbly prostrates in my private quarter because of my illness. Your minister did not participate in court discussion but heard the reports from all the provinces and circuits. Now the words of this envoy from the Later Jin were offensively arrogant and viciously treacherous. I could not bear to hear these words. Among all those who have courage and uprightness, who will not resent to the extent of desiring death? Your minister humbly heard that as to the questions and answers of the bureaucrats and the plans and preparations of the Border Defense Command, their speeches are upright and reasonings are sound. They are good enough to be considered. Yet in your minister’s mind, there is something that your minister could not but be overly concerned. At the time when we were first negotiating peace, the court, using the great righteousness between ruler and minister, repeatedly listed our statements. They albeit dogs and sheep do have consciousness, therefore dare not to force us to violate righteousness. We agreed to be neighboring states, reported to Heaven, and swore an oath. In between these ten or so years, there were no other claims. Now they suddenly uttered this speech, why? Moreover, the caitiffs overran the great desert and were constrained by none. Presumptuously they proclaimed emperorship. Who can turn the tide to stop them? And as to those who desire to use a pretense against our state, their minds are probably hard to understand.

If we only reply with words of mouth, then the course of events is not clear and cannot serve as evidence. If it let the arrogant caitiffs reverse our words and slander us in front of All under Heaven, then what can we use to explain ourselves? In your minister’s humble opinion, in addition to regular response, we should separately write a letter, completely stating that the false title cannot be used to usurp, that the loyalty of ministers cannot be changed, and that the ranks of the venerable and base cannot be confused, so as to clarify the great righteousness and to preserve the essence of our state. As ever send the letter of the caitiffs and the reply of our state to the military command for consultation and then report to the August dynasty. At the same time, send instructions to the eight directions, discipline the soldiers and horses, so as to wait for the revolt and let people of all under Heaven clearly know how unambiguously the court handle this matter. Then by doing so, it can destroy the scheme of the caitiffs and strengthen the morale of our soldiers. Write them in historical records, and there will be no words of regret. Furthermore, your minister heard that Yonggoltae’s (Yonggoldae) trip only used the spring mission and the condolence<ref>This refers to the death of Queen Inyŏl (Inyeol), the consort of Injo.</ref> as pretexts, and the letter of the khan also does not have other words. What are called rebellious letters are those of the Eight Banners and of the Mongol princes.

Reply their regular letters but reject their words of violating principles, so that both the righteousness of ruler and minister and the way of neighboring states can be completed. With regard to plans, it is appropriate. Not to mention now our mountain fortresses are not finished and our defense is not complete. As to expedient strategy of delaying calamity, how can it be entirely neglected? There is no harm in receiving the Later Jin envoy, but whom cannot be received are the Western Tartars.<ref>They refer to the Western Mongols.</ref> As to the Western Tartars, we should not treat them ungenerously, but what should be severely reproached are the rebellious letters.<ref>A version of this suggestion is recorded in the Veritable Records of Injo: http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11402026_002</ref>

Your minister humbly observed the situations of the caitiffs. Sooner or later, all are the eventual invasion. But it cannot be fuzzily handled so that we are being deceived to point of overly desolate and accelerate their invasion. Shut the door of our cities and open channels of remonstration. Although there will be signs of remorse, they are not beneficial. The situation of today can be said to be urgent, but fortunately, it has yet to reach the point of suffering invasion now. Your minister prostrates and hopes Your Highness make all the more effort and first establish a lofty aspiration. Such as the words of the remonstrating ministers and lecturing ministers, Your Highness should accept more. Gather and rank the ministers who discuss affairs. Bravely reform the policies that harm the people. Promote talents and encourage officers and soldiers, so as to fulfill the wishes of your subjects. Thereby the human mind will be delighted, and the condition of the state will be consolidated. Although there is an external threat, it will not reach a state of grave frustrations. As to your minister’s lowly illness, it always lingers. Your minister’s spirit is muddled and totally not aware of external affairs. And yet your minister cannot bear the trivial sincerity of concerning the state, and risk displaying what I have in my heart, only to let the brilliant lord to judge, taking what to advance and what to cease.
|-
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#Who was Ch’oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing? What can we learn about his political standpoint from this memorial?
#How was Ch'oe Myŏngkil situated within the political context of the Chosŏn (Joseon) court at this time? Who took the opposing view? How would his oppositions in the court respond? What would be their strategies to defend the country? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king?
#Who compiled Ch'oe Myŏngkil’s memorial, when and for what purposes?
#Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Chosŏn (Joseon) people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Chosŏn-Qing relations?
#Did the Chosŏn court think of itself as the most "civilized" among the peoples around China? Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitans and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?
#What was the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Chosŏn-Qing relations in the 1630s? Why was the Chosŏn-Qing relation like this? And how about their relations in the remaining 17th century?
#Previous scholars have attributed Chosŏn’s cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Chosŏn and Qing. Aside from cultural causes, what about the causes in the political-economy?
#Was the idea of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" a typically Korean concept during the Yi dynasty? If not, was it also existing in Chinese dynasties and Koryô?
#Were memorials an effective method to influence political decisions? And why? Please elaborate your answer.
#The contents of this memorial are also included in the ''Chosŏn wangjo sillok'' (Joseon wangjo sillok 朝鮮王朝實錄), however the king Injo did not respond to this memorial. Why? And why is this memorial written in official writings?

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What can we learn about the writer's political standpoint from this memorial?

Regarding the argument over the ethnicity and the political legitimacy shown in this memorial, how did Joseon people during the 16th-17th centuries understand the Joseon-Qing relation?

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희"''===
----

*Discussion Questions: What is the historical context in which this memorial was written? What did the memorial tell us about Choson-Qing relation in the 1630s? Why was the Choson-Qing relation like this? Previous scholars have attributed Choson's cultural prejudice against the Jurchen-cum-Manchurians as a main cause of an antagonistic relation between Choson and Qing. What about the causes in the political-economy?

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

- Is the concept of "closing the gates and opening the channels of expression" something typically Korean during the Yi dynasty? If not, was is also existing in China and Koryô?

- Did the Chosôn court really think that it was the most "civilized" among the "barbarians" around China?

- Who compiled Choe Myônggil's memorial, when and for what purpose?

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? How did his background influence his writing?

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
What would the hawks say about 최명길's memorials? What would be their strategies to defend their country?

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Describe the state of Sino-Korean relations during the time of this memorial and in the years following.

Why were certain groups of people (such as the Khitan and Mongols etc.) viewed and written about in a pejorative manner?

Were memorials an effective method through which to influence political decisions? Give examples to justify your answer.

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# How is Choe Myeong-gil situated within the political context of the Joseon court at this time? Who, if anyone, takes the opposing view? Do they use the same strategies for convincing the king? That is, how similar do the opposing memorials look to Choe's?

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

Who was Ch'oe Myŏngkil (Choe Myeonggil)? Considering the situation of the Chosŏn (Joseon) in the 17th century, what were the factors that influenced his writing?

==='''Student 10 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: The contents of this memorial are also included in the Choson Wangjo sillok(朝鮮王朝實錄), however his appeal was not responded to by the king(仁祖). Why not? But why was this memorial written in official writings?

choson wangjo sillok [http://sillok.history.go.kr/id/wpa_11409005_001]

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:41:06Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

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(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
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1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

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1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

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1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

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1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
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=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Translation:
The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is: because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on, (I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===

A certificate to Slave Ki Yŏn on the 23th day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli (The year of Kabo)

This certificate is issued in regard to the followings: I, the woman, after the calamity in the year of Imjin, have lost all my family lands and suddenly had nothing upon which to depend. Because of survival needs and death threatening starvation, I am selling permanently Slave Sŏl I, the third child of Slave Ko Ŭm whom I inherited from my ancestors and who was born in the year of Kapcha, at the price of 4000 worth of paper money and have already paid up the said amount and completed the transaction. In the event of any future dispute among the offspring of my family, this certificate will be presented to the officials for adjudication.

After the calamity [in the year of Imjin], I, the woman, have not only lost all my family lands but also my seal. I am not able to procure [a new seal] in time [for this certificate]. Therefore, I am using my hand print as a replacement.

----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----
Certifying document to slave Kiryôn (RR: Giryeon), the 23rd day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli:

The certifying document on the right side pertains to [the fact that] I myself have lost [my] family’s property and there is nothing I can rely upon after the Imjin [war]’s calamities... Because I am begging for necessaries of life and starving to death, I traded for the price of 4000 sheets of paper currency [my] female slave Sôri - third born child (in the year of jiazi (MR: kapcha, RR: gapja)) of [my] female slave Koûnji which I had inherited as my share from my ancestors.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

The male slave of this county 己年.

The attached for your reference is what I humbly requested. Please kindly copy it and create a file. To your subordinates, please instruct them about this matter.

Processed by the magistrate.

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The certificate to the male slave 起連 on the twenty-third day of the second month in the twenty-seocnd year,the Kabo (Gabo) year, of the Wanli reign.

This certificate pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him so that he can keep him at his disposal forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

Nobi Kinyon of the local county (finger ID)
Herein, I kindly implore of you the reproduction of this original document. Please issue it to me.
I await your process of my request [lit. please do this for me].

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----
<br>
1. Slave [Xianjie]..... [left thumbprint]<br>
2. The request humbly expressed herein has been put down in this document, and copied and presented as an official request.<br>
3. Please order it done.<br>
4. Processed by magistrate<br>
5. Request of Wanli year 22, fourth month, [] day<br>
6. .... beginning of eighth month<br>

<br><br><br>

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and starving to death continued [in my family], and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

---

1縣接奴己年(左寸)

Kinyŏn, a slave in the county. Digit trace, left.

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:38:09Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
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(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
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(text)
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(translation)
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|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Translation:
The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is: because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on, (I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===

A certificate to Slave Ki Yŏn on the 23th day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli (The year of Kabo)

This certificate is issued in regard to the followings: I, the woman, after the calamity in the year of Imjin, have lost all my family lands and suddenly had nothing upon which to depend. Because of survival needs and death threatening starvation, I am selling permanently Slave Sŏl I, the third child of Slave Ko Ŭm whom I inherited from my ancestors and who was born in the year of Kapcha, at the price of 4000 worth of paper money and have already paid up the said amount and completed the transaction. In the event of any future dispute among the offspring of my family, this certificate will be presented to the officials for adjudication.

After the calamity [in the year of Imjin], I, the woman, have not only lost all my family lands but also my seal. I am not able to procure [a new seal] in time [for this certificate]. Therefore, I am using my hand print as a replacement.

----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----
Certifying document to slave Kiryôn (RR: Giryeon), the 23rd day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli:

The certifying document on the right side pertains to [the fact that] I myself have lost [my] family’s property and there is nothing I can rely upon after the Imjin [war]’s calamities... Because I am begging for necessaries of life and starving to death, I traded for the price of 4000 sheets of paper currency [my] female slave Sôri - third born child (in the year of jiazi (MR: kapcha, RR: gapja)) of [my] female slave Koûnji which I had inherited as my share from my ancestors.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

The male slave of this county 己年.

The attached is what I humbly requested. Please kindly copy it and instruct your subordinates accordingly.

Processed by the magistrate.

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The certificate to the male slave 起連 on the twenty-third day of the second month in the twenty-seocnd year,the Kabo (Gabo) year, of the Wanli reign.

This certificate pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him so that he can keep him at his disposal forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----
<br>
1. Slave [Xianjie]..... [left thumbprint]<br>
2. The request humbly expressed herein has been put down in this document, and copied and presented as an official request.<br>
3. Please order it done.<br>
4. Processed by magistrate<br>
5. Request of Wanli year 22, fourth month, [] day<br>
6. .... beginning of eighth month<br>

<br><br><br>

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and starving to death continued [in my family], and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

---

1縣接奴己年(左寸)

Kinyŏn, a slave in the county. Digit trace, left.

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:25:07Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
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(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is: because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on, (I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===

A certificate to Slave Ki Yŏn on the 23th day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli (The year of Kabo)

This certificate is issued in regard to the followings: I, the woman, after the calamity in the year of Imjin, have lost all my family lands and suddenly had nothing upon which to depend. Because of survival needs and death threatening starvation, I am selling permanently Slave Sŏl I, the third child of Slave Ko Ŭm whom I inherited from my ancestors and who was born in the year of Kapcha, at the price of 4000 worth of paper money and have already paid up the said amount and completed the transaction. In the event of any future dispute among the offspring of my family, this certificate will be presented to the officials for adjudication.

After the calamity [in the year of Imjin], I, the woman, have not only lost all my family lands but also my seal. I am not able to procure [a new seal] in time [for this certificate]. Therefore, I am using my hand print as a replacement.

----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----
Certifying document to slave Kiryôn (RR: Giryeon), the 23rd day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli:

The certifying document on the right side pertains to [the fact that] I myself have lost [my] family’s property and there is nothing I can rely upon after the Imjin [war]’s calamities... I traded [my] female slave Sôri - third born child of [my] female slave Koûnji, in the year of jiazi (MR: kapcha, RR: gapja) - which I had inherited from my ancestors because I am begging for necessaries of life and starving to death.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The certificate to the male slave 起連 on the twenty-third day of the second month in the twenty-seocnd year,the Kabo (Gabo) year, of the Wanli reign.

This certificate pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him so that he can keep him at his disposal forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and starving to death continued [in my family], and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:21:17Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is: because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on, (I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===

A certificate to Slave Ki Yŏn on the 23th day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli (The year of Kabo)

This certificate is issued in regard to the followings: I, the woman, after the calamity in the year of Imjin, have lost all my family lands and suddenly had nothing upon which to depend. Because of survival needs and death threatening starvation, I am selling permanently Slave Sŏl I, the third child of Slave Ko Ŭm whom I inherited from my ancestors and who was born in the year of Kapcha, at the price of 4000 worth of paper money and have already paid up the said amount and completed the transaction. In the event of any future dispute among the offspring of my family, this certificate will be presented to the officials for adjudication.

After the calamity [in the year of Imjin], I, the woman, have not only lost all my family lands but also my seal. I am not able to procure [a new seal] in time [for this certificate]. Therefore, I am using my hand print as a replacement.

----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----
Certifying document to slave Kiryôn (RR: Giryeon), the 23rd day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli:

The certifying document on the right side pertains to [the fact that] I myself have lost [my] family’s property and there is nothing I can rely upon after the Imjin [war]’s calamities... I traded [my] female slave Sôri - third born child of [my] female slave Koûnji - which I had inherited from my ancestors because I am begging for necessaries of life and starving to death.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The certificate to the male slave 起連 on the twenty-third day of the second month in the twenty-seocnd year of the Wanli reign, the Kabo (Gabo) year.

This certificate pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him so that he can keep him at his disposal forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and starving to death continued [in my family], and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:20:37Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
|-
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(text)
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(translation)
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(text)
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(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is: because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on, (I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===

A certificate to Slave Ki Yŏn on the 23th day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli (The year of Kabo)

This certificate is issued in regard to the followings: I, the woman, after the calamity in the year of Imjin, have lost all my family lands and suddenly had nothing upon which to depend. Because of survival needs and death threatening starvation, I am selling permanently Slave Sŏl I, the third child of Slave Ko Ŭm whom I inherited from my ancestors and who was born in the year of Kapcha, at the price of 4000 worth of paper money and have already paid up the said amount and completed the transaction. In the event of any future dispute among the offspring of my family, this certificate will be presented to the officials for adjudication.

After the calamity [in the year of Imjin], I, the woman, have not only lost all my family lands but also my seal. I am not able to procure [a new seal] in time [for this certificate]. Therefore, I am using my hand print as a replacement.

----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----
Certifying document to slave Kiryôn (RR: Giryeon), the 23rd day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli:

The certifying document on the right side pertains to [the fact that] I myself have lost [my] family’s property and there is nothing I can rely upon after the Imjin [war]’s calamities... I traded [my] female slave Sôri - third born child of [my] female slave Koûnji - which I had inherited from my ancestors because I am begging for necessaries of life and starving to death.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The certificate to the male slave 起連 on the twenty-third day of the second month in the twenty-seocnd year of the Wanli reign, the Kabo (Gabo) year.

This certificate pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him so that he can keep him at his disposal forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and starving to death continued [in my family], and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:19:56Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
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(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is: because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on, (I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===

A certificate to Slave Ki Yŏn on the 23th day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli (The year of Kabo)

This certificate is issued in regard to the followings: I, the woman, after the calamity in the year of Imjin, have lost all my family lands and suddenly had nothing upon which to depend. Because of survival needs and death threatening starvation, I am selling permanently Slave Sŏl I, the third child of Slave Ko Ŭm whom I inherited from my ancestors and who was born in the year of Kapcha, at the price of 4000 worth of paper money and have already paid up the said amount and completed the transaction. In the event of any future dispute among the offspring of my family, this certificate will be presented to the officials for adjudication.

After the calamity [in the year of Imjin], I, the woman, have not only lost all my family lands but also my seal. I am not able to procure [a new seal] in time [for this certificate]. Therefore, I am using my hand print as a replacement.

----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The certificate to the male slave 起連 on the twenty-third day of the second month in the twenty-seocnd year of the Wanli reign, the Kabo (Gabo) year.
This certificate pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him so that he can keep him at his disposal forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and starving to death continued [in my family], and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:18:31Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is: because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on, (I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===

A certificate to Slave Ki Yŏn on the 23th day of the 2nd month of the 22nd year of Wanli (The year of Kabo)

This certificate is issued in regard to the followings: I, the woman, after the calamity in the year of Imjin, have lost all my family lands and suddenly had nothing upon which to depend. Because of survival needs and death threatening starvation, I am selling permanently Slave Sŏl I, the third child of Slave Ko Ŭm whom I inherited from my ancestors and who was born in the year of Kapcha, at the price of 4000 worth of paper money and have already paid up the said amount and completed the transaction. In the event of any future dispute among the offspring of my family, this certificate will be presented to the officials for adjudication.

After the calamity [in the year of Imjin], I, the woman, have not only lost all my family lands but also my seal. I am not able to procure [a new seal] in time [for this certificate]. Therefore, I am using my hand print as a replacement.

----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

the certificate to the male slave 起連 on the twenty-third day of the second month in the twenty-seocnd year of the Wanli reign, the Kabo (Gabo) year.
This certification pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him for his use forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and starving to death continued [in my family], and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:15:38Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is that because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost all my households and have nowhere to rely on.

(So, I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The twenty-seocnd year of the Wanli reign, the 甲午 year, the 23rd day of the second month, the certificate to the male slave 起連.
This certification pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for an amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him for his use forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate issued for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi's War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and deaths by starvation continued, and I have sold Sŏri, my personal slave born in Kapcha year as the third child of Koŭmji, a female slave who I had inherited as my share from my parents, for goods equal in value to four thousand "chŏhwa"

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:13:52Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)
|-
|
(text)
||
(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma '''===
----

The 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli, the Kabo year, Fed. 23rd.

This is a certificate to the slave, Kilyŏn.

What this document pertains to is that because after the war in the Imjin year (the Japanese invasion), I have lost their households and have nowhere to rely on.

(So, I sell) the slave named Soli who is the third child of a slave, Kounji, who was passed down from her ancestors for our family to obtain.

(The salve Soli) is sold for 4000 bills of currency. She will be obtained by Kilyŏn (as a slave or property)

If there will be people from the same family disputing about this, this document can be used to inform the officials and correct the misleading.

After the war, not only did I lose all my family properties, but I lost my seal. And I can’t reproduce another one in such a short time.

So, I use my handprint as a seal.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The 22nd year of the Wanli reign, the 甲午 year, the 23rd day of the second month, the certificate to the male slave 起連.
This certification pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for the amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him for his use forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even my seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate created for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and deaths by starvation continued, and I have sold Sŏri, born in Kapcha year,

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:12:47Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 만력22년갑오노기련역중명문001.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 萬曆22年鎭川立案
|Korean = 만력22년 진천 입안(''Iban'')
|Genre = [[Old Documents]]
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Source =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]
<gallery mode=packed heights=150px caption=>
File:만력22년갑오노기련역중명문002.jpg|萬曆22年鎭川立案(2)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:90%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
(text) 1縣接奴己年(左寸)

2右謹陳所志矣段粘連文記相考斜給立案成給爲白只爲

3行下向敎是事

4官主處分

5萬曆二十二年四月□日所志

6[題辭]刑初八日
---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

8 財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏(手掌)

9 證人同姓三寸姪忠義衛□權拭(着名署押)

10 筆執同生娚忠義衛□權恊(着名署押)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1□□□□□□消息公緘

2節公緘內某邊婢某乙某人處某事以放賣時某某人訂筆爲有臥乎喩記

3下向事公緘是白有亦女矣身亦焚蕩以後連命爲難祖上傳來衿得婢

4古音之三所生奴雪伊年甲子生身乙價折楮貨四千張價以交易爲遣奴起年

5處後所生幷以永永放賣文記良中着手掌成置的只是齊訂人段

6同姓三寸姪權拭筆執段同生娚權恊等以成置爲乎事

7財主故忠義衛閔雲吉妻權氏白(手掌)

---------------------------------------------------------------

1甲午四月日初八日權拭年□□權恊年

2白等縣接奴起連狀以權氏處奴雪伊買得文記成置時

3訂筆與否推考敎是臥乎在亦權拭以訂人權恊以筆執

4爲等如右之良處納成置時各各隨參着名的只是乎事

5官(押)

6白權

7白權

---------------------------------------------------------------

1萬曆二十二年四月日鎭川官立案

2右立案爲斜給事課狀粘連文記及財主證筆各人等推考(招辭)

3是置有亦本文記成(取)納相考爲乎喩萬曆七年己未二月長

4娚權愊二妹許禋三妹筆執李命世四娚權恊五妹六娚權愉等

5着名同腹和會成置文記季後內長娚權忠佐衛衿奴願山良

6妻幷産二所生奴古音之是如他衿他田民幷付和會是齊向前

7奴雪伊段婢高音之得後所生以本賤籍所付草用不得依他斜

8給爲遣合行立案者.

竹山縣監

入蛹任能
||
(translation)
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(text)
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(translation)
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(text)
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(translation)

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 1 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

The 22nd year of the Wanli reign, the 甲午 year, the 23rd day of the second month, the certificate to the male slave 起連.
This certification pertains to the following reason. I, after the fire and destruction in the year of Imjin, lost all my estates and suddenly had nothing to rely on. Because of the begging for living and hunger to death, I traded inherited from ancestors' share the private female slave 古音之's third-born male slave 雪伊's birth of one slave in the Kapja year for the amount equal to four thousands sheets of paper currency from him for his use forever and ever. If the descendants from the same lineage of mine have any dispute, this written document should be presented to the officials to discern about the validity of this transaction. After this turbulence, I lost not only all my estates but even the seal. At this time I did not have the means to prepare and create one. In this document, I printed my palm instead.
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1) This document is the certificate created for 起連 on February 23, 1594.

2) The reason why I create this certificate is related to my current situation: In the aftermath of the Hideyoshi War, I have completely lost all my land and family properties so I have no place to reply upon.

3) On the verge of continuous starvation, my female slave (born in the year of 甲子, 1564), 雪伊, the third born of a female slave, 高音之, who was inherited to me from my ancestors and kept as a servant,

4) was traded with the goods equivalent to 楮貨 (bank draft?) four thousand.

5) If my siblings and descendants would involve in a legal dispute one another in the future, you should appeal a decision to the court, using this certificate.

6) After the war, I have lost not only my properties but also my seal. I cannot even afford a new seal.

7) Hence, for this certificate, I use my hand print...

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

Document addressed to nobi Kiyon, on the 22nd year of the reign of Emperor Wanli (1563-1620), Kabo, 2nd month, 23rd day

What this document pertains to: I, in the aftermath of the Imjin catastrophe, completely lost my family's land. There is nothing I have to rely upon. Because all [my family] had to beg to make a living and starved, my male nobi Soli - the 3rd child borne of nobi Koumji who was obtained and passed down from my ancestors - will be exchanged for [the equivalent of] 4000 sheets of paper currency. He will be received and kept for eternity. Afterwards, if there are disputes among family members [lit. children of the same mother], the contents of this certificate should be reported to to the bureau for correction [of these issues]. Following the hardship of war, it is not that I have only lost my entire family property, but I have also lost my seal. In such time of urgency, I could not procure another. For this document, I have used my hand print.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----

1. Wanli 22, 31st year [sexagenary], second month, 23rd day <br>
Certificate for the slave Gi-yeon <br>
2. This document is issued after the great fire of the 29th year. We have completely lost our homes and land, [and thus have nothing] to rely on. <br>
3. We beg for aid in living, and are dying from hunger. We have inherited the slave [Xueyi], third son born of the slave girl Goeum <br>
4. 1st year..... goods for a price of four thousand..... transacted according to(?) the amount..... sold off forever <br>
5. My descendants of the same birth(?) [i.e., born of the same parents?] vie among one another, so I issue this document to record my inner feelings, and properly instruct the officials to sort it out correctly <br>
6. After passing through this disaster, having completely lost our homes and land, ..... and lost, cannot seize this moment to prepare <br>
7. Holding this document, can hereafter check/examine (?) <br>
8. [I designate] the master of my property as Chung Ui-wi...... Ms. Gwon <br>

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----

1萬曆二十二年甲午二月卄三日奴起連亦中明文
Certificate to Kilyŏn, a slave. The twenty third day of the second month of Kabo year, 1594.

2右明文爲臥乎事段女矣身亦壬辰焚蕩之後盡敗家莊頓無依託
This document pertains to the following:
In the disastrous aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Imjin year, I lost all family properties and had no one to turn to for help.

3焉乞資生飢死絃如祖上傳來衿得使喚爲如乎婢古音之三所生奴雪伊
Subsisting on alms and deaths by starvation continued, and I have sold Sŏri, born in Kapcha year,

4年甲子生身乙楮貨肆千張價乙依數交易捧上爲遣永永放賣爲去乎後

5次良中矣同生子孫中相爭隅有去乙等此文記內意用良告官辨正爲乎矣

6經亂之後女矣身亦盡敗家莊分不喩圖書至亦閪失爲遣趁時造備不得

7此文記良中手掌爲有昆玆以後考爲乎事亦在

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:08:57Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:06:31Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

2019-07-16T02:05:19Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : (Write your name) */

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信

2019-07-15T00:44:17Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 외번몽고서신1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信
|Korean = 병자년 2월2일 외번몽고서신
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author =
|Year = 1636
|Source = [http://sillok.history.go.kr/mc/main.do The Annals of the Qing Dynasty]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
<gallery mode=packed-hover heights=150px caption="〈丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信〉">
File:外藩蒙古書信(全).jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(全)
File:외번몽고서신3.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(3)
File:외번몽고서신2.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(2)
</gallery>
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:2%;"| No || style="width:49%;"|〈書信〉原本 || style="width:49%;"| [http://sillok.history.go.kr/qImageViewer/?levelId=qsilok_003_0270_0010_0020_0020_0020 『淸太宗實錄』天聰十年二月二日(p.013a)]
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 1 ||

金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知, 貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

||
滿洲國外藩諸貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等與明國交好, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因明之諸臣, 欺詐姦詭, 賄賂公行, 蒙蔽其主, 明國皇帝, 茫然不知, 以致人心解體, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內而縱寇殃民, 外而覆師喪地, 竊窺天意, 明之曆數將終矣.
|-
|
(A1)
||
(B1)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 2 ||

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

||

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆心願慕, 天眷有歸, 革命興邦, 知在此時矣. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之.
|-
|
(A2)
||
(B2)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 3 ||

念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里, 我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

||

因念我蒙古各國, 散亂無統, 近蒙我皇上, 誕布寬仁, 弘敷教化, 照臨在上, 如日方升, 流膏沛澤, 淪浹萬方, 諸國奠寧, 群生康樂.
|-
|
(A3)
||
(B3)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 4 ||

是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目, 惟我汗驅使是聽, 以俟事機之至耳. 如有驅使, 即肝腦塗地, 投湯赴火, 亦莫之知避也.

||

是以感激上恩, 每思捐軀報効, 不憚勤勞, 聽上驅使, 以俟事機之至. 如有驅使, 即舉國從王, 攖鋒冒刃, 亦所不辭也.
|-
|
(A4)
||
(B4)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 5 ||

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號, 故與金國衆貝勒商議, 具本奏聞. 汗云, 果何所見而遽爲此事也, 遂拒而弗允.

||

去年我蒙古各國貝勒, 朝集盛京, 俱以天意眷顧我皇上, 欲恭上尊號, 以答天心, 與在內諸貝勒, 合辭陳請, 上拒而弗允.
|-
|
(A5)
||
(B5)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 6 ||

今四十萬蒙古國太子空俄羅, ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 我等十六國四十九貝勒, 約於昨年臘月內, 與金國衆貝勒合議, 咸謂我汗收各國, 獲玉璽, 天意明徵, 勸進之事, 實不容已. 今年新正, 復具本奏聞. 汗云, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.

||

今四十萬眾蒙古太子孔果爾, ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 十六國四十九貝勒, 約於去年十二月內, 會於盛京, 與滿洲國諸貝勒議, 俱言皇上平服諸國, 兼之玉璽呈祥, 天意佑助, 信而有徵, 皇上宜建尊號, 以順天人之心. 今年新正, 復奉表奏聞. 上諭, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.
|-
|
(A6)
||
(B6)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 7 ||

我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書.

||

我等謹遵上諭, 遣使相聞, 王可即遣親近子弟來此, 共爲陳奏. 我等承天意, 奉尊號, 事已確定. 推戴之誠, 諒王素有同心也.
|-
|
(A7)
||
(B7)
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書

As we think that these words correspond to the great righteousness, we have sent the special envoys to discuss this issue. The King of Joseon should send his brothers and sons to our place, and commonly encourage and promote [Hong Taiji to become emperor]. We follow the will of heaven and elevate the great name [of the emperor]. The state of affairs has already been established. We will only see whether or not the King of Joseon would follow us. Specially written*.

*Specially written is a common phrase used at the end of an official letter at this time.

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知...

Translation:
The Mongol beiles (chiefs) from the outer fences of the State of Jin present this letter to the king of Joseon.

You and I have received graces and gifts from the great state of Ming for over two hundred years. Now we are unhappy to secede from the Ming state; it is only because the officials of the great state of Ming are cheating, cunning, and deceitful. They routinely bribe [one another] and deceive and blind the emperor [of the great Ming]. [But] the emperor [of the great Ming] is completely unaware [of these].

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----
貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

[All these] are ruining and bringing disasters to families and the state. In addition, [the Ming's] generals are cowardly and the soldiers weak. Within [the court], perfidy and treachery are rampant. Without, lands were being lost and soldiers were being slaughtered (1). We humbly steal a glimpse of the will of the Heaven - the mandate of the Ming will soon meet its end.

Notes:
1. An alternative translation is "Farmers were losing lands and soldiers were being demobilized." This refers to the general social crisis that Ming faced in the 17th century, which historians attributed to the advent of the so-called "Little Ice Age" at the time.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強,

Now our Khan of the Jin State is generous, benevolent, profoundly virtuous, [he] <span style="color:red">benefits and saves</span> the people, [he] enjoins the other countries to come, [he] loves and educates the commoners. When he says something and carries out [state] affairs, nothing is inappropriate. When he imposes laws and gives orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. Furthermore, in addition, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong,

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強,

Now our <span style="color:blue">Emperor</span> of the <span style="color:blue">Manchu State</span> is both <span style="color:blue">benevolent and wise</span>, <span style="color:blue">[he] is kind, mighty and, also, aiding [others]</span>, [he] enjoins the other countries to come, [he] loves and educates the multitude. When [he] <span style="color:blue">is determined</span> in carrying out [state] affairs, <span style="color:blue">[he] acts justly</span>. When he imposes laws and gives orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. <span style="color:blue">He consolidates strict fairness</span>. <span style="color:blue">In addition</span>, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong,

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

To whomever he faces he is invincible. All desire to admire him. The August Heaven has already fixed His mind on our khan. Thereby we look up to and receive Heaven's will and delightfully comply with it, nothing more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里.

Think. We all states of the Mongol were originally chaotic with no leadership. But recently we have received the cultivation from our Khan, which has been like the warmness of the Spring Sun. His grace flows and permeates into one thousand ''li'' from here.

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

Our [Mongol] states have now all received fortune, stability and health, and will not again be broken and disorderly as before.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----
是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目

Because of this we are equal to the ''beile'' of every country, and the army and people are equal; we are grateful for the benevolent khan's profound grace, constantly thinking of how we may lay down our lives to repay his kindness, and no part of us does not earnestly await it.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----
惟我汗驅使是聽, 以俟事機之至耳.

["his only wish" or "we think"] Our han's [command or wish] for us is to heed, so as to wait for the final shape that the unfolding of the event would take.

如有驅使, 即肝腦塗地, 投湯赴火, 亦莫之知避也.

Should there be his command, be it to smear our livers and brains on the ground, leap into boiling water and walk on fire, no one [none of us] would know to evade.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號,

Last year, ''beile''s of every provinces from Mongol were gathered in the middle of castle prospered by the heaven(‘盛京’ in revised version). Everybody said that imperial heaven takes care of ''Jin'' Dynasty, and it is already apparent and shine. [Then] We should revere and accept the intention of the heaven, and eventually Khan [would be] respectfully named.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

故與金國衆貝勒商議, 具本奏聞. 汗云, 果何所見而遽爲此事也, 遂拒而弗允.

We Mongols, therefore, discussed this issue with a group of beiles of the Jin state, so we could report it to the emperor.
The khan said, “how can you suddenly pull up these affairs, based on what has been seen before?” Therefore, he refused and did not approve of it.

今四十萬蒙古國太子空俄羅 ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 我等十六國四十九貝勒, 約於昨年臘月內, 與金國衆貝勒合議, 咸謂我汗收各國, 獲玉璽, 天意明徵, 勸進之事, 實不容已. 今年新正, 復具本奏聞. 汗云, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.

As of now, the prince of the Mongols (Ejei hongor) …. we, including the sixteen states and forty-nine beiles, made a treaty in the last leap month. I discussed this issue together with the beiles and they all said that our khan obtained each state and attained the imperial seal. The heavenly will is manifest and the affairs of advancing forward indeed should not stop. In the last month of the year, we reported to the Khan and he said, “Choson king is my younger brother. I should let him know of it.”

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信

2019-07-15T00:08:07Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 외번몽고서신1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信
|Korean = 병자년 2월2일 외번몽고서신
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author =
|Year = 1636
|Source = [http://sillok.history.go.kr/mc/main.do The Annals of the Qing Dynasty]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
<gallery mode=packed-hover heights=150px caption="〈丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信〉">
File:外藩蒙古書信(全).jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(全)
File:외번몽고서신3.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(3)
File:외번몽고서신2.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(2)
</gallery>
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:2%;"| No || style="width:49%;"|〈書信〉原本 || style="width:49%;"| [http://sillok.history.go.kr/qImageViewer/?levelId=qsilok_003_0270_0010_0020_0020_0020 『淸太宗實錄』天聰十年二月二日(p.013a)]
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 1 ||

金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知, 貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

||
滿洲國外藩諸貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等與明國交好, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因明之諸臣, 欺詐姦詭, 賄賂公行, 蒙蔽其主, 明國皇帝, 茫然不知, 以致人心解體, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內而縱寇殃民, 外而覆師喪地, 竊窺天意, 明之曆數將終矣.
|-
|
(A1)
||
(B1)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 2 ||

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

||

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆心願慕, 天眷有歸, 革命興邦, 知在此時矣. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之.
|-
|
(A2)
||
(B2)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 3 ||

念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里, 我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

||

因念我蒙古各國, 散亂無統, 近蒙我皇上, 誕布寬仁, 弘敷教化, 照臨在上, 如日方升, 流膏沛澤, 淪浹萬方, 諸國奠寧, 群生康樂.
|-
|
(A3)
||
(B3)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 4 ||

是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目, 惟我汗驅使是聽, 以俟事機之至耳. 如有驅使, 即肝腦塗地, 投湯赴火, 亦莫之知避也.

||

是以感激上恩, 每思捐軀報効, 不憚勤勞, 聽上驅使, 以俟事機之至. 如有驅使, 即舉國從王, 攖鋒冒刃, 亦所不辭也.
|-
|
(A4)
||
(B4)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 5 ||

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號, 故與金國衆貝勒商議, 具本奏聞. 汗云, 果何所見而遽爲此事也, 遂拒而弗允.

||

去年我蒙古各國貝勒, 朝集盛京, 俱以天意眷顧我皇上, 欲恭上尊號, 以答天心, 與在內諸貝勒, 合辭陳請, 上拒而弗允.
|-
|
(A5)
||
(B5)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 6 ||

今四十萬蒙古國太子空俄羅, ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 我等十六國四十九貝勒, 約於昨年臘月內, 與金國衆貝勒合議, 咸謂我汗收各國, 獲玉璽, 天意明徵, 勸進之事, 實不容已. 今年新正, 復具本奏聞. 汗云, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.

||

今四十萬眾蒙古太子孔果爾, ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 十六國四十九貝勒, 約於去年十二月內, 會於盛京, 與滿洲國諸貝勒議, 俱言皇上平服諸國, 兼之玉璽呈祥, 天意佑助, 信而有徵, 皇上宜建尊號, 以順天人之心. 今年新正, 復奉表奏聞. 上諭, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.
|-
|
(A6)
||
(B6)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 7 ||

我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書.

||

我等謹遵上諭, 遣使相聞, 王可即遣親近子弟來此, 共爲陳奏. 我等承天意, 奉尊號, 事已確定. 推戴之誠, 諒王素有同心也.
|-
|
(A7)
||
(B7)
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書

As we think that these words correspond to the great righteousness, we have sent the special envoys to discuss this issue. The King of Joseon should send his brothers and sons to our place, and commonly encourage and promote [Hong Taiji]. We follow the will of heaven and elevate the great name. The state of affairs has already been established. We will only see whether or not the King of Joseon would follow us. Specially written*.

*Specially written is a common phrase used at the end of an official letter at this time.

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知...

Translation:
The Mongol beiles (chiefs) from the outer fences of the State of Jin present this letter to the king of Joseon.

You and I have received graces and presents from the great state of Ming for over two hundred years. Now we are unhappy to secede from the Ming state, only because the officials of the great state of Ming are cheating, cunning, and deceitful. They routinely bribe [each other] and deceive to blind the emperor [of the great Ming]. [But] the emperor [of the great Ming] is completely unaware [of these].

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----
貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

[All these] are ruining and bringing disasters to families and the state. In addition, [the Ming's] generals are cowardly and the soldiers weak. Within [the court], perfidy and treachery are rampant. Without, lands were being lost and soldiers were being slaughtered. We humbly steal a glimpse of the will of the Heaven - the mandate of the Ming will soon meet its end.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強,

Now our Khan of the Jin State is generous, benevolent, profoundly virtuous, [he] <span style="color:red">benefits and saves</span> the people, [he] enjoins the other countries to come, [he] loves and educates the commoners. As to the words he speaks and the conduct he has, nothing is inappropriate. As to his laws and orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. Furthermore, in addition, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong,

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強,

Now our <span style="color:blue">Emperor</span> of the <span style="color:blue">Manchu State</span> is both <span style="color:blue">benevolent and wise</span>, <span style="color:blue">[he] is kind, mighty and, also, aiding [others]</span>, [he] enjoins the other countries to come, [he] loves and educates the multitude, <span style="color:blue">[he] makes an effort to behave [appropriately]</span>, <span style="color:blue">[he] acts justly</span>. As to his laws and orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. <span style="color:blue">He consolidates strict fairness</span>. <span style="color:blue">In addition</span>, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong,

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

To whomever he faces he is invincible. All desire to admire him. The August Heaven has already fixed His mind on our khan. Thereby we respect Heaven's will and delightfully comply with it, nothing more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里.

Think. We all states of the Mongol were originally chaotic with no leadership. But recently we have received the cultivation from our Khan, which has been like the warmness of the Spring Sun. His grace flows and permeates into one thousand ''li'' from here.

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

Our [Mongol] states have now all received fortune, stability and health, and will not again be broken and disorderly as before.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----
是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目

Because of this we are equal to the ''beile'' of every country, and the army and people are equal; we are grateful for the benevolent khan's profound grace, constantly thinking of how we may lay down our lives to repay his kindness, and no part of us does not earnestly await it.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : Q'''===
----
惟我汗驅使是聽, 以俟事機之至耳.

["his only wish" or "we think"] Our han's [command or wish] for us is to heed, so as to wait for the final shape that the unfolding of the event would take.

如有驅使, 即肝腦塗地, 投湯赴火, 亦莫之知避也.

Should there be his command, be it to smear our livers and brains on the ground, leap into boiling water and walk on fire, no one [none of us] would know to evade.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號,

Last year, ''beile''s of every provinces from Mongol were gathered in the middle of castle prospered by the heaven(‘盛京’ in revised version). Everybody said that imperial heaven takes care of ''Jin'' Dynasty, and it is already apparent and shine. [Then] We should revere and accept the intention of the heaven, and eventually Khan [would be] respectfully named.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

故與金國衆貝勒商議, 具本奏聞. 汗云, 果何所見而遽爲此事也, 遂拒而弗允.
Therefore, we Mongols discussed this issue with a group of beiles from the Jin state, so we could report it to the emperor.
The khan said, “how can you suddenly pull up these affairs, based on what has been seen before?” Therefore, he refused and did not approve of it.

今四十萬蒙古國太子空俄羅 ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 我等十六國四十九貝勒, 約於昨年臘月內, 與金國衆貝勒合議, 咸謂我汗收各國, 獲玉璽, 天意明徵, 勸進之事, 實不容已. 今年新正, 復具本奏聞. 汗云, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.

As of now, the prince of the Mongols (Ejei hongor) …. we, including the sixteen states and forty-nine beiles, made a treaty in the last leap month. I discussed this issue together with the beiles and they all said that our khan collected each state and attained the imperial seal. The heavenly will is manifest and the affairs of advancing forward truly should not stop. In the last month of the year, we reported to the Khan and he said, “Choson king is my younger brother. I should let him know of it.”

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
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*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信

2019-07-12T02:22:49Z

Kingkwow: /* Student 4 : King Kwong Wong */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 외번몽고서신1.jpg
|English =
|Chinese = 丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信
|Korean = 병자년 2월2일 외번몽고서신
|Genre = [[Royal Court Documents]]
|Type = Diplomatic Document
|Author =
|Year = 1636
|Source = [http://sillok.history.go.kr/mc/main.do The Annals of the Qing Dynasty]
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#Participants | Participants of 2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2019
}}
<gallery mode=packed-hover heights=150px caption="〈丙子年二月二日外藩蒙古書信〉">
File:外藩蒙古書信(全).jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(全)
File:외번몽고서신3.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(3)
File:외번몽고서신2.jpg|1636年外藩蒙古書信(2)
</gallery>
[[File:Backward.png|right|40px|link=2019_JSG_Summer_Hanmun_Workshop_(Advanced)#.282019.29Primary_Sources_for_Korean_Studies]]

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:80%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:2%;"| No || style="width:49%;"|〈書信〉原本 || style="width:49%;"| [http://sillok.history.go.kr/qImageViewer/?levelId=qsilok_003_0270_0010_0020_0020_0020 『淸太宗實錄』天聰十年二月二日(p.013a)]
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 1 ||

金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知, 貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

||
滿洲國外藩諸貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等與明國交好, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因明之諸臣, 欺詐姦詭, 賄賂公行, 蒙蔽其主, 明國皇帝, 茫然不知, 以致人心解體, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內而縱寇殃民, 外而覆師喪地, 竊窺天意, 明之曆數將終矣.
|-
|
(A1)
||
(B1)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 2 ||

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

||

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強, 所向無敵, 衆心願慕, 天眷有歸, 革命興邦, 知在此時矣. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之.
|-
|
(A2)
||
(B2)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 3 ||

念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里, 我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

||

因念我蒙古各國, 散亂無統, 近蒙我皇上, 誕布寬仁, 弘敷教化, 照臨在上, 如日方升, 流膏沛澤, 淪浹萬方, 諸國奠寧, 群生康樂.
|-
|
(A3)
||
(B3)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 4 ||

是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目, 惟我汗驅使是聽, 以俟事機之至耳. 如有驅使, 即肝腦塗地, 投湯赴火, 亦莫之知避也.

||

是以感激上恩, 每思捐軀報効, 不憚勤勞, 聽上驅使, 以俟事機之至. 如有驅使, 即舉國從王, 攖鋒冒刃, 亦所不辭也.
|-
|
(A4)
||
(B4)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 5 ||

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號, 故與金國衆貝勒商議, 具本奏聞. 汗云, 果何所見而遽爲此事也, 遂拒而弗允.

||

去年我蒙古各國貝勒, 朝集盛京, 俱以天意眷顧我皇上, 欲恭上尊號, 以答天心, 與在內諸貝勒, 合辭陳請, 上拒而弗允.
|-
|
(A5)
||
(B5)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 6 ||

今四十萬蒙古國太子空俄羅, ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 我等十六國四十九貝勒, 約於昨年臘月內, 與金國衆貝勒合議, 咸謂我汗收各國, 獲玉璽, 天意明徵, 勸進之事, 實不容已. 今年新正, 復具本奏聞. 汗云, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.

||

今四十萬眾蒙古太子孔果爾, ···(나머지 버일러들의 이름 생략)··· 十六國四十九貝勒, 約於去年十二月內, 會於盛京, 與滿洲國諸貝勒議, 俱言皇上平服諸國, 兼之玉璽呈祥, 天意佑助, 信而有徵, 皇上宜建尊號, 以順天人之心. 今年新正, 復奉表奏聞. 上諭, 朝鮮王吾弟也, 亦宜令彼知之.
|-
|
(A6)
||
(B6)
|-
|style="text-align:center;" rowspan="2"| 7 ||

我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書.

||

我等謹遵上諭, 遣使相聞, 王可即遣親近子弟來此, 共爲陳奏. 我等承天意, 奉尊號, 事已確定. 推戴之誠, 諒王素有同心也.
|-
|
(A7)
||
(B7)
|-
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''(sample) : Jaeyoon Song'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
我等念此言甚合大義, 故特遣使相議, 王宜遣親近子弟來此, 共爲勸進可也. 我等承天意, 尊大號, 事已確定. 惟視王之從否何如耳. 特書

As we think that these words correspond to the great righteousness, we have sent the special envoys to discuss this issue. The King of Joseon should send his brothers and sons to our place, and commonly encourage and promote [Hong Taiji]. We follow the will of heaven and elevate the great name. The state of affairs has already been established. We will only see whether or not the King of Joseon would follow us. Specially written*.

*Specially written is a common phrase used at the end of an official letter at this time.

==='''Student 1 : Yishu Ma''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
金國外藩各蒙古貝勒, 奉書朝鮮國王.

我等蒙大明恩賞, 已二百餘年矣. 今非樂爲背離也. 祗因大明官長, 欺詐奸詭, 賄賂公行, 誑蔽君上, 大明皇帝, 茫然弗知...

Translation:
The Mongol beiles (chiefs) from the outer fences of the State of Jin present this letter to the king of Joseon.

You and I have received graces and presents from the great state of Ming for over two hundred years. Now we are unhappy to secede from the Ming state, only because the officials of the great state of Ming are cheating, cunning, and deceitful. They routinely bribe [each other] and deceive to blind the emperor [of the great Ming]. [But] the emperor [of the great Ming] is completely unaware [of these].

==='''Student 2 : Samuel Sai Hay Chan 陳世熙 진세희'''===
----
貽禍家邦, 兼以將懦兵弱, 內之而奸詭昌熾, 外之而喪地折兵, 竊窺天意, 大明之歷數將終矣.

[All these] are ruining and bringing disasters to families and the state. In addition, [the Ming's] generals are cowardly and the soldiers weak. Within [the court], perfidy and treachery are rampant. Without, lands were being lost and soldiers were being slaughtered. We humbly steal a glimpse of the will of the Heaven - the mandate of the Ming will soon meet its end.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 3 : Younès M'Ghari'''===
----

今我金國汗, 寬仁厚德, 博施濟衆, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 語言行事, 無不恰當, 法度號令, 甚是明允, 更兼以將勇兵強,

Now our Khan of the Jin State is generous, benevolent, profoundly virtuous, he saves the people, [he] <span style="color:red">wholeheartedly</span> benefits the people, [he] enjoins the other countries to come, [he] loves and educates the multitude. As to the words he speaks and the conduct he has, nothing is not appropriate. As to his laws and orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. Furthermore, in addition, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong;

今我滿洲國皇帝, 仁智兼全, 恩威竝濟, 招徠異國, 愛育黎庶, 立心行事, 動出公正, 法度號令, 整肅嚴明, 兼之將勇兵強,

Now our <span style="color:blue">Emperor</span> of the <span style="color:blue">Manchu State</span> is <span style="color:blue">benevolent, wise and, additionally,</span> <span style="color:red">complete</span>, <span style="color:blue">[he] is kind, mighty and, also, aiding [others]</span>, [he] enjoins the other countries to come, [he] loves and educates the multitude, <span style="color:blue">[he] makes an effort to behave [appropriately]</span>, <span style="color:blue">[he] acts justly</span>. As to his laws and orders, they are extremely clear and impartial. <span style="color:blue">He consolidates strict fairness</span>. <span style="color:blue">In addition</span>, [his] generals being brave and [his] soldiers being strong;

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 4 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----
所向無敵, 衆皆願慕, 皇天已屬意於我汗. 我等故仰承天意, 而樂就之矣.

To whomever he faces he is invincible. All desire to admire him. The August Heaven has already fixed His choice on our khan. Thereby we respect Heaven's will and delightfully comply with it, nothing more.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 5 : 신동조'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
念我蒙古各國, 原來散亂無統. 近蒙我汗教化, 如春日之暄煦, 恩澤流洽於萬里.

Think. We all states of the Mongol were originally chaotic with no leadership. But recently we have received the cultivation from our Khan, which has been like the warmness of the Spring Sun. His grace flows and permeates into one thousand ''li'' from here.

==='''Student 6 : Stacey Lui'''===
----

我等諸國, 俱蒙福安康, 無復仍前散亂者矣.

Our [Mongol] states have now all received fortune, stability and health, and will not again be broken and disorderly as before.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 7 : Russell Guilbault'''===
----
是以我等各國貝勒, 曁軍民人等, 感激仁汗深恩, 每思捐軀報效, 無不傾耳戴目

Because of this we are equal to the ''beile'' of every country, and the army and people are equal; we are grateful for the benevolent khan's profound grace, constantly thinking of how we may lay down our lives to repay his kindness, and no part of us does not earnestly await it.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 9 : Yeonjae Ra'''===
----

前年蒙古各國貝勒, 朝聚於天興城中, 俱謂皇天眷顧金國, 業已顯赫, 我等宜仰承天意, 進汗尊號,

Last year, ''beile''s of every provinces from Mongol were gathered in the middle of castle prospered by the heaven(‘盛京’ in revised version). Everybody said that imperial heaven takes care of ''Jin'' Dynasty, and it is already apparent and shine. [Then] We should revere and accept the intention of the heaven, and eventually Khan [would be] respectfully named.

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 10 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 11 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

[[Category:2019 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

(Translation) 麗史提綱

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1636年 外藩蒙古書信

(Translation) 崔鳴吉 丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 崔鳴吉 丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1713年 崔壽學 原情 1

(Translation) 1713年 崔壽學 原情 1

(Translation) 1713年 崔壽學 原情 1

(Translation) 崔鳴吉 丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1543年 李彦迪諭書

(Translation) 1543年 李彦迪諭書

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 崔鳴吉 丙子封事第一

(Translation) 崔鳴吉 丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年 高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 崔鳴吉 丙子封事第一

(Translation) 崔鳴吉 丙子封事第一

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年 鎭川 立案

(Translation) 1636年 外藩蒙古書信

(Translation) 1636年 外藩蒙古書信

(Translation) 1636年 外藩蒙古書信

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1713年崔壽學原情 1

(Translation) 1713年崔壽學原情 1

(Translation) 1713年崔壽學原情 1

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1543年李彦迪諭書

(Translation) 1543年李彦迪諭書

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 1079年高麗禮賓省牒

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

(Translation) 崔鳴吉丙子封事第一

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 萬曆22年鎭川立案

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信

(Translation) 1636年外藩蒙古書信