장서각위키 - 사용자 기여 [ko]

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-22T12:59:40Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
'''First Part (by Masha):''' The fourth year of Zhengde (1509), eight month, ? day. To my nephew once removed, Misu, Great Lord of Haep’yŏng. As to what this document pertains is the allowance of inheritance. I was widowed at a young age yet for the general affairs I lived only looking up to you. After I pass away, I should be added to one of the tablets of your ancestral shrine. For this reason, in return I give you a certain amount of property. As to my tomb site, I am devoting all my efforts to select and designate in order to protect for eternal generations. At the last year's distribution when the land and slaves were allocated there were cases that some were accidentally left out.

'''(Part 2)'''

<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
<br />(end of part 2)

'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end.

Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]

Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]

Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Aggressively Brave Commandant; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-22T12:59:15Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
'''First Part (by Masha):''' The fourth year of Zhengde (1509), eight month, ? day. To my nephew once removed, Misu, Great Lord of Haep’yŏng. As to what this document pertains is the allowance of inheritance. I was widowed at a young age yet for the general affairs I lived only looking up to you. After I pass away, I should be added to one of the tablets of your ancestral shrine. For this reason, in return I give you a certain amount of property. As to my tomb site, I am devoting all my efforts to select and designate in order to protect for eternal generations. At the last year's distribution when the land and slaves were allocated there were cases that some were accidentally left out.

'''(Part 2)'''

<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
<br />(end of part 2)

'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end.

Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]

Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]

Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Aggressively Brave Commandant; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu?

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-21T02:06:08Z

Jinsook: /* VI-11. (Translation) 錦南先生漂海錄 translated by Jinsook */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|烈女徐氏抱竹圖 (Chaste Woman Madam Seo Embraces Bamboo) translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

----
[[File:대동학회월보 서.jpg|thumb|150px|left|大東學會月報第一號 대동학회월보 제일호]]

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====
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----
[[File:추사 실사구시설.jpg|thumb|150px|left|實事求是說 실사구시설]]

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====
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[[File:상원제어.JPG|thumb|150px|left|象院題語 상원제어]]

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 象院題語|象院題語 translated by Hu Jing]] ====
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[[File:건릉지첩1.1.JPG|thumb|150px|left|麗史提綱 여사제강]]

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====
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----
==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[錦南先生漂海錄 translated by Jinsook]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017-07-21T02:05:44Z

Jinsook: /* VI-11. Text translated by Student 11 */

=='''지도교수'''==
*[[송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)|송재윤 (宋在倫, Jaeyoon Song)]]

=='''수강생'''==

{{(SHWJA) 위키 교실 Wiki Guide}}

=='''교재'''==

<div style="font-size:18px; font-weight:bold; color:#acd926;">
* 전체 리스트
</div>

=== '''Part I. Royal Documents''' ===

I-1. [[(Translation) 御製問業|“In King Yeongjo’s own writing, when asked of my enterprises” (“御製問業” from 『英祖大王』 [藏書閣, 2011] #15, p.140-141)]]

I-2. [[(Translation) 蕩平碑|蕩平碑 탕평비 (''Tangpyeongbi'') 1742]]

I-3. [[(Translation) 御製均役濬川卽予事業|御製均役濬川卽予事業 어제균역준천즉여사업(''Eoje Gyunyeokjuncheonjeugyeosaeop'') 1773]]

I-4. [[(Translation) 御製壹初|御製壹初 어제일초(''Eoje Ilcho'') 1774]]

I-5. [[(Translation) 御製垂綸吟|御製垂綸吟 어제수윤음(''Eoje Suyuneum'') 1774]]

I-6. [[(Translation) 御製廣蕩|御製廣蕩 어제광탕(''Eoje Gwangtang'') 1774]]

I-7. [[(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音|King Yeongjo’s Prohibition of Wine Drinking (御製戒酒綸音, 英祖 33年(1757))]]

I-8. [[(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音|King Sunjo’s Instruction on the Emancipation of the Public Slaves. ｢純祖實錄｣『朝鮮王朝實錄』2卷, 純祖 1年(1801) 1月 28日乙巳 (淸嘉慶 6年)]]

=== '''Part Ⅱ. Literati writings''' ===

II-1. [[(Translation) 陳時務箚|Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs. “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)]]

II-2. [[(Translation) 哀絶陽|Jeong Yak-yong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836, Dasan): A male lamenting his self-imposed castration 哀絶陽 (1803)]]

II-3. [[(Translation) 茶山與黃裳書簡(夜能不痛否)|Dasan’s letter to his disciple Hwang Sang]]

II-4. [[(Translation) 聖學輯要修己正心章 (部分)|Vita Contemplativa]] vs. [[(Translation) 大學公議在明明德 (部分)|Vita Activa]] (Yulgok vs. Dasan)

II-5. [[(Translation) 茶山贈言帖|Dasan’s advice to a Buddhist Monk (Jahong 慈弘) 茶山의 贈言帖]]

II-6. [[(Translation) 文憲書院學規|The Regulations of the Munheon Academy “文憲書院學規”(『栗谷全書』) by Yi I 李珥, (1537-1584)]]

=== '''Part III. Old Documents (文書)''' ===

III-1. [[(Translation) 1494年李璦男妹和會文記|A Document of property division among the nine siblings including Yi Ae (1494) (李璦男妹和會文記, 1494)]]

III-2. [[(Translation) 1801年龍山書院首奴禹發自賣明文|A Document of Selling one’s person (自賣明文- 慶州崔氏貞武公宗宅)]]

III-3. [[(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文|A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master (盈德務安朴氏武毅公朴毅長(1555-1615) 宗宅)]]

III-4. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間奴婢賣買明文|A Document of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-5. [[(Translation) 1614年招辭|A Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-6. [[(Translation) 1614年得祿招辭|Kim Deukrok's Statement of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-7. [[(Translation) 1614年寺奴斗(伊+叱)間立案|A Certificate of trading a slave with a horse (1614) (海南尹氏綠雨堂宗宅)]]

III-8. [[(Translation) 1758年賣妾文券 |A Document of Selling a Concubine (1758) (賣妾文券)]]

III-9. [[(Translation) 1583年李浚許通牒|A Document endorsing an son of a concubine (禮曹給帖)]]

III-10. [[(Translation) 1910年朴海溟賣夢明文|A Document of Selling a Dream (賣夢明文)]]

III-11. [[(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記|1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記]]

III-12. [[(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記|Record of Kim Myŏngyŏl's Property Distribution 1669年金命說分財記]]

III-13. [[(Translation) 1688年金璠分財記|Record of Kim Pŏn's Property Distribution 1688年金璠分財記]]

III-14. [[(Translation) 1493年鄭眉壽明文|Document of Chŏng Misu 1493年鄭眉壽明文 ]]

III-15. [[(Translation) 1509年鄭眉壽遺書|Chŏng Misu's Will 1509年鄭眉壽遺書 ]]

=== '''Part IV. Folk tales and Anecdotes ''' ===

IV-1. [[(Translation) 朴突夢傳|A tale of Pak Tolmong's life story]]

IV-2. [[(Translation) 薄命妾原情所志|A petition to the magistrate by a mistreated lady]]

=== '''Part V. Korean Buddhist Texts Excerpts ''' ===

V-1. [[(Translation) 蛇福不言|Sabok without Words]]

V-2. [[(Translation) 洛山二大聖|Two Buddhist Saints in Naksan]]

V-3. [[(Translation) 元曉傳|A Biography of Wŏnhyo]]

=== '''Part VI. Text translated by Students Project ''' ===

==== VI-0. [[(Translation) 健陵誌帖 |Sample : 健陵誌帖 translated by Jaeyoon Song]] ====

==== VI-1. [[(Translation) Text1|Text translated by Irina]] ====

==== VI-2. [[(Translation) Text2|烈女徐氏抱竹圖 (Chaste Woman Madam Seo Embraces Bamboo) translated by Kim Young]] ====

==== VI-3. [[(Translation) Text3|東史綱目序 translated by Masha]] ====

----
[[File:대동학회월보 서.jpg|thumb|150px|left|大東學會月報第一號 대동학회월보 제일호]]

==== VI-4. [[(Translation) Text4|大東學會月報一號呂圭亨 by Jong Woo Park]] ====
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----
[[File:추사 실사구시설.jpg|thumb|150px|left|實事求是說 실사구시설]]

==== VI-5. [[Silsa Kusisŏl (Treatise on Seeking Truth from Facts, 實事求是說) by Kanghun Ahn]] ====
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[[File:상원제어.JPG|thumb|150px|left|象院題語 상원제어]]

==== VI-6. [[(Translation) 象院題語|象院題語 translated by Hu Jing]] ====
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[[File:건릉지첩1.1.JPG|thumb|150px|left|麗史提綱 여사제강]]

==== VI-7. [[(Translation) Text7|麗史提綱 translated by King Kwong Wong]] ====
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----
==== VI-8. [[(Translation) 燕行錄節選 |燕行錄節選 translated by Zhijun Ren]] ====

==== VI-9. [[(Translation) Text9|竹溪誌院規 translated by Martin Gehlmann]] ====

==== VI-10. [[(Translation) 無衣子詩集 "茶泉"|無衣子詩集 "茶泉" translated by Youngsuk Park]] ====

==== VI-11. [[(Translation) 錦南先生漂海錄 translated by Jinsook]] ====

==== VI-12. [[(Translation) Text12|Text translated by Student 12]] ====

==== VI-13. [[(Translation) Text13|Text translated by Student 13]] ====

==== VI-14. [[(Translation) Text14|Text translated by Student 14]] ====

{{(SHWJA) 참고자료 References}}

[[Category:2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop]]
[[Category:Advanced Translation Group]]

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-20T08:05:01Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
'''First Part (by Masha):''' The fourth year of Zhengde (1509), eight month, ? day. To my nephew once removed, Misu, Great Lord of Haep’yŏng. As to what this document pertains is the allowance of inheritance. I was widowed at a young age yet for the general affairs I lived only looking up to you. After I pass away, I should be added to one of the tablets of your ancestral shrine. For this reason, in return I give you a certain amount of property. As to my tomb site, I am devoting all my efforts to select and designate in order to protect for eternal generations. At the last year's distribution when the land and slaves were allocated there were cases that some were accidentally left out.

'''(Part 2)'''

<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
<br />(end of part 2)

'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end.

Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]

Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]

Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Lieutenant of Assault Troops; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu. Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a playboy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-20T08:04:08Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
'''First Part (by Masha):''' The fourth year of Zhengde (1509), eight month, ? day. To my nephew once removed, Misu, Great Lord of Haep’yŏng. As to what this document pertains is the allowance of inheritance. I was widowed at a young age yet for the general affairs I lived only looking up to you. After I pass away, I should be added to one of the tablets of your ancestral shrine. For this reason, in return I give you a certain amount of property. As to my tomb site, I am devoting all my efforts to select and designate in order to protect for eternal generations. At the last year's distribution when the land and slaves were allocated there were cases that some were accidentally left out.

'''(Part 2)'''

<br />Inheritance came from the maternal side:
<br />From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;
<br />Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;
<br />[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.
<br />Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;
<br />Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.
<br />Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;
<br />Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;
<br />Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;
<br />Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.
<br />Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;
<br />Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.
<br />From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;
<br />The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].
<br />The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;
<br />Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.
<br />From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.
<br />The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.
<br />Inheritance came from the paternal side:
<br />From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.
<br />Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:
<br />From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.
<br />From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
<br />(end of part 2)

'''(Ending Part: Martin)'''
The names on this roster are to be inherited permanently. All later offspring and all descendants are to be passed on and employed in perpetuity. In case [a difference arises], with the contents of this document report to the authorities for justice. The end.

Owner, former wife of Prince Yŏngŭng Mrs. Chŏng [Stamp of the Haeju Chŏng Clan]

Witness, Son of the Cousin [of the owner], Border General; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East; left flank, Chŏng, [signed with personal symbol]

Scribe, Uncle [of the owner] Lieutenant of Assault Troops; Vanguard (Front Echelon) Division of the East junior fifth rank military officer of the Five Military Commands, Ki [signed with personal symbol]

|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a playboy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-19T11:44:25Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
(translation)
(Part 2)
Inheritance came from the maternal side:

From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;

Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;

[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.

Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;

Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.

Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;

Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;

Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;

Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.

Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;

Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.

From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;

The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].

The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;

Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.

From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.

From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.

The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.

Inheritance came from the paternal side:

From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.

Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:

From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.

From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
(end of part 2)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, Judging from the previous two documents written by Chŏng Misu, he was a play boy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-19T11:42:28Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
(translation)
(Part 2)
Inheritance came from the maternal side:

From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;

Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;

[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.

Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;

Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.

Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;

Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;

Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;

Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.

Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;

Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.

From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;

The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].

The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;

Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.

From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.

From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.

The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.

Inheritance came from the paternal side:

From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.

Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:

From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.

From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
(end of part 2)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
On what basis could Lady Chŏng have decided to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, As indicated in the previous two documents written by Chong Misu, he was a play boy and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

2017-07-19T11:38:48Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Write your name) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = .JPG
|English =
|Chinese =
|Korean =
|Genre = Old Documents (文書)
|Type =
|Author =
|Year =
|Key Concepts=
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
正德四年八月□日三寸姪海平府院君眉壽亦中許與事段矣身亦早年寡居凡事乙專仰居生爲▣(有)

餘良矣身後良中置汝矣祠堂良中班附爲乎事是旀節矣葬地乙良置擇定永世守護爲乎爲盡情

爲臥乎等用良去甲寅年分田民許給時漏落爲有如乎母邊傳來羅州接奴檢大良妻幷産壹所生婢

難非年伍拾肆貳所生婢於呼年伍拾貳 ▣(參)所生婢甘西非年肆拾玖婢難非壹所生婢加叱非年貳拾參

參所生奴其古伊年拾玖婢於呼壹所生婢▣(龍)德年貳拾貳貳所生婢虫介年拾玖參所生婢奉伊年拾柒

肆所生婢奉代年拾伍婢今音西非壹所生婢▣(甘)召史年拾陸貳所生奴欣同年拾伍康津接婢福德壹所生▣(奴)

朴松年陸拾玖同福德得後陸所生婢於叱德年□□ 同於叱德壹所生婢四月年拾柒貳所生奴金伊年十

靈光接婢內隱伊柒所生奴金龍年陸拾壹咸平接奴巳金良妻幷産壹所生婢萬德年肆拾肆同萬德▣(壹)

所生婢每邑之年拾伍父邊傳來眞寶接婢介叱知參所生奴莫同年陸拾參養父安完慶處傳得昌寧接婢今音

德所生奴巨賮年柒拾捌咸平接婢迎德所生奴哲同年伍拾壹等乙花名永永許給爲去乎後所生幷以子孫

傳持鎭長使用爲乎矣萬一別爲所▣▣(有去)等此文字內乙用良告官辨正印

　　　　　　　　　　　財主永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏 [海州鄭氏印]

　　　　　　　　　　　證五寸姪定略將軍前行龍驤衛左部將鄭 [着名署]

　　　　　　　　　　筆執三▣▣(寸姪) 進勇校尉前行龍驤衛副司果奇 [着名署]
||
(translation)
(Part 2)
Inheritance came from the maternal side:

From the residence of Naju<ref>in nowadays southwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Kŏmdae’s first born female slave Nanbi, aged 54;

Second born female slave Ǒho, aged 52;

[Third] born female slave Kamsŏbi, aged 49.

Female slave Nanbi’s first born female slave Kajilbi, aged 23;

Third born male slave Kigoi, aged 19.

Female slave Ǒho’s first female slave [Ryong]tŏk, aged 22;

Second born female slave Hwegae, aged 19;

Third born female slave Pongi, aged 17;

Fourth born female slave Pongdae, aged 15.

Female slave Kŭmŭmsŏbi’s first born female slave [Kam]sosa, aged 16;

Second born male slave Hŭndong, aged 15.

From the residence of Kangjin<ref>in nowadays southern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Poktŏk’s first born [male slave] Paksong, aged 69;

The same Poktŏk conceived her sixth born female slave Ǒjildŏk, aged [?].

The same Ǒjildŏk’s first born female slave Sawŏl, aged 17;

Second born male slave Kŭmi, aged 10.

From the residence of Ryŏnggwang<ref>in nowadays northwestern part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Naeŭni’s seventh born male slave Kŭmnyong, aged 61.

From the residence of Hamp'yŏng<ref>in nowadays western part of South Chŏlla Province, South Korea </ref>, with his commoner wife, male slave Sagŭm’s first born female slave Mandŏk, aged 44.

The same Mandŏk’s [first] born female slave Maeŭpchi, aged 15.

Inheritance came from the paternal side:

From the residence of Chinbo<ref>in nowadays eastern part of North Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kaejilji’s third born male slave Maktong, aged 63.

Inheritance obtained from adoptive father An Wan-gyŏng:

From the residence of Ch'angnyŏng<ref>in nowadays northern part of South Kyŏngsang Province, South Korea</ref>, female slave Kŭmŭmdŏk’s child male slave Kŏsin, aged 78.

From the residence of Hamp'yŏng, female slave Yŏngdŏk’s child Ch'ŏldong, aged 51.
(end of part 2)
|}

=='''Discussion Questions'''==
#
#

=='''Further Readings'''==

*
*

=='''References'''==
<references/>

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Make a comparison between the names of the members of the elite class and the names of the slaves. Which are the most commonly used characters in 1) the names of the rulers, 2) the names of the scholars, 3) the names of the Buddhist monks, and 4) the names of the slaves.

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Why did Mrs. Jeong entrust Jeong Misu with the duty of performing sacrificial rites for her after her death? What was the legal relation between Mrs. Jeong and Jeong Misu's mother, Princess Gyeonghye, and what was the character of their relationship? What can we tell from this relationship about the lives of women in the Joseon dynasty, how they cooperated with each other to live in a society unfavorable to women?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
As a woman of high status, she still had to rely on another male figure by inheriting her property to him to be part of a shrine tablet. Could the property be inherited to a female with the same result? What were the instruments of power for male and female nobility in early Choson? Was there a difference? Is the distribution of property the only way to improve one's status and be included in the ancestral rites?

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
These slaves lived in the southern part of Korea while their owners made a residence in Seoul. How did slave owners control and manage their slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

When a nobi give birth to a child, sometimes the child belongs to the maternal side but sometimes belongs to the paternal side. How did the masters judge the ownership of a new born slave? What if a male slave from a yangban family married a female slave from another yangban family? which side would be the owner of their children?

==='''Student 7 : King Kwong Wong'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# Madame Chŏng received inheritance from both her father and mother sides as well as from her adoptive father, what does this tell us about a daughter's position in Korean family?

==='''Student 8 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Is it common for women to own considerable property in Chosŏn?

What does this document tell us about the gender equality in terms of ownership of property in Chosŏn period?

How did a divorced woman try to situate herself in the family lineage in Chosŏn?

==='''Student 9 : martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. Most of the inherited slaves are female, what were their tasks in the household and what would be their future tasks?

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. Lady Chŏng's title 棄別夫人 literally means the lady abandoned and departed [by her husband]. This meaning does not exactly coincide with the commonly-translated term 'the divorced woman.' What does the title 棄別夫人 imply for a high-class lady? Could it be rather a honorable term for a highly educated and ethical woman who was abandoned by her husband who fell into a woman of the lower standard?

2. Lady Chŏng with other relative women resided at Chŏng'ŏbŏn (淨業院, Purification Hall), a Buddhist institution for aristocratic women during Chosŏn dynasty. Would she have prayed for her former husband's sin as well as her own under her status as 棄別夫人?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
On what basis did Lady Jung likely to decide to inherit a portion of her property to Jung Misu, As indicated in the previous two documents written by Chong Misu, he was a prodigal and then highly like to spend all the money on wine and women? Was she unaware of his debauchery or did she no one else to trust with the sacrificial rites for her?

==='''Student 12 : (Lidan Liu)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. It seems Lady Zheng inherited more "slaves" from her mother's side than her father's side. Does it imply that females had more properties than males at that time? Was this a common case? Moreover, the slaves inherited from her mother's side were listed first in the document. Did females have comparatively higher economical social status when it comes to properties at the time?

2. About "妻幷産": under what circumstances were second generation slaves assigned to the female salve (mother) side and when were they given to the male slave's (the father) side?

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (jAEYOON SONG)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions: Why did Mrs. Jeong chose her nephew Misu as inhertee of her properties?

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">
* View together with '''[http://jsg.aks.ac.kr/download/%EC%9E%A5%EC%84%9C%EA%B0%81%EC%9D%98%EC%86%8C%EB%A6%AC17%ED%9A%8C_%EC%95%88%EC%8A%B9%EC%A4%80.pdf] 안승준 박사해설'''

</div>

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

2017-07-14T08:31:41Z

Jinsook: /* Student 11 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 1522년박영기토지매매명문.JPG
|English = A Document of a Slave Selling land to his master
|Chinese = 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文
|Korean = [http://archive.aks.ac.kr/imageViewer/ImageViewer.aspx?datauci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX&refuci=G002+AKS+KSM-XE.1522.0000-20101008.B057a_082_00214_XXX-IMG.jpg 1522년 박영기(朴榮基) 토지매매명문(土地賣買明文)]
|Genre = Social Life and Economic Strategies
|Type = Record
|Author = 私奴朴今
|Year = 1522
|Key Concepts= Trading
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
|
嘉靖元年參月拾陸日朴榮基上典前明文

右明文爲臥乎事叱段奴矣身亦貧寒所致以還上

積納不得奴矣母邊傳來未今員路上路下兩畓

荒租參斗落只庫乙折木綿柒疋半捧上爲

遣永永放賣爲白去乎鎭長耕作敎矣後次奴

矣同生族類等亦爭望隅有去等此明文內

用良告官辨正爲乎事是亦在

畓主私奴朴今孫

證保依父司直韓玉同

證保班中奴金同

筆執私奴尹

||
(translation)
|}

=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : (Irina)'''===

In Korean texts Chinese characters are used for units of measurement, but often Korean units are different from Chinese. Is there a reliable source for checking Korean units of quantity, length, and so on?

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 2 : (Kim Young)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

1. This document proves that a slave could own and sell his own property. It seems contradictory at a glance that a slave was a property of the master but at the same time he could own his private property. Does this mean that the master had limited legal rights over his slaves? What does this document tell us about the rights of slaves as economic agents?

2. When they took this contract to the local office for notarization, did the office make a copy of it? Also, did each party make and get a copy of the same contract?

==='''Student 3 : (Masha)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:<br />
- What could be the potential benefits for a private slave to sell land aside from the one he mentioned in the document? What could be his other motivations? What were the benefits to keep the land? Could private slaves purchase land?<br />
- Is it possible that, because of his status, a private slave had no choice but to sell the land to the one of a higher status upon the latter's request?<br />

==='''Student 4 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Pak Kŭmson had to sell out his land because he could not pay back the grain loan (hwan'gok). Would it be common at that time that commoners or slaves were forced to sell out their means of production to repay their debt while rich ''yangban'' families accumulated wealth by taking advantage of this situation? Or would there be any cases that poor ''yangban'' had to sell out their properties to repay their debt to rich commoners or slaves?

==='''Student 5 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
----
1) In the second line, Doctor Jung read the term 환상 as 환자. How did it come about? And how can I figure out such "variants" of pronunciation in the Idu system?

2) The person who wrote down this contract was another private slave. And two witnesses of this deal are also slaves. Then, how can we re-appraise the social status of slaves in Choson Korea?

3)In this passage, a private slave is selling his land to his master. Was it a common case in early Choson? Then, were slaves allowed to keep their private property? If so, to what extent?

==='''Student 6 : (Hu Jing)'''===
----
*Discussion Questions:

In my impression, the "slaves" should have been in a low status both socially and economically. But how Park Geumson, a private "slave", could own a land? How was the economical statue of the Joseon "slaves"? Were the public "slaves" also allowed to own their land?

==='''Student 7 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
# As far as I know, the land belong to the master while the private slave acted as a tenant of the land. This transaction suggests that 1) the land was actually owned by the slave or 2) the slave sold the right to farm in the land to a third party. Which was the case?
# If it is the former then slave had the economic power to purchase and own land. Was there any law to regulate land-ownership of slave or land-ownership in general?

==='''Student 8 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
Given that in the conventional sense of slavery, the slave himself is a piece of property owned by the master, if a Korean slave could own property and freely transact what he owns, what does this tell us about the nature of Choson slavery from the perspective of property ownership?

==='''Student 9 : Martin'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. There are at least two slaves involved in the draft of the document. Are there hints concerning the relation between the selling slave and the buying yangban? (master and slave, distant family members, cases of tax fraud?)

==='''Student 10 : (YoungSuk)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

This document is one example of numerous cases which shows the economic conditions and activities, and general conditions of "nobi" class in Chosŏn period. Nobi Pak is erudite, capable of legal transactions, owning a piece of land, having inheritance, family and relatives, and absolutely a free individual managing his own life and future going with the flow of the time. Who is he as self-claimed "nobi"? What is nobi? This person possesses not only abovementioned entities but also obviously clear mental condition to live as a dignified human being, although he might not belong to higher classes to be more arrogant. He might be an individual who didn't need a sort of arrogance or luxuary. How this term 'nobi' should be defined? It looks as though there is no way to match this term in the western concept or language. Nobi is nonetheless defined as "slave" and further the Korean societies of former dynasties as "slave society." This definition of nobi is yet shortsighted, especially also considering all the piles of law suit documents. Should this term to be left as 'nobi' itself as a pronoun at least for now, instead of being forced into the most awkward English term, smothering all the characteristics and historical backdrop of Korean society?

==='''Student 11 : (Jinsook)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
1. This was written by a slave on behalf of the two parties. It goes against all common sense that slaves write a document which has potential to be legally binding. What does it imply in terms of their status in commercial activities?

2. Assuming English-speaking readership, can we reorganize and translate this document in a [https://www.lawdepot.com/contracts/sales-agreement-form/#.WWgxIYjyg2x typical English sale contract format] that comprises of title, nonoperative part, operative part, and signature, etc.

==='''Student 12 : (dohee joeng)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:
how did slaves learn Chinese character

==='''Student 13 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==

2017-07-10T21:24:19Z

Jinsook: /* Student 3 : (Jinsook) */

{{Primary Source Document3
|Image = 진시무차1.JPG
|English = Ryu Seong-ryong’s Memorial on Current Affairs
|Chinese = “陳時務箚” 壬辰十一月。在定州。(『西厓集』 › 西厓先生文集卷之五)
|Korean = 진시무차(''Jin simucha'')
|Genre = [[Literati writings]]
|Type =
|Author = [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ryu_Seong-ryong 西厓柳成龍]
|Year = 1594
|Key Concepts= Imjin War, Japan-Korea Relations
|Translator = [[2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)#수강생 | Participants of 2017 Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced Translation Group)]]
|Editor =
|Translation Year = 2017

}}

<gallery>
파일:진시무차2.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(2)
파일:진시무차3.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(3)
파일:진시무차4.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(4)
파일:진시무차5.JPG|* 陳時務箚 진시무차(''Jin simucha'') 1594(5)
</gallery>

=='''Introduction'''==

=='''Original Script'''==

{|class="wikitable" style="width:100%; font-size:110%; color:#002080; background-color:#ffffff;"
!style="width:40%;"|Classical Chinese || style="width:60%;"| English
|-
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1. [豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

2. 今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

3. 臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

4. 且臣又有所達。國事危急至此。所賴而有萬一之望者。人心也。人心若解。則益無可爲。

5. 凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。有司卽日施行。以應古人賞不踰時之義。又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。官不得推。人不得奪。愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。

6. 竊聞方伯之臣。或有捕賊所得者。如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。若不滿元報之數。則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。故傳相戒勑。不復捕賊云。臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。

9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

12.而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

13. 騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期。

2-1. 昔唐時起義之人如巡，遠之類。固將聽其節制於李，郭無疑。豈義兵自爲義兵。官軍自爲官軍乎。今時患無李，郭耳。然其渙散難合之勢。不可以不爲之區處也。自生變以來。無一死難之臣。皆以奔竄爲得計。甚者聚道內精兵。

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞"其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

2-3. 若慶尙左道潰。則右道不可保。右道潰則湖南不可保。湖南潰則忠淸道次第受兵。而八方無一寸乾淨地矣。今年全羅道頗稔。願令湖南之粟。次次輸賑於嶺南右道。且與左道相資。又別設募粟之官。急急區處。以救塡壑之急。然後南方庶可保矣。

2-4. 四方邊報應酬之事。一刻急於一刻。昔秦時。報事之人留司馬門三日。而識者知秦之亡。臣願今日邊報。亦劃卽施行。不出一二日。日不足則繼之以夜可也。且賊剽悍輕生。善於突鬪。鐵丸槍劍。皆爲利器。我軍不能當。而四方主兵之人。

2-5. 不能因勢利導。每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。約日徐趨。而瞭望不審。斥候不遠。賊之間諜甚多。耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。故我軍每戰每敗。
臣之愚意。當精抄銳軍。混其服色。自相誌別。散布遠近。潛相約束。或晝或夜。出沒無定。隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。又不定處所。

2-6. 使賊莫測多少。如京城四面數十里之內。無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

2-8. 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

2-11.且臣聞宋言愼自入南道。民聞巡察使之至。遠近俱集。其數甚多。不久以罪遞免。道內民心。無所係屬。相與號呼涕泣。至於旬日然後乃散云。言愼處事能否。臣不能知。但北路之民。久淪賊中。一聞朝廷之官在境。其勢將合。而遽卽遞罷。又無代之者。雖有防禦等官。名位不重。不足以鎭壓民心。臣竊歎焉。

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

2-13. 臣以無狀。曾忝大臣。使國事至此。萬死無惜。今之所陳瞽說。俱不合宜。朝廷必已施行。而臣未及聞知。但觀時事。一日危於一日。摧心切骨。日夜流涕。零碎者不及盡。陳謹撮其大槩。仰備採擇。區區之忱。伏希少加憐察。取進止(則如咸興。一本作如咸興則。)

||
(translation)
|-
|}



=='''Translation'''==

==='''Student 1 : Martin'''===
----
[豊原府院君臣, 伏以]今日事勢。已到十分危迫。無復着手處。惟日望唐兵。而遷延不來。已迫歲暮。夫我國爲中國致忠。亦已至矣。今此受禍。亦惟中國之故。而中國不急相救。以階天下之亂。使中國有人。謀事必不如此矣。

[The Great Lord of P'ungwŏn, your minister humbly considers] Todays state of affairs has already reached extreme danger and urgency. There is nothing we can do anymore. Daily we look towards the Ming Army,#1 but they retreat and do not come. The end of the year is already pressing closer. Our country has shown allegiance towards China#2 to the farthest degree. If today we are befallen by disaster; this is also due to China.#3 However China does not rush towards our rescue, letting the world come to chaos. If there are [talented] people in China dealing with the affairs it would surely not be like this.

1. lit. Tang-Soldiers, ...

2. lit. China...

3.

*Discussion Questions:
1. As a civil official Ryu Sŏng-ryong is providing detailed knowledge of military and organizational matters, from where does his insight originate?

==='''Student 2 : YoungSuk'''===
----
今自順安至龍川。竭公私之儲積。聚糧料幾數萬餘石。惟恐一朝倭兵猝下而更爲餌賊。况我軍之坐食者。日費甚廣。男負女戴。連絡道路。而一道事力。無復有毫髮之餘。若此之勢。其可遷延乎。

Now from Sunan to Yongch'ŏn the accumulated grains of both the official and private collections amount to several tens of thousand sŏk. I am afraid that one morning suddenly the Japanese soldiers will come down and our food collection will end up in their stomach. Not to mention our own troops just sitting and eating, daily consumption of food will be enormous. Men carrying things on their backs and women on their heads, the roads are filled with lines of people carrying all the resources to be utilized for the military provision to the point that there is not even a single thread left in the province. In this situation how could it [the Chinese aid] be delayed any further?

2-2. 自衛其身。纔聞賊報。遠遠逃避。[勁兵猛士, 召集牙下, 閒坐無事之地, 扼腕歎息]. 此亦急急戒勅, 而賞罰加焉。然後人心庶可肅厲也。慶尙道爲賊兵淵藪。聞 "其處人心。頗奮厲討賊。而只年穀大無。軍糧民食。蕩然無餘。"

Such person cares for none but himself and runs far away as soon as he hears the news of enemy approaching. [Those strong soldiers and courageous scholars convened under the general command are sitting around with nothing on earth to do but to grasp their own arms and moan] This is another vice to be urgently dealt with. Not until the awards and punishments are regulated, people's mind will not possibly move to become serious and encouraged. The region of Kyŏngsang Province is swarming with enemies. I have heard that "the people of the region have quite remarkable morale with which to subjugate enemies. Deplorably however, due to the bad harvest of the year the storage for military provision and for people is so empty as hardly any grain is left."

*Discussion Questions:
1. It sounds the Chosŏn people that time are so extremely demoralized. What are the causes which led their attitude to be such a way? Or is this the author's personal expression of despair?

2. The author mentions that there is not a single soul who would die to save the country from such the dire situation. However, historical records contain a number of patriots including Confucian scholars and Buddhist monks who were willing to sacrifice their lives to save the country. So, what does the author's statement regarding this issue mean to be more precise?

==='''Student 3 : (Jinsook)'''===
----
臣故願以此等事情。明白說與唐將。得其決語。而指揮羣帥。以一軍情。使無遷延等待之意。爲死中求生之計可也。

Therefore, I wish I could explain this situation clearly to the Ming General and obtain his decisive remark so that he could direct the multiple of his high-ranking military generals to centralize the control of military; to remove any intention of delay/retreat; and to carry out a strategy to save lives from the threat of death.

*Discussion Questions:
What roles did Neo-Confucian scholars play in mobilizing the righteous army in Imjin war?

==='''Student 4 : (Soyun Lee)'''===
----
Also, your minister has this to say: The state of affairs is so risky and urgent as this. What can be relied on, if any, is that we can hope for the minds of people. If people's minds are divided, then there is nothing to be done further.

*Discussion Questions:
What effect did he expect his memorials to have in practical terms? As a prime minister, what capacity did he have to handle the state affairs in the war time?
How were the conditions of the war when he wrote this memorials?
What did the Ming troops do in response to the Japanese campaign to the Korean peninsula in 1572?
How do you think his suggestion of measures? Do you think it is a great strategy?

==='''Student 5 : (Dohee jeoung)'''===
----
1-5
凡軍功爵賞及免賤免役等事。皆爲畫一之規。
Any these things, a meritorious service in war, to give government post for prize, to be exempt from base status, to be exempted from military service, all makes standardized rule.

有司卽日施行。
It should be started immediately.

以應古人1)賞不踰時之義。
It should respond that the ancients said “when give the prize, do not exceed the time.”

又軍民之捕賊所獲者。勿論多少。
And what the troops and the people won by catching the enemy, don’t talk about more or less.

雖金玉錦繡牛馬。卽與捕賊之人。
no matter which gold, jade, silk, cow, horse give to the person who won by catching the enemy.

官不得推。人不得奪。
don't should push away his job and rob by another person.

愚民知一身之利在於殺賊。爭起射賊。
If so ignorant people will know benefit oneself, they strive be to kill the enemy first and shooting to the enemy

則賊勢庶幾少衰矣。
Then the strength of the enemy will become to decrease and to decline

2-5
四方主兵之人不能因勢利導。
The man who control the troops everywhere is unable to guide or channel action according to circumstances.

每聚烏合之卒。以多爲貴。
they all the time assemble disorderly mob, in order to important a large troops

約日徐趨。
On the appointed day, they go to there very slowly.

而瞭望不審。
And they not search the enemy in watchtower.

斥候不遠。
the enemy scout is not far from.

賊之間諜甚多。
the number of the enemy spy is very much.

耳目四布。我之動靜。彼皆先知。
because the enemy ears and eyes are everywhere. They all know our movements first.

故我軍每戰每敗。
Therefore, whenever our fight the enemy, we always lose

臣之愚意。
In my humble opinion,

當精抄銳軍。
we should hire seasoned troops.

混其服色。自相誌別。
as their clothes mix color so they know each other only

散布遠近。潛相約束。
let spread them from far to near, secretly control each other.

或晝或夜。出沒無定。
At the daytime or at the night, don’t set an appearing and a disappearing,

隨其所遇而輒爲攻勦。
if they meet the enemy, immediately they must attack the enemy.

又不定處所。
And do not set the their dwelling place.

1) 漢書(Han Shu) - 翟方進傳[Biography of Jeok Bang-Jin who prime minister of han dynasty(B.C.202~A,D.8)]
*Discussion Questions:

==='''Student 6 : (Irina)'''===
----

1.
竊聞方伯之臣。

I have heard that local magistrates

或有捕賊所得者。

sometimes catch bandits.

如常時賊贓之例。必令上使。

And every time when it happens, taken goods are sent to the capital.

若不滿元報之數。

And If the booty is not big enough

則囚次知督徵。民或以己物代之。

they know that after catch the bandit, people will have to pay the rest.

故傳相戒勑。
???

不復捕賊云。

And they no longer will catch bandits.

臣願速爲下諭諸邑如向所陳。定爲恒式可也。

Your humble minister would like to ask you as quickly as possible to descent an official decree and spread it across the country.

2.
使賊莫測多少。

Let bandits fall into ignorance how many [fighters we have].

如京城四面數十里之內。

[Let them thing] that [our soldiers] are surrounding the capital in tens of lee

無不如此。至於城內。亦設計焚刦。

So if they come to the capital with plan to burn and loot

使賊騷然。晝夜不得休息。

let’s disturb them, day and night not allow them to rest.

則不過十餘日而賊氣大挫矣。計不出此。

In less than ten days the [fighting] spirit of the bandits will be subdued and they will decide to don’t fight.

如江華義兵官軍。入處海中。

Volunteer units and the army of Ganghwa province will enter the field afloat.

虛費糧餉。而已成老師。以至歲暮。曾不得出一步與之廝殺。

Your humble minister things that in this way the wasting of provisions will stop and in the end of the year we will avoid to come out in a fierce battle.

Question on Ryu Seong-ryong (not related to the text)

Ryu Seong-ryong was the founder of the Ryu lineage of Hahoe village, Andong. Once the village was a center of Confucian culture and elite, and nowadays it became a symbol of the folk culture. Try to explain this transformation considering Korean policy of popularizing Korean "traditional" culture.

==='''Student 7 : (Kim Young)'''===
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7. 江原一道。介於慶尙，咸鏡二道之間。山林險澁。而道中軍丁雖不甚多。山峒之間。射獵爲生。名爲山尺者。其數不少。若能以重賞購集。優恤其妻屬。而散處伏兵。或晝或夜。出沒勦捕。則賊兵之往來北路者。首尾斷絶。而東南形勢。可以相通矣。

Gangwon Province links Gyeongsang and Hamgyeong Provinces. The mountains and forests there are rough and steep. Although there are not many soldiers in the province, but within the mountains and caves, those who live by hunting and make name for themselves as mountain men, are not small in number. If we rewarded them handsomely to summon them, gave good treatment to their wives and family, and dispatched them as ambush for day or night to come out and catch the bandits off-guard, then the bandits' northern route will be severed from its head to tail, and our eastern and southern forces could be connected.

2-7. 此乃避亂之兵。非恢復之計。且崔遠之軍。身負藁草。面無人色。累月飢凍。僵屍相望。如遠庸劣。固不可望其有爲。而朝廷亦不區處。使無辜之兵。自至澌盡而莫之顧恤。四方傳聞。豈有更以勤王爲心。

This was eventually an army that hid from danger, it was not a strategy for restoration. Moreover, in Choi Won's army, the soldiers carried stacks of straw on their bodies [to feed the horses].[1] Their faces turned pale with fright, and for several months they suffered hunger and cold. Like zombies they looked at each other. Since Choi Won was useless and untalented, so the soldiers could not hope for him to make things work. But the court also did not take measures, causing the innocent soldiers to wear out, and yet no one took pity on them. Everywhere people have heard about this. So how could people all the more have the heart to diligently serve the king?

[1] Choi Won (崔遠, active 1580-1600) was a military officer of the mid-Joseon period. In 1592, he led a troop of 1,000 to fight against the Japanese invaders in Yeosan (modern day Iksan in Jeollabuk-do).

*Discussion Questions:

1. Throughout Ryu Seongryong's memorial, the question of administering the righteous / private army seems to be a matter of critical concern. What are Ryu Seongryong's suggestions for using the righteous army to the maximum effect? How are we to fully understand the rise and role of the righteous army during the Imjin War?

2. Ryu Seongryong gives different roles to people of each provinces to help with the war effort. What does his instructions tell us about the nature of this war and the role of common people in it?

3. Ryu Seongryong's memorial is deeply concerned about food supply for the troops. What does it tell us about the nature of pre-modern warfare?

==='''Student 8 : (Masha)'''===
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8. 京城收復之勢。臣意亦當分爲三道。楊州，抱川，積城，永平，加平等邑之軍。則屬於一將。如高彦伯者。遮蔽東方。<br />

Your Subject thinks that the military forces for retrieval of the capital should be separated into three lines. The troops of Yangju, Pocheon, Jeokseon, Yongpyeong, Gapyeong and other counties would belong to one Commanding General. Like what [General] Ko Ŏnbaek did they will block the eastern frontier.<br />

8.2 且京城之賊。亦必有聞而笑侮者。臣竊痛焉。前聞全羅監司權慄亦屯兵牙山已久。聞水原有賊。不能前進。近聞移師向西。監司以主道之官。離任遠來。固亦非計。然旣爲上來。亦當如臣所陳先抄精兵。分配猛將。勦殺京城之賊。以壯軍聲。則亦勤王之一助也。而似與前日擧措。無大相遠。此不知形勢與兵事之過也。<br />

Moreover, the bandits at the capital, likewise, have definitely heard that and laughed and made fun of it. Your Subject's heart was deeply hurt because of that. Before I have heard that Jeolla Inspector Kwon Yul1 likewise had already stationed troops at Asan2 for a long time. I heard that there were bandits in Suwon3, and they could not advance forward. Lately I have heard that they moved army westward. The inspector is the official-in-charge of the province. Leaving the post and departing far away is undoubtedly an ill-conceived strategy. But this is what I presented.(?) We should still follow what Your Subject has explained. First, recruit the crack troops and divide and assign them to valiant generals to exterminate the bandits at the capital. Because of strong troops' reputation, it would likewise be one of the contributions in serving the king with loyalty. But it seems like that there is no big difference with the previous measures. This is a mistake of not knowing/neglecting the situation and military affairs.<br />

1 Kwon Yul 權慄 (1537-1599), Korean Army General and Commander-in-chief. He is known for the Battle of Haengju 幸州大捷, one of the greatest Korean victories during the Imjin war, where with army of approximately 3,000 soldiers he defeated more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers.<br />

2 A city in South Chungcheong province, 90 km south of Seoul.<br />

3 Gyeonggi province, 30 km south of Seoul.<br />

*Discussion Questions:<br />

1. How does the memorial reflect the state of Korean military preparation and organization at the time from geographical and tactical perspectives? How can this document (what particular details) be helpful in learning about the first year of Imjin war and its causes? <br />
2. By what means does Ryu Seong-ryong obtain detailed information about each region, the people who lived there and the current situation? How did information channels work? <br />

==='''Student 9 : (Jong Woo Park)'''===
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9. 喬桐，江華，高陽，交河等邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽西方。漢江以南廣州，果川，水原等諸邑之軍。又屬於一將。遮蔽南面。

The military garrisons in Kyŏdong, Kanghwa, Koyang, Kyoha, and others[1] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can surround and guard [the capital] from four different directions. The military garrisons in the south of the Han River such as Kwangju, Kwach’ŏn, Suwŏn and others[2] should also belong to one commanding general so that they can block [the road] from the south.

[1] These towns were located in the west of the capital. Currently, they belong to Kanghwa County and Koyang City.
[2] Kwangju was located in the southeast of the capital. Kwach’ŏn and Suwŏn were located in the south of the capital.

2-9. 臣觀諸將中惟高彦伯頗有爲國之心。且有心計。而權任不重。所掌只楊州一邑之軍。故終無所成矣。今武將中已在高位者。多惜身占便。不肯爲國任事。惟當勿拘常規。如古人所謂拔卒爲將。若洪季男者。旣爲堂上。亦借助防將之號。使之合力擊賊。恐無不可也。賊與我民雜處城中。幾與相忘。

In your minister’s view, among all the generals, only Ko Ŏnbaek (? - 1609) has the mind of serving the country. Even though he has [good] strategies in his mind, a post and responsibility that he holds are insignificant. He is in charge of the military of only one county, Yangju. He, thereupon, has not yet achieved anything. Now, among the military generals who have already held the high posts, many [only] value themselves and sought for convenience. They are not willing to undertake tasks for serving the country. [Your Majesty] should not stick to the regulations of ordinary days. [Rather, Your Majesty] should follow what people of the past said: “select a man among common soldiers and appoint him as a general.” A man like Hong Kyenam (1564∼1597) has already become a high-level official (''tangsang'').[3] [Your Majesty] should temporally confer the title of the auxiliary defense officer (''chobangjang'') on him and have him unite military forces and make an assert on the bandits. Then, there will be nothing that cannot be done. The bandits and our people are mixed and have been residing together inside the walled city so [the enemy] almost lost sense of who us are and who others are.

[3] Tangsang refers to ministers of senior third rank (''chŏng-sam-p’um'') or above who eligible to participate in discussions with the king at the palace hall.

*Discussion Questions:
1. Scholars often attribute Chosŏn's failure of preventing/defending itself from the Japanese invasions to its long-lasting factional stripe. Is there any part in this document that reflects the influence of factionalism?

2. Some argue that nationalism (or proto-nationalism) in Korea was shaped during the Hideyoshi Invasion in its collective process of fending off Japanese. Is there any part in this document that evidences the existence of (proto-)nationalism in Korea?

==='''Student 10 : (Kanghun Ahn)'''===
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10. 三面合勢。迭爲掎角。賊少則分兵設伏。賊多則合兵攻勦。又使重臣通行節制。義兵官軍不相渙散。進退遲速。不爲異同。然後形勢壯盛而賊始可圖也。

We should merge the three teams. First, they should work on shifts, and fight tirelessly against the enemies. When the bandits are small in numbers, we should divide them, so they can lurk in ambush. When they are in large numbers, on the other hand, we should bring them together, so they can fight relentlessly. Also, have high-ranking officials be on patrol constantly [to see what is going on], and put forward timely (and pertinent) policies, so that voluntary (lit.righteous) armies and official troops are not to be separate from each other. Advance and retreat should be slow and speedy respectively, and hence not be treated equally. In so doing, their robust and stout energies can be enhanced, and thereby be integrated into the whole (military) system.

2-10. 此勢可乘。若能設計。乘夜勦擊。內外相應。數郡俱發。則如咸興巢穴所在。可以蕩覆。而枝葉次第可平。今不能然。先捕零賊。使賊知而預爲之備。而各處官軍。相環坐視。不爲力戰。殊可痛也。

This power can be elevated. Likewise, we can design proper strategies accordingly. In this regard, the best scenario is to attack and kill [enemies] in the nighttime. To this end, inner and outer soldiers should collaborate with each other, and the villages should rise up [against Japanese soldiers] simultaneously. Indeed, there are several nests and caves (enemies' hideouts) in Hamhung, and we should subdue them. In this way, minor agendas can also be put into order. Currently, however, this is not the case. [In principle], our priority is to capture Japanese soldiers. Furthermore, we should have bandits be aware of this, always be prepared accordingly (combat readiness), and thereby integrate each of them into the official military system. Nonetheless, they are merely sitting in a circle, looking askance at each other, and further not willing to fight desperately [against the enemies]. How pathetic!

Discussion questions: In this passage, Ryu Song-ryong attempts to mobilize a group of bandits from various regions into Choson's regular military system. This represents that the Choson dynasty army was extremely weak and debilitating at the time. What was the most serious problem inherent in Choson's military system in the 16th century? Further, why was the Choson government so unprepared for the Japanese invasion as such?

==='''Student 11 : (Hu Jing)'''===
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11. 仍使江原道軍。與東面之軍合。江華義兵與西面之軍合。忠淸全羅之軍與南面之軍合。或引其前。或推其後。相機乘便。齊心一力。四方雲合。賊如罝中之兔。

Thereafter, merge the Gangwon troops with the eastern troops, join the forces of the Ganghwa troops with the western troops, and unite the Chungcheong troops with the southern troops. In this way, （our troops can) look for (good) opportunity (to launch offensive attack), by luring the bandits to the front or pushing them back. (As thus) every troop unifies the mind and converges in crowds from several directions, and eventually the bandits (will be put to rout as easy as capturing) a rabbit trapped in a net.

*Discussion Questions:
1. There were two military forces during the war, namely private amies (義兵) and official troops (官軍). How was the relationship between these two forces and how did they associate with each other?

2. From the perspective of geography, how should we evaluate the importance of Honam area during the Japanese invasion?

==='''Student 12 : King Kwong Wong'''===
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12. 而京城之中。亦必有內應相屠者矣。今聞諸處義兵。各戀鄕里。各自屯聚。惟日捕數三零賊。

And inside the capital, there must also have people who respond from within and butcher [the Japanese]. Now, I heard that the voluntary soldiers of various places, each loves their hometown, and each gathered in separate garrison. But on each day they only capture several scattered bandits.

2-12. 言愼前在熙川。遲徊累月。固不無其罪。然其遞免。當在於遲留熙川之時。不當在於已在其道之後。時難得而易失。事易去而難追。得失之幾。相去日遠。此等處置。朝廷十分量察。毋失機會。此又臣之所望也。

Ŏnsin<ref>Song Ŏnsin 宋言愼 (1542-1612) was concurrently the sunch’alsa 巡察使 (Mobile Inspector) of both P'yŏng'an 平安道 and Hamgyŏng 咸鏡道 Provinces when the Imjin War broke out.</ref> was previously in Hŭich'ŏn<ref>in modern day southern part of Chagang Province 慈江道, North Korea</ref>. He was late, hesitating for several months. Certainly, he was not without guilt. But regarding his dismissal and replacement, they should happen when he was delaying at Hŭich'ŏn, not after when he was in the province<ref>P'yŏng'an Province</ref>. A [good] moment is hard to come by, yet easy to lose. An opportunity is easy to slip through, yet difficult to seize. The timing between success and failure is separated apart by a day's distance. As for the handling of such matters, the court should wholeheartedly investigate and calculate, and should not miss [any] opportunity. This is also what your minister looking forward to.

<references/>

*Discussion Questions:
# What were the weaknesses of the Chosŏn government in dealing with this national crisis? Considering what Yu Sŏng-nyong writes in his memorial, why did the Chosŏn army fail to defend its country?

==='''Student 13 : (Zhijun Ren)'''===
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騰書告捷。而未嘗一犯大賊。且官軍與義兵。判爲二物。進不同進。敗不相救。以此聲勢孤弱。日就散亡。終無滅賊之期

They galloped to report their victory. But they have never confronted the bandits in large numbers.in addition, the government army and righteous/private army are distinguished from each other. The marching (of the two armies) are not coordinated. (If one side was defeated), they would not come to the other’s rescue. For this reason, the militaristic momentum is isolated and inept. Every day (the army is) dissolving and deserting. There will never be a day that the bandits could be eradicated.

discussion question:

Being a prominent Confucian literato, how practical are Ryu Seong-ryong’s proposed strategies to defend Korea against the Japanese? In an ultimate national crisis like the Imjin Waeran, how the conventional distinctions between 문and 무 changed in Chosŏn society? Scholars like JaHyun Kim Haboush have argued that the spontaneous resistance organized by the righteous army marked the beginning of a prototype Korean nationalism. How is Ryu Seong-ryong’s assessment of the righteous army compare to this view?

==='''Student 14 : (Write your name)'''===
----

*Discussion Questions:

=='''Further Readings'''==
<div style="color:#008080;">

</div>

(Translation) 陳時務箚

2017-07-10T06:17:30Z

Jinsook: /* Student 3 : (Jinsook) */

2017-07-07T05:31:56Z

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

2017 JSG Summer Hanmun Workshop (Advanced)

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1509年 永膺大君 棄別夫人 鄭氏 許與文記

(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1522年 朴榮基 土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 1669年 金命說 分財記

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 陳時務箚

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山 贈言帖

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年 公奴婢制 革罷 綸音

(Translation) 御製戒酒綸音

(Translation) 御製廣蕩

(Translation) 御製問業

(Translation) 御製問業

(Translation) 御製問業

(Translation) 御製問業

(Translation) 御製問業

(Translation) 蕩平碑

(Translation) 蕩平碑

(Translation) 御製問業

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1509年永膺大君棄別夫人鄭氏許與文記

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1522年朴榮基土地賣買明文

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

(Translation) 1669年金命說分財記

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 茶山贈言帖

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音

(Translation) 純祖 1年公奴婢制革罷綸音